S'./O . 2./ 
 
 
 Purchased by the Mary Cheves Dulles Fund. 
 
 Division -^ 
 
 Section 
 
 :p37 
 
Prcl)i0toric America. 
 
The Mound Builders. 
 
 Animal Effigies. 
 The Cliff Dwellers. 
 
 Ruined Cities. 
 Myths and Symbols. 
 
 I i 
 
MYTHS AND SYMBOLS 
 
 OR 
 
 Aboriginal Religions 
 
 IN 
 
 America 
 
 BY 
 
 STEPHEN D. PEET, Ph. D. 
 
 Member of the American Antiquarian Society ; New England Historical 
 
 and Genealogical Society ; Corresponding Member of the American 
 
 Oriental Society; Numismatic Society, New York; Victoria 
 
 Institute; Society of Biblical Archeology ; also. Editor 
 
 American Antiquarian and Oriental fournaL 
 
 ILLUSTRATED. 
 
 CHICAGO: 
 
 OFFICE OF THE AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN. 
 190 5. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I N preparing- a book on the Aborig-inal Religions of America, 
 the author has been impressed with the thought that very 
 few have ever beeu written or published upon the subject. 
 It is true that there are many books upon American Myth- 
 thology, but there is a difference between mythology and 
 religion, for mythology is occupied mostly with the fanci- 
 ful tales of the people, and belongs mainly to the depart- 
 ment of literature ; while the aboriginal religions relate to 
 the Divinities about which the myths are concerned. They 
 are very comprehensive, and include not only the cere- 
 monies, sacred dramas, and religious exercises, but also the 
 symbols and external signs and objects of worship, thus 
 making a double title necessary. 
 
 It is true that the mythology of the American Aborigines 
 is closely connected with religious ceremonies which are ex- 
 planatory of them, and in this respect resemble the cere- 
 monies which were common among the Egyptians and 
 Greeks, especiall}^ the Eleusinian mysteries. These mys- 
 teries were so secret that their significance was unknown, 
 except to the initiated, and yet the probability is that the 
 great tragedies of nature, which consist in the return of the 
 seasons and the war of the elements, and the relation of the 
 activities of the earth to the power of the heavenly bodies, 
 were in reality quite similar to these sacred dramas practised 
 by the natives of this continent. 
 
 The Scandinavian mythology, which has become familiar 
 to us through the volumes of the younger Edda, also illus- 
 trates this point. It had to do with the powers of nature 
 and the remarkable scenery of the Norseland, but was 
 mingled with traditions and myths which came from the 
 far East. It represented the earliest system of religion 
 which prevailed in Europe and in farther Asia, and yet 
 there was a remarkable difference between that mythology 
 and the religion of the Norsemen, for the mythology is 
 
vi. INTRODUCTION. 
 
 purely literary, as is well known; but their religious rites 
 and ceremonies came from paganism. 
 
 This illustrates the difference between the present work 
 <ind those various volumes which have been prepared on 
 the native mythologies of America, for the object of the 
 author has been to get at the actual religious beliefs from 
 which the mythology sprang, and make these the chief 
 objects of study. 
 
 It should be said that great activity has appeared 
 among the specialists in the work of collecting the myths, 
 and witnessing and describing the religious ceremonies, and 
 many volumes have been published by the various museums 
 and societies, but these are so purely local in their char- 
 acter, that they do not really assist us in comprehending 
 the entire system as it prevailed on this continent, though 
 they have served to perpetuate the myths and ceremonies 
 which are fast disappearing, and are likely soon to pass 
 away altogether. 
 
 The author would acknowledge his indebtedness to these 
 various reports, and refer the readers to them for further 
 information upon the subject which is at hand. It will be 
 remembered, however, that there were many tribes and 
 nations in Mexico, Central America and Peru who gave up 
 their religious customs at the time of the conquest. Our 
 acquaintance with the Aboriginal Religions of this region 
 is dependent upon the study of the symbols which have 
 been preserved, and the sacred books or codices which 
 are still ia existence. 
 
 The method of studying the religious systems has been 
 to take the native tribes as they are actually situated geo- 
 graphically, and trace the relation between the myths and 
 the divinities, which were worshiped in the locality, to their 
 surroundings, without undertaking to trace their historical 
 development, or even to show their resemblance to those 
 found on other continents. There was a great variety of 
 religious systems on this continent, each of which seems to 
 have arisen in the very locality where they prevailed at the 
 time of the Discovery, and some of them are prevailing at the 
 present time. There is one peculiarity of all these systems: 
 viz., there were no such religious founders, as have marked 
 the systems which prevailed in the lands of the East; but 
 
INTRODUCTION. vii. 
 
 .all owed their existence to natural causes, with the slight 
 mixture of traditions which had reached them from some 
 distant lands. 
 
 The most remarkable fact which is brought out by this 
 study, is that the aboriginal religions of America corre- 
 spond to the earliest forms of religions which prevailed in 
 the lands of the East. But the grades of progress which 
 are manifest in them follow the geographical, instead of 
 chronological lines. The lowest form, such as Demonism, 
 found in the far North among the Eskimos, resembled that 
 which was the earliest in the far East. Next to this was 
 Totemism, which resembled that which prevailed among 
 the wild and wandering tribes of Arabia. There was also 
 a system of Star- Worship and Sky-Worship which pre- 
 vailed among the mountain tribes of the Interior, which 
 resembled that existing in Central Asia during prehistoric 
 times. The system of Sun-Worship which prevailed among 
 the agricultural tribes of the Gulf States, closely resembl- 
 ing that which existed in Egypt and Babylonia at the 
 opening of history, and many of the same customs were 
 observed 
 
 There was a system prevailing among the partially civil- 
 ized tribes of the Southwest, very siinilar to that which 
 existed among the Greeks, It consisted in the worship of 
 Culture Heroes and Humanized Divinities, some of whom 
 so resembled human beings, as to be taken for historical 
 personages, or visitors from some foreign land. 
 
 Hiawatha and Quetzalcoatl (the Fair God of Mexico) 
 correspond to Buddha, the chief divinity of the Hindoos ; 
 at the same time Tezcatlipoca, the War God of the Aztecs, 
 corresponds in character to Loki of the Scandinavians. 
 There were rulers among the Peruvians who were worshijD- 
 ped as Children of the Sun, and had great power over the 
 entire nation because of this superstition. In this resjiect 
 they resembled the early kings of Egypt, Babylonia, and 
 Greece. The dawn of civilization brought out their shadowy 
 character, so that they were regarded as super-human be- 
 ings. 
 
 The same analogies may be recognized in the symbols 
 •and myths which prevailed on the two hemispheres. There 
 "were monsters of the deep which filled the imaginations of 
 
viii. INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the Eskimos, just as there were dragons which haunted the 
 houses and temiDJes of the Chinese, There were also, Bird 
 Divinities which were regarded by the j^eople of the North- 
 west Coast as their protectors, ]ust as there were among 
 the tribes of Southern Africa. The same analogies can be 
 traced also in the animal divinities, for there were many 
 animal forms which can be recognized among the art 
 products of America, which resemble those found among 
 the palaces of Babylon. They were wild animals, and yet 
 they were regarded as protectors and were worshipped as 
 sincerelyas were the Winged Lions and Human Headed Bulls 
 which stood in the palaces of Nineveh. 
 
 The most striking analogy between the religious systems 
 of America and^hose which existed in the far East, consists 
 in the fact that there was a constant progress, and the con- 
 ception of Divinity grew higher as civilization advanced, 
 and, yet, strange to say, no such character ever appeared 
 on the continent of America, as that which was embodied 
 in the person of Jesus Christ. In fact, it does not seem 
 possible that the ordinary progress of society could have 
 developed such a character, or even brought the conception 
 to the human mind, except by the process of divine inspira- 
 tion. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. \kob. 
 
 Races and Religions in America i 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 TOTEMISM AND MYTHOLOGY 17 
 
 CHAPTER HI. 
 The Serpent Symbol in America 53 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 The Serpent Symbol in America — Continued 8i 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Animal Worship and Sun Worship Compared 113 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 American Astrology or Sky Worship 145 
 
 CHAPTER Vil. 
 The Pyramid in America 1 59 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 The Cross in America 185 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Phallic Worship and Fire Worship in America 209 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 The Water Cult and the Deluge Myth 227 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 Human Images and Winged Figures 249 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 The Worship of the Rain God 281 
 
X. TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGB. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 Ethnographic Religions and Ancestor Worship 297 
 
 CHAPTER XIII.— Continued. 
 Anthropomorphic and Mountain Divinities 315 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Commemorative Columns and Ancestor Worship 333 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 Personal Divinities and Culture Heroes 362 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 Culture Heroes and Deified Kings 389 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Personal Divinities and Nature Powers in America. . 421 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. Page 
 
 Tigure i— Pictographs 4 
 
 2 — Pictographs 5 
 
 3 — Pictographs 5 
 
 4 — The Deer 8 
 
 5 — The Crane 8 
 
 6— The Turtle 9 
 
 7 — The Bear 9 
 
 8— The Craue lo 
 
 9 — Dreams lo 
 
 10 — Winged Serpent 13 
 
 II — Ornamented Wall of Buried City ill Honduras 14 
 
 Ii2 — Fresco Figure fiom Mexico 15 
 
 13 — Idols in Honduras 16 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 S^igure i — Clan Totems Inscribed on Rocks 18 
 
 ; 2 — Mythologic Totem from Arizona 27 
 
 3 — Mythologic Symbols of the Cliff-Dweliers 29 
 
 4 — Clan Totems in the Effigies 31 
 
 5— Totems of the Village Chief " 32 
 
 14 — Totem Posts from the Northwest Coast 39 
 
 15 — The Thunder Bird 40 
 
 16 — House Post 4' 
 
 17 — Totem Post 41 
 
 18— Totem Board 42 
 
 19 — Totem Post 42 
 
 20 — Feathered Doll 42 
 
 21 — The Indian Medicine Man 44 
 
 22 — Knife-Feathered Monster 50 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 rigure 23 — Great Serpent in Adams County, Ohio 57 
 
 24— Great Serpent in Adams County, Ohio 61 
 
 25 — Serpent Effigy, Chillicothe, Ohio 63 
 
 26 — Works on the Miami River, Ohio 64 
 
 27 — Work in Colerain, Ohio 65 
 
 31 — Serpent in Scotland 71 
 
 32— Bird Effigy 72 
 
 33 — Bald Friar's Rock 74 
 
 34 — Serpent Heads from the Codices 75 
 
 35 — Serpent Tablet from Clark's Works, Ohio 76 
 
 36 — Serpent Pipe from New Mexico 77 
 
 yj — Serpent and Mound-Builder 78 
 
 38 — Plumed Serpent, Nicaragua 79 
 
xii. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. Paie- 
 
 Figure 46 — Serpent Effigies near Ripon, Wis 83 
 
 47 — Enclosure in Shape of Serpent 84 
 
 48 — Rock in Shape of Serpent go 
 
 4g — Serpent in Rock Inscriptions q6 
 
 50 — Serpent on an Inscribed Rock in Colorado q6 
 
 51 — Human Figures Enveloped with the Serpent Symbol .... 97 
 
 52 — Vase with Serpent Ornament 98 
 
 53 — Water Trough with Serpent Ornament 99 
 
 54 — Aztec Calendar Stone 100 
 
 55 — Serpent Ornament on Facade at Palenque loi 
 
 56 — Serpent Ring at Chichen- Itza 102 
 
 57— The Calendar Stone 105 
 
 CHAPTER V, 
 
 Figure i— Thunder Btrd of the Thiinkits 118 
 
 2 — The Shield of the Priesthood of the Bow i j8 
 
 3 — Circle with Symbols of Days 121 
 
 4 — Sun Circle, with Symbols of Months 122 
 
 5 — Tree and Cross as Symbols of the Sun 123 
 
 6 — The Water Spider, Avith Symbols of the Sun on its Back. 127 
 
 7 — Double Throne and Phallic Symbol 136 
 
 8 — Winged Circle from Palenque 138 
 
 9— Figure of Death 17,9 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Figure i— A Sun-Worshiper 141 
 
 2 — Ornament Representing the Skv 142 
 
 3 — Mound Builders' Map of the Sky 147 
 
 4— Serpent of the Horizon 148 
 
 5 — Arched Heavens Personifield 149 
 
 6 — Symbol of the Sun— Spiral Path, Embossed Figure on the 
 
 Ground 151 
 
 7 — Mound with Circle and Ditch, Symbols of the Sum 151 
 
 8— Place of Sacrifice and Map of the Sky 152 
 
 9 — Stonehenge Restored 153 
 
 10 — Circle, Crescents and Square at Hopeton, shown g tie 
 
 Symbolism of the Region 155 
 
 II — Sky Divinities of the Zunis 156 
 
 CHAPTER VIi; 
 
 Figure i— Pyramidal Mounds in Mississippi 160 
 
 2 — Pyramid of Cholula 161 
 
 3 — Governor's House at Uxmal . . .^ 162 
 
 4 — Pyramid at Palenque 166 
 
 5— Pyramid of Teotihuacan 167 
 
 6 — Truncated Mound from the Ohio Valley 169 
 
 7 — Mound at Cahokia 170 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. xiii. 
 
 CHAPTER VII.— Continued Page 
 
 Figure ;8 — Platforms and Pyramids at Copan 171 
 
 9 — Mound at St. Louis 172 
 
 10 — Palace and Pyramid at PaUr.cj r 176 
 
 1 1 — The Pyramid of Quemada 177 
 
 12 — Temple of the Cross 182 
 
 13 — Temple of the Tablets 183 
 
 CHAPTKR VIII. 
 
 Figures i, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 — Symbols of the Cios 186 
 
 Figure 7 — Zuni Head Dress 187 
 
 8 — Rock Inscriptions in Illinois 188 
 
 9 — Rock Inscriptions in Missouri 188 
 
 10 — Cross in Pickaway County, Ohio igi 
 
 1 1 — Bird Gorget iq2 
 
 12 — Spider Gorget ig4 
 
 13 — Spider with Cross 195 
 
 14 — Spider Gorget 195 
 
 15 — Serpent Gorget 196 
 
 16 — Cross on Shell Gorget 197 
 
 17 — ^Cross on Copper Disk 197 
 
 18 — Suastika on Shell 198 
 
 19 — Cross on Shell 198 
 
 20 — Shape of the Crosses Found in Amf r c .11 1 )r' am niation. 199 
 
 21 and 22 — Symbol of the Cross in Hou e and Slir ne- 202 
 
 23 — Symbol for the Day 203 
 
 24 — Symbol for the Year 203 
 
 25 — Symbol for the Temple or Shrine. 203 
 
 26 — Cross of Teotlhuacan 204 
 
 27 — Idol Pillar 206 
 
 28 — Cross of the Tablet 207 
 
 29 — Symbolic Cross 208 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Figure i — Cup Stone at Cincinnati, Ohio 218 
 
 2 — Fire Dancers 219 
 
 3 — Navajo Sand Painting 221 
 
 4 — Map Showing the Distribution of the Sua&tika 223 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Figure i — Water Snake of the Zunis 229 
 
 2 — Horse Shoe Enclosures at Portsmouth 236 
 
 3 — Effigy on the Scioto 237 
 
 4 — Sun Circles 238 
 
 5 — ^Terraced Mound Opposite Portsmouth 239 
 
 6 — Corral for Prisoners 240 
 
 7 — Enclosure and Spring near Worthington, Ohio 241 
 
 8 — Legendary Rock 242 
 
 9 — Aztec Migration Legend 243 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 CHAPTER XL Pager 
 
 Figure i — Man Eagle 350- 
 
 2 — The Maya Gods of Death, Life and Growth 252- 
 
 3 — The Tree of Life Transformed 254 
 
 4 — The Tree of Life Transformed 255 
 
 5 — Serpent and Human Face 258 
 
 6~Pottery Idol 259 
 
 7 — Idol from the West Indies 260- 
 
 8 — Haida Carving 261 
 
 9 — Figures in a Cave in West Virginia 265 
 
 10 — Fighting Figures from the Mounds .. 268 
 
 1 1 — Wasco and Yetl 269 
 
 12 — Bird, Sun and Human Figure 271 
 
 13 — Human Tree at Palenque 273 
 
 14 — Idol and Manitou Face at Uxmal 274 
 
 15 — Cortesian Codex and Symbols of Cardinal Points 275 
 
 16 — Idol with Symbols of the Sky and Clouds 276 
 
 17 — Image with Cloud Symbol 277 
 
 18— Tlaloc, Rain God 278 
 
 19 — Tlaloc , the Aztec Neptu;ie 279 
 
 20 — Quetzalcoatl, Air God of the Mayas 279 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 Figure i — Medicine Bowl with Rain Symbol 282 
 
 2 — Rain and Sky Symbol 283 
 
 3 — Zuni Rain and Cloud Symbol 283 
 
 4 — Zuni Prayer-meal Bowl 284 
 
 5— Butterfly, Dragonfly and Bird Symbols 286 
 
 6 — Snake Kilt 293. 
 
 7 — Antelope Priest 295 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Figure i — Bear Idol from the Mounds 303. 
 
 2 — Bear Idol from the Mounds — Front View 304 
 
 3— Carved Images from the West Indies 306 
 
 4 — Idol from Gautemala 308 
 
 5 — Idol from Gautemala 309. 
 
 6 — Chart of the " Mide Wigan," or Saci ed Lodge 320 
 
 7 — Hastjelti, the Mountain Divinity 328 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Figure i — Circle of Standing Stones at Avebury 335 
 
 2 — Haida Houses and Totem Posts 340- 
 
 3 — Haida Houses 341 
 
 4 — Silver Bracelet 342 
 
 5 — Silver Bracelet 343 
 
 6 — Silver Bracelets 344 
 
 7 — Carved Slate Disk 348 
 
 8 — Haida Totem Posts at the World's Fair, Chicago 350 
 
 9 — Ctdar Box 354 
 
 10 — Slate Box 355. 
 
 1 1 — Lid of the Box 356- 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. xv. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. Pag*. 
 
 Figure -i— The Whale Killer 364 
 
 2 — Image on a Rock, Easter Islands 367 
 
 3 — Serpent Pipe ■ 376 
 
 4 and 5 — Serpent Tree and Face 377 
 
 , 6 — Thunder Bird 383 
 
 7 — Heyoka as a Hunter 383 . 
 
 8 — Lightning God ... 384 
 
 9 — Human Tree 384 
 
 ID and 1 1 — Oonkiaghe 385 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Figure I— Gigantic Head 403 
 
 2 — Statue of TIaloc 405 
 
 3 — Seated Figure at Palenque, representing the God of War. 407 
 
 4 — Pontiff King at Copan 408 
 
 5 — The Tiroc Stone 411 
 
 6 — Cacique and Kneeling Figure 413 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Figure i — Different Culture Heroes 423 
 
 1 — Cuculan, Chief God of the Mayas 429 
 
 3 — The Cloud Boat of the Mayas 433 
 
 ■ FULL PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Frontispiece — Transformation Ceremony and Dancers Dressed as 
 
 Wolves. 
 
 Totem Tattoos, Northwest Coast. — Portrait Figure from Guatemala. i 
 The Dakota Indians Imitating the Attitudes of the Buffaloes in Their 
 
 Dance j8 
 
 Mythologic and Animal Totems 19 
 
 The Eagle Man — A Mythologic Totem 30 
 
 Copper Eagle from the Etowah Mound 31 
 
 Facsimile of Pictures on the Dresden Codex 38 
 
 Carved Pipes from the Mounds 45 
 
 Zuni Water Vases. Ornamented with Animal Figures 47 
 
 Zuni Fetiches ... 49 
 
 Serpent Gorgets from Tennessee 68 
 
 Shell Gorgets from Tennessee 69 
 
 Standing Stones in Dakota 87 
 
 Serpent Effigy, Holmes' Survey 89 
 
 Offerings to Serpents 106 
 
 Mexican Goddess of Death 108 
 
 Idol Pillar with Serpent Symbols no 
 
 Shell Gorgets containing Sun Symbols 117 
 
 Carved Animal Symbols .' 119. 
 
xvi. LIST or ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Page 
 
 The God Tlaloc 125 
 
 Adoratorio with Winged Globe 133 
 
 Nature Power Personified 136 
 
 Moon Worship Symbolized 137 
 
 The Initiation of Warriors Among the Manda.is 143 
 
 Dramatization of the Deluge Myth and the Sky Divinities by the 
 
 Mandans 144 
 
 Prayer to the Rising Sun 208 
 
 Atotarho, Culture Hero of the Iroquois 2oq 
 
 Totemic Door Posts of the Stone Houses, Ocongo, Easter Inlands. . . 301 
 
 Chart of the Mide Song — Schoolcraft 324 
 
 Mountain Divinities and Sand-Paintings of the Navajos 325 
 
 Village and Cemetery on Prince of Wales Island 346 
 
 Plumed Serpent Carved on Temple of Zochicalco 364 
 
 Altars and Images from Copan 365 
 
 Sugar Loaf Rock on Mackinac Island 373 
 
 Portrait Idols on Easter Islands 388 
 
 Female Statue from Copan 391 
 
 Back of Female Statue 392 
 
 Bearded King at Copan 397 
 
 Buried Statue at Copan 3y8 
 
 Turbaned King at Copan 409 
 
 Dwarf Statue from Copan 410 
 
 Air God Dressed as a King 414 
 
 Rain God Dressed as a Priest 415 
 
 The Inner Tablet of the Temple of the Sun . . 417 
 
MYTHS AND SYMBOLS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 • RACES AND RELIGIONS IN AMERICA. 
 
 The subject of comparative religion has been under discus- 
 sion for many years, and some of the strongest and best thinkers 
 have written upon it well and forcibly. The field which has 
 received the most attention and occupied the most important 
 position has been the continent of Asia, though Arabia, Africa, 
 and the northern part of Europe have also been studied. 
 
 There is, however, a field on the continent of America 
 which has not been studied as closely as it deserves, for it car- 
 ries us back to a stage of religious development which is more 
 primitive than can be found elsewhere, and at the same time 
 presents a series of stages which are quite as interesting as 
 those found \n Eastern countries. 
 
 It is the purpose of the author to describe the different sys- 
 tems as they are found on this continent, especially in regard 
 to their geographical situation, and to compare them with those 
 which existed in Oriental countries in the earliest time, and to 
 point out" the resemblances. The thought which is to be held 
 in mind, is that in America we have a field in which religion 
 passed through those stages which are known to have been the 
 lowest, and at the same time had reached a stage which was 
 nearly or quite as high as any that has been found in the pagan 
 or heathen nations of the Old World.' This makes this conti- 
 nent a remarkable field for the investigation into the subject of 
 comparative religion, and especially among the lower races. 
 
 I. The first point to which we shall call attention, is that 
 the races and tribes which formerly had dwelt here, were not 
 only isolated from other continents, but in a large degree 
 from one another, but developed their religious systems in 
 parallel lines. It is not claimed that there were any 
 mountain barriers which separated the races according to belts 
 of latitude and made them subject to such differences of 
 climate, for the mountain chains all run in a north and south 
 direction, while in the Eastern hemisphere they run in an east 
 and west direction. Still it will be found that the races were 
 so separated from one another that they deve oped different 
 phases of society, different modes of government, different 
 forms of religion, and to a great degree different languages. 
 There were several causes of separation. In the first place, there 
 
2 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 were wide belts in which the climate and soil kept certain tribes 
 hugging the sea coast, and others the forest belts and regions 
 in the interior. 
 
 The chain of the Great Lakes and the rivers ran east 
 and west, and formed lines along which certain races clus^.ei ed; 
 the Gulf of Mexico and the Southern sea drawing other tribes. 
 To the west of the Rocky Mountains there were rivers and long 
 valleys in which separate tribes were settled, each having its 
 own mode of life, its own social system and, to a certain ex- 
 tent, its own religious customs; while in the midst of the moun- 
 tains and on the great plateau of the Interior there were other 
 tribes and races, which adopted religious practices peculiar to 
 themselves. The effect was that a great variety of religious 
 systems aroseon this continent; systems which were largely the 
 product of the region, and greatly influenced by the pecu- 
 liarities of the natural surroundings. 
 
 1. To illustrate: the Esquimaux were scattered along the 
 shores of the Arctic Sea, and were confined to the ice fields 
 and to a region where the year was divided into a long winter 
 of darkness and a short summer of daylight. The natural con- 
 sequence of this was that.they developed a form of religion, or 
 superstition, entirely different from any which existed else- 
 where. The people here were fishermen and their religion 
 consisted in the superstition which peopled the sea with strange 
 creatures, which they imagined to have supernatural powers 
 and at the same time had the human form. To the south of 
 this was the second district, which extended from the Arctic 
 Sea to the chain of the Great Lakes and as far south as the 
 Ohio River. It was occupied by a people mainly hunters, 
 who lived on the creatures found in the forests and rivers and 
 lakes. It was natural that they should have developed a form of 
 religion which had regard to the wild animals which prevailed 
 in the forest, and that their mythology should have abounded 
 with descriptions of strange creatures which dwelt in the water. 
 Stories were told about fish and serpents which were natural- 
 istic and at the same time fraught with supernatural powers. 
 
 2. There were tribes living on the prairies as far west as the 
 Rocky Mountains and as far north as Lake Winnipeg, who 
 might be called nomads and were constantly moving about in 
 pursuit of game, spending a part of the time in villages scat- 
 tered along trie streams, and a part of the time in mountains. 
 All of these tribes were totemistic in their beliefs, and yet their 
 totems varied, for the people who dwelt in the forest took the 
 wild animals which abounded about them, and made them their 
 totems, while those who dwelt on the prairie lands took the 
 buffalo and other animals which roamed on the prairies as their 
 totems. The mythology of the two classes varied almost as 
 much as did the animals themselves. Even the form of gov- 
 ernment varied — in one case it was matriarchy; in the other, it 
 was patriarchy. 
 
RACES AND RELIGIONS IN AMERICA. 8 
 
 3. Another region is worthy of notice because of the diversity 
 of population and the peculiar form of religion which pre- 
 vailed. It is the region in which so many mounds were situa- 
 ted — mounds which contained a great variety of relics, on 
 which the greatest number of symbols have been discovered. 
 These symbols are speechless, but they tell the story about 
 the religious system which prevailed, and have great in- 
 terest for the archaeologist. It appears that there was a 
 great variety ill these symbols, and the conclusion is that there 
 was a great diversity in the religious beliefs of the people who 
 dwelt here. They were symbols which abounded with crosses 
 and circles, crescents and squares, animal figures, spiders, birds, 
 and serpents; all of which had a latent significance. In fact, 
 the symbols all indicate that sun worship was the chief system 
 which prevailed here, though it was modified by the lunar cult, 
 and by a regard for certain animals and insects, which were 
 connected with Nature worship. This is the region where ser- 
 pent symbols are very numerous, but the pyramid is also found 
 here; the two indicating that there was a greater variety of 
 religious systems than prevailed farther north. 
 
 4. The arid region will be considered next. This was separated 
 from the region just described, by a wide range of mountains, 
 but was, and still is, occupied by a people who have a form of 
 religion, as well as a mode of life, distinct from either of those 
 which have been described. Here we find mountaineers who 
 are at present shepherds, but were formerly hunters. The 
 Navajos are the best representatives of them. But in the 
 midst of the mountains the Great Plateau arises, which has 
 been called the "air continent." It is an arid region, yet it is 
 occupied, and has been tor an unknown period, by the Pueblo 
 tribes, who have developed a communistic state of society and 
 are practicing a form of religion which differs from any other 
 on the continent. 
 
 5. There was a district in the Vallev of Mexico, but which 
 stretched far to the south into the region of Central America. 
 Here society had developed beyond the hunter stage, even be- 
 yond the ordinary agricultural stage, into a stage in which 
 there were many different employments, but all under the con- 
 trol of kings and priests. It was a region into which the 
 Spaniards entered, and where they found many things which 
 surprised them. The form of religion which existed here was 
 a matter of greater surprise to the Spaniards, than the social 
 development. The symbolism which prevailed here is very 
 elaborate and worthy of study. There was here a system of 
 writing, which differed from all others in the world, a system 
 which consisted of hieroglyphics, but so mingled with picto- 
 graphs that it was difficult to decipher. The system which 
 existed here may be regarded as a solar cult, modified by the 
 worship of the elements and a regard for personal divinities, 
 who seem to be the personification of the heavenly bodies and 
 
NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 # 
 
 the Nature powers. This is a form of religion which 
 we shall need to study, for it differs from any found 
 elsewhere. We may say, however, that it so re- 
 sembles that which prevailed in Central America, 
 Peru, and other parts of South America, that it 
 should be classed under the same head. A term 
 has been devised by Major J. W. Powell, which re- 
 represents the chief peculiarity; the term is "Heno- 
 theism." It consisted in the worship of the Nature 
 powers as personified, but making some one of these 
 powers the chief object of worship and ascribing 
 to it a personal character, but also personifying 
 other Nature powers and making them subordinate. 
 Thus the religious system corresponded to the state 
 of society, of which there were different grades and 
 different offices, and at the same time it corre- 
 sponded with the works of nature and peculiarities 
 of climate, the correlation between the religion and 
 the geographical surroundings being ve'y close. 
 
 Now, this is a mere summary, but it shows that 
 there were many different forms of religion and dif- 
 ferent systems of mythology, on the continent of 
 North America, and that they all corresponded to 
 the geographical surroundings. The origin of these 
 religions and the different stages through which they 
 have passed, is another point, but so far as they have 
 been studied, the systems all were closely con- 
 formed to the geographical situation. We are not 
 able to trace any of these systems back to a very 
 early period; certainly no such early period as existed 
 in the lands of the far East, but we do find an adapta- 
 tion to the surroundings, which are quite as striking 
 as any that can be traced in other lands. 
 
 It will be acknowledged that in the continent of 
 Europe there were different systems of religion, and 
 that they corresponded v\ith the physical surround- 
 ings. The mytholog)- always abounds with stories 
 which bring the natural scenery into view and give 
 the picture a background, which is not only natural 
 but interesting. Such is the case with the Scandi- 
 navian and Teutonic mythology. But much of the 
 mythology of America is equally beautiful and in- 
 teresting, and at the same time it pictures the Ameri- 
 can scenery as it was before the white man appeared, 
 and is all the more interesting on that account. It is 
 true that each tribe or group of tribes was confined 
 to a particular locality, and developed its own myth- 
 ology and religious system, but this gives great 
 variety and furnishes an unbounded field for research 
 and for speculation. 
 
r^^ 
 
 ILs 
 
 RA CES AND RELIGIONS IN AMERICA . 
 
 The continent of America, in fact, fur- 
 nishes more systems of religion and of my- 
 thology than any other continent upon the 
 face of the earth, but they are all systems 
 which seem to have grown up in the same 
 region where they are now found, and they 
 are full of allusions to the physical char- 
 acter and topographical features of the 
 region where they are preserved. 
 
 II. This brings up the point which is of 
 great interest to the scholars who have 
 studied tliC subject of comparative religions. 
 One of the first questions is: What is the 
 lowest form of religion, and through what 
 stages did it pass? We, who live in Christ- 
 ian lands, know what the highest form is, 
 but the question is as to the lowest. 
 
 On this question there are great differ- 
 ences of opmion, and no two are really in 
 agreement. The study of the problem in 
 connection with the races which were found 
 on this continent, may be of service to u«, 
 especially when we consider the correspond- 
 ence of their religion to their social state, 
 their domestic life, and their peculiar habits 
 and ways. 
 
 We begin with the Hyperboreans, who 
 dwelt on the shores of the Arctic Sea, the 
 most degraded of all the races upon the face 
 of the earth. There never was a people 
 more stupid in their religious ideas than 
 these people at the far North, and none 
 more degraded in their personal character. 
 The dark night, which continued so long 
 and presented such a strange contrast to the 
 ghostly icebergs and cold ice fields, un- 
 doubtedly had the effect to keep alive 
 the superstitions which prevailed. It is 
 not strange that with the muttering ice- 
 bergs and swashing of the waves under- 
 neath 'the icy shores, that there should 
 have arisen a superstition that a super- 
 natural being dwelt under the water, and 
 could be seen at times amid the waves. 
 
 NoTF. — Ihe cuts show the power of the Shamans among the 
 K^quimaux and their belief in the presence of demons. In one we 
 seethe boat r, sting on posts, the winter habitation, store houses, 
 trees in the middle, the Shaman and the hunters. In another, 
 the Shaman stands upon his lodge, and drives back the g me, the 
 deer ar*^ seen swimming in the water. In the third, we see the 
 hunter shooting the garne which has be«n driven up to him by ihe 
 demon and his assis'ant*. The control of the Shamaa over the 
 demon is the essential part of the pictngraph 
 
G AATIl'E AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 The story, as told by the Esquimaux, is that Sedna was a 
 female who accompanied her husband, or liege lord, in a canoe 
 voyage over the northern sea, but while they were in the midst 
 of the waters, there arose a fierce storm and both were likely 
 to be overwhelmed. The canoe was overthrown, both fell into 
 the water, but the man was able to climb into the canoe again, 
 while the woman was only able to cling to the sides. While in 
 this attitude, the storm blew upon them and the waves threat- 
 ened to engulf them, and death seemed near, but the man, 
 taking his stone knife or axe, cut off the fingers of the woman 
 and thrust her away, so that she sank beneath the waves. The 
 superstition of the natives is that this Sedna, who became a 
 monster and yet retained her character as a woman, still lives 
 under the sea, and whenever a fierce storm arises and the waves 
 toss high amid the blasts, and the wind's shriek, they can not 
 only hear the voice of this first of all created beings, but they 
 can see her face dimly looking out from beneath the sea, the 
 water and the face mingling together to arouse their fears. 
 Sedna is the chief divinity of the Arctic regions. She maybe 
 regarded as the personifications of the sea and the storm, for 
 she is supposed to be as cruel as either, and as ready to seize 
 upon all who come within her reach and draw them down into 
 the dark depths. 
 
 There is another system which p-evails in the same region. 
 It consists, in the belief that there is not only one living per- 
 son who can be regarded as a demon or a ghost, but that 
 there are many such, and they continue to inhabit the rocks 
 and the earth, and even the air, and are constantly present to 
 deprive the people of their food, by driving away the deer 
 from their habitations, keeping them from success in fishing, 
 and bringing upon them disease and death. This is another 
 form of demonism, but the demon now becomes visible and in- 
 habits the land as well as the sea, There is no ordinary person 
 who can overcome the demons or banish them from the sky or 
 earth, except the Shaman, and it is his chief mission to pro- 
 tect the people from the evil influence, and counteract it by 
 his own charms. Illustrations of this fact may 'be found in 
 what may be called the pictographs or bone cuttings, speci- 
 mens of which are given in the cuts. These carved bones are, 
 perhaps, the rudest of all the specimens of art which have 
 been found on this continent, but are suggestive of the system 
 of religion which prevailed. Some have compared the bone 
 carvings to those which are found in the caves of Europe, and 
 have drawn the inference from the resemblance and other cir- 
 cumstances, that the Esquimaux were the descendants of the 
 old cave dwellers of Europe; but we know nothing about the 
 religion of the cave dwellers and, therefore, can trace no 
 resemblance between the two systems. 
 
 We learn from the pictographs and carved bones that the 
 people believed implicitly in the power of the presence of 
 
RACES AND RELIGIONS IN AMERICA. 7 
 
 demons, and therefore were led to rely upon the power of the 
 Shnmans, or pricbts, to dispel or drive away the demons, and 
 to bring in the game. We see this illustrated by the cuts, in 
 all of which we see the reindeer, and even the fish and other 
 creatures subject to the Shaman, while the people were subject 
 to his power for their very subsistence. This may be corn- 
 pared to that form of religion which prevailed in the far East 
 in early historic times, which consisted in the belief in demons, 
 and depended upon the power of the priest to exorcise them, 
 survivals of which were recognized late in history, even among 
 the Babylonians. Demonism similar to that which still pre- 
 vails in the ice fields of the North, prevailed in archaic times in 
 the regions of the far East, especially in Babylonia. This has 
 been made known by the recent discoveries. It is supposed, 
 also, that the various animal figures which are stiil common 
 here, and have been discovered among the ruins in the midst 
 of the mounds of Babylonia, are really the survival of the 
 totemism which prevailed there. 
 
 Similar to this belief in demons and growing out of it, was 
 the habit of cutting the shapes of the human face upon the 
 surface of the rocks, and placing within them great glaring 
 eyes, which seemed to resemble demons looking out from the 
 depth of the earth, suggesting the thought that Srdna, the 
 great demon of the sea, had changed her abode from the sea 
 to the rock, and though silent and speechless, yet was haunt- 
 ing the eaith. Some have interpreted this as an evidence that 
 animi^m was the earliest form of religion, and that it pre- 
 vailed here, along with demonism. This may, indeed, be a 
 true interpretation, for it is one characteristic of the supersti- 
 tion that there is a hidden soul or spirit in almost every object 
 in creation. It is not often that the soul has lineaments which 
 can be seen, as in this case of the face in the rocks, but it is 
 rather a shadowy ghost and is oftener heard of than seen. 
 Such is the belief of the degraded Africans and many other 
 races, who dwell far away from the seats of civilization. 
 
 The system of animism is associated with demonism, and 
 awakens fear in the mind of the savage, just as the shadow and 
 a ghost would awaken a fear in the minds of the partially 
 civilized. The three systems which are to be found in the far 
 North of this continent may well be compared to those which 
 are called the rudest and lowest, i. e., fetishism, animism ?.nd 
 totemism. 
 
 III. The system of totemism comes up next for considera- 
 tion. This has been often described, and yet it is poorly under- 
 stood. It consists in the belief that animals were the first 
 ancestors, and are at present the chief divinities. The names 
 of the animals are given to the clans, with the idea that there 
 is a charm in the name itself. To make this, however, more 
 forcible, the people place the figure of the animal on the tents 
 or in front of the houses, on their graves, and in every place 
 
NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 which they occupied. Some of the tribes cut the hair, so as to 
 represent the animal whose totem they worshiped. There are 
 individual totems which are in reality dream gods, for they are 
 seen only after long fasting and in connection with their visions 
 or day dreams. This form of religion is quite widespread, but 
 prevailed mainly among the hunter tribes, but varies according 
 to locality. The totemism which existed among the Algon- 
 quins differed from that found among the Iroquois, and this 
 again from that found among the Dakotas, the variations ap- 
 pearing even among the separate tribes. The study of sym- 
 bolism will bring us into contact with this totemism, and it is 
 important that we should realize how deeply-seated it was in 
 the mind of the people before we undertake to interpret the 
 symbols. 
 
 It would seem as if all nature was haunted by supernatural 
 beings, who were regarded by the people as tribal totems and 
 
 Fig. 4. — The Dser. 
 
 Fig. 5 — The Crane. 
 
 as personal divinities. These fabulous animals dwell under the 
 waterfalls, in lakes, in caves, in trees, hills, and people the 
 landscape everywhere, so that it seems almost impossible to 
 escape from their presence and power. Reminders of the 
 totems are found upon the tents and houses, the garments, 
 personal decorations and ornaments, and fill even the amuse- 
 ments with strange associations and thoughts. The most 
 singular feature about totemism is that every individual, as 
 well as every clan and tribe, is under the special care and 
 guardianship of some animal. The figure of the same animal 
 is often placed upon the wooden tablets which are placed over 
 
IMAGES AND RELIGIONS IN AMERICA. 
 
 the grave of the individual. These grave posts recount the 
 exploits of the individual, as well as the religious beliefs, and 
 in this respect resemble the grave stones and monuments on 
 which the virtues of the deceased are mentioned. 
 
 The cuts represent the grave boards which are still com- 
 mon among the Ojibwas. One of these (Fig. 4) represents 
 the totem which is the deer, it is placed upside down, to denote 
 the death of the person. Along with it are marks showing the 
 battles which the person had fought, and below are personal 
 decorations and signs of honor as well as the religious beliefs. 
 Another one (Fig. 5) represents the crane, which was a com- 
 mon and prominent totem in the region. Figures 6 and 7 re- 
 present the turtle and the bear, which were also prominent 
 totems. Figures 8 and 9 represent the grave boards of the 
 
 Fig 6. — The Ttotle. 
 
 Fig. 7. — The Bear. 
 
 Ojibwas, which give the private records as well as the totems 
 of the individual. 
 
 It is acknowledged by all students of comparative religion 
 that there is a complete series, which can be traced out by the 
 study of the ancient monuments of the East; but that there 
 was any such series to be found upon this continent, is some- 
 what novel, and yet the fact that we have the same social con- 
 ditions here which correspond with those which were common 
 in the East at various dates, makes the continent a very favor- 
 able field for the study of the subject. The prevalence of 
 totemism in Old Testament times is shown by the dying words 
 of Jacob, for in them he described the animal figures which 
 were shown on the escutcheon of each tribe. The lion, on the 
 escutcheon of Judah; the serpent, on that of Dan; the wild 
 
10 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 ass, on that of Issachar; and the hind on that of Naphtali. 
 Totemism prevails among the tribes of Arabia to this day. 
 It also existed in Scandinavia and may be recognized in their 
 mythology, as well as in the ornaments and symbols, especially 
 the symbol of the dragon seen upon their boats. 
 
 A modified form of totemism is found in the Mississippi 
 Valley, especially on the Ohio River and the Gulf of Mexico. 
 Here we see amid the stone graves and in the mounds, a great 
 variety of pottery vases, shell tablets, and other relics, on which 
 are inscribed circles and squares and spiral lines, crescents, 
 sun symbols, winged figures, and human images. These sug- 
 gest a thought that sun worship was mingled with animal wor- 
 
 Fi)^. 8. — The Crane. 
 
 Fig. g. — Dreams 
 
 ship and that religion had grown out of totemism into sun 
 worship and assumed a new form. 
 
 IV. There was a system of religion which prevailed among 
 the tribes of the Northwest coast. It consisted in the worship 
 of supernatural beings in the form of birds, animals, fishes, and 
 double-headed serpents; the four elements — air, earth, water 
 and fire — each being represented by a special divinity. The 
 bird, which is supreme upon the land, is the raven, called Yehl. 
 It dwells in the forest, but reigns supreme over the creatures 
 in the air. The bear is the animal which is regarded as the 
 ruler of the earth. His supernatural character is shown by the 
 manner in which he is pictured, for there always is a great 
 
RACFS AND RELIGIONS IN AMERICA. 11 
 
 glaring eye looking out from every part of tlie body of the 
 bear; his paws, his different limbs, his head, and his ears have 
 eyes. In fact, he seems to be all eyes. This is, perhaps, a 
 modification of the previous system in which the eyes were 
 looking out from the solid rock, but in this case the bear seems 
 to be alive, and )et possessed by a hidden spirit. The myths are 
 very different from those which prevailed among the tribes of 
 the Interior, for they relate to the adventures of sea monsters, 
 who had the power of transforming themselves into human be- 
 ings, and again into animals. This was the case with the totems 
 of the hunter tribes, for transformation was very common and 
 many stories are told of the tricks played by means of this 
 transformation. There was such a correspondence between the 
 animal totems and the Nature powers, that the animals were 
 supposed to dwell at the different points of the compass and 
 send the winds and the rains. These were not strictly totems, 
 at least not personal or individual totems, but the mingling of 
 the totems with the Nature powers personified, formed the 
 basis of a great variety of myths, which are very interesting. 
 
 The sea is supposed to hide another divinity called the 
 whale killer. This is a fabulous creature, and is capable of 
 changing its shape, for there are many stories in which the 
 creature appears as a great canoe, but is transformed into a 
 sea animal. There are figures upon the fronts of the houseS, 
 which represent this whale killer as held in the claws of the 
 raven, thus indicating that the sea gods and gods of the sky 
 have been drawn close together. In this figure the eye is very 
 conspicuous, but the winged feathers and the vertebrae of the 
 bird and of the whale are also clearly seen. The double- 
 headed serpent is generally carried in the hand, and is a sym- 
 bol which served an important part in the dances. It is called 
 the sisul and is generally worn in front of the stomach. The 
 human face and eyes may be seen at the center, the animal 
 head and eye at either end, with the serpent body and scales 
 between the heads. This illustrates the habit of bringing to- 
 gether their divinities into one object. 
 
 The stories are numerous which celebrate the exploits of 
 these various creatures, but they all convey the idea that they 
 are supernatural beings and to be worshiped as well as feared. 
 There are many dances and religious ceremonies in which the 
 natives cover themselves with blankets and put upon their 
 heads great masks representing the head and jaws of the wolf, 
 This suggests the idea that human beings are sometimes trans- 
 formed into animals, and reminds us of the transformation 
 which is so common in all parts of the continent, for there 
 were no hard and fast lines between the different animals, or 
 between animals and men. The supposition formerly was that 
 they were designed as the totems of the tribes, but the opinion 
 now is that thev embodied the mvthologies and represent the 
 villages, as each village was founded by a supernatural being. 
 
12 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 who gave power and authority to the chief, or human founder, 
 to represent him; the result was that the different crests were 
 carved into the poles, some of them representing the super- 
 natural being, the bird or fish, or some other animal; also the 
 crest of the village chief, and the crest of the different de- 
 scendants of the first chief. It is to be noticed that the human- 
 izing tendency was very strong, so that all the birds and ani- 
 mals and creatures of the sea were spoken of as having human 
 attributes; the eye, the symbol of humanity, being placed in 
 all parts of the bodies, whether beasts or birds. 
 
 Mr. Hill-Tout says: "The sculptures and paintings were 
 ancestral and not totemistic in character." The son inherited 
 his father's rank and property, with all his carvings and crests 
 and emblems, which were largely conimtmorative in character. 
 There was a tendency among all these people to humanize 
 everything. The raven, the wolf and the bear, and all other 
 animals were humanized, and stories were told about them, as 
 if they were human beings. Conversation is held between 
 men and women and the animals, and even between the 
 heavenly bodies — the sun, moon, and the stars. There were 
 no lines which separated the material from the animal, the 
 animal from the human, the human from the divine or super- 
 natural being. An immense amount of mythology has accu- 
 mulated in this way, for everything on the earth, in the air, in 
 the sea or sky, whether animal, men and women, or heavenly 
 bodies, are mingled together, intermarry and converse, and their 
 adventures are very numerous. 
 
 V. There is a form of religion still existing in the interior 
 of the continent, which well deserves our attention, and we 
 hope to describe it more at length in the future. It is found 
 among the Navajoes, who dwelt among the mountains of Utah 
 and Colorado. This religion consists in the worship of the 
 elements, such as the clouds, the sky, the rainbow, the moun- 
 tains, lakes, hills, and also animals, birds, and other creatures, 
 which inhabited them. The mythology is very beautiful and 
 picturesque, and shows that the love of nature abounded with 
 all this people. There is no mythology that is more beautiful 
 than that which comes to us from the tribes who dwelt in the 
 deep interior of the continent. Their mythology was founded 
 upon their religion, and their religion sprang from the love of 
 nature. We may call it superstition, yet it was a superstition 
 that peopled everything with harmless divinities. Even the 
 serpent, which was generally supposed to be treacherous and 
 hostile and dangerous is represented as a benefactor, and 
 always bestowing gifts upon the people; in fact, the serpent is 
 a symbol of the rain-cloud, which is always a welcome visitor. 
 The people watch the sky closely, for their very existence de- 
 pends upon having rain. 
 
 There is a distinction between the religion of the Navajoes, 
 who were formerly hunters but now are sheperds, and the 
 
RACES AND RELIGIONS IN AMERICA. 
 
 13 
 
 Pueblos. The Navajoes were mountaineers, 
 yet they retain the same religion they had 
 when in their wild state. Their myth- 
 ology is very beautiful and abounds with 
 allusions to all the beautiful things of na- 
 ture — clouds, sunbeams, sparkling waters, 
 crystals, rocks of the mountains, mosses, 
 twigs of trees, animals which inhabit the 
 caves and rocks, birds among the trees, 
 supernatural beings that are in the clouds, 
 divinities that dwell on the mountain tops; 
 all are mingled together, and the strangest 
 fancies are indulged in, in describing them. 
 There seems to have been, also, a deeper 
 apprehension of the meaning of nature 
 than most people have, certainly much 
 deeper and more varied than anything 
 found among the white population of that 
 region or any other. Everything was 
 shadowy and filled with supernatural 
 creatures. 
 
 VI. There was a form of religion which 
 prevails d among the tribes of the Interior, 
 which consisted in the worship of the Na- 
 ture powers, under the figureof theserpent. 
 
 There are occasional figures upon the 
 pottery found in the mounds, and upon 
 the shields and other ornaments found 
 among the Pueblos, which represent 
 winged figures. These can hardly be 
 called totems, for they are more like 
 mythological creatures. They may be re- 
 garded as connecting links between totems 
 and a higher form of symbolism. In will 
 be seen in the figure that the serpents 
 have feathered heads and large wings; the 
 body is open, so as to show the heart. 
 The sun symbol is connected with each 
 winged serpent. The figures on the 
 shields have wings, but they also have the 
 serpent below the feet. 
 
 These serpents were also regarded as 
 divinities which ruled over the different 
 parts of creation. There was, however, 
 the same superstition that prevailed else- 
 where on the continent, that there were 
 supernatural beings everywhere present, 
 in the sky above, in the depths of the earth 
 below, in different directions upon the 
 -earth; and that all the elements, — the air, 
 
 Winged Serpent. 
 
14 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM, 
 
 the earth, fire, and water, were haunted or possessed by 
 unseen creatures. The main difference between this system 
 and that which prevailed farther north, was that the ser- 
 pent took its place in the sky, instead of a raven, as it was 
 the personification of the cloud and was supposed to bring 
 the rains. This furnislies an explanation for the celebrated 
 snake dance. The people, it appears, were not satisfied 
 with offering their prayers to the cloud divinities, or making 
 symbols of the rain clouds, when they performed their 
 ceremonies, but they must have some live object which they 
 could hold in their hands and mouth, and realize that they had 
 brought it under their power. This was, perhaps, not thought 
 out deliberately, but came to them from their habit of putting 
 ail their prayers into sacred dramas and religious ceremonies, 
 and making everything as concrete as possible. 
 
 It is to be noticed here that no prayer was effective unless 
 it was symbolized and made substantial by something that 
 
 Fig. II . — Ornametiled Wall of Buried City in Honduras . 
 
 could be seen. It was on this account that so many frames, 
 which are called altars, are erected, consisting of painted slats 
 of wood, while in front of them are other figures of the rain- 
 clouds, surrounded by rods, the ears of corn and other objects 
 placed as offerings in front of the altars. This form of reli- 
 gion is, perhaps, more reasonable than that which prevailed in 
 the region of the North, for it consists of sacred dramas in 
 which the prayers of the people are acted out, the ceremonies 
 all proving to be very carefully observed, and there is gener- 
 ally a spirit of reverence among the people. The heavenly 
 bodies are closely watched, especially the sun in its move- 
 ments through the sky. The superstition is that when it ap- 
 proaches the solstitial point, that there must be a prayer and 
 religious ceremony, or it will never return. 
 
RACES AND RELIGIONS IN AMERICA. 
 
 15 
 
 The Pueblos have a mythology which abounds with stories 
 about the various animals, such as the wolf, the bear, the mole, 
 as well as the serpent. The eagle is very prominent in their 
 mythologv. They carry with them shields upon which are in- 
 scribed or painted in different colors human figures, with tur- 
 reted caps upon their heads, symbolizing the mountains, a bear 
 standing on either side, a serpent below the feet, thus showing 
 that the close association of animals, human beings, and 
 divinities, all mingled together and surrounded by the elements 
 of nature. The serpent figures vary conspicuously in their 
 mythology. Much can be learned from the study of their 
 religious customs, and especially comparing the myths and 
 ceremonies common among them, with those which prevailed 
 among the wild tribes scattered about them. 
 
 VII. We shall next consider the religion of the so-called 
 civilized races, such as the Nahuas, Mayas, and others situated 
 
 Fi^. 12. — Fresco Figure from Mexico. 
 
 in Mexico and Central America, including the Quichuas in 
 Peru. The religion of the Mayas was fundamently the same as 
 that of the Nahuas. Most of the gods were deified heroes, 
 though we occasionally find traces of an older sun-\yorship, 
 and the conjecture is that an original astral worship once 
 prevailed. 
 
 This is illustrated by the cuts. One of which represents 
 the frescoes on the walls of a buried temple in Honduras. In 
 these frescoes human forms are covered with animal heads 
 and surrounded by figures representing plumed serpents. An- 
 other cut (Fig. 12) represents paintings from Monte Alban in 
 Mexico. In these an animal headed creature seems to be facing 
 a draped altar. The significance of the picture is unknown. An- 
 other cut (Fig, 13) represents a row of idols, which has also been 
 
16 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 discovered in Honduras. There are no altars in front of these 
 and so they form an exception to the general rule, for in most 
 cases where human images are seen, there are altars in front of 
 them; many of them being in the shape of animals or huge 
 dragons or nondescript creatures. 
 
 VIII. There was a form of religion which prevailed in 
 Peru.. It consisted mainly in the deifying of the Incas, who 
 were regarded as the sons of the sun, and so, in a measure, 
 divine. The symbols in Peru were, however, mainly images 
 of the sun and moon. These were placed on the walls of the 
 
 Fig.ij. — Idols in Hotiduras. 
 
 temples, the best specimens of which were seen by the 
 Spaniards at Quito. It appears that sun-dials were numerous 
 and that from these the Peruvian priests calculated the seasons, 
 and by this means regulated all the affairs of the nation. 
 There were no such carved statues in Peru, as have been dis- 
 covered in Central America, and no altars which betokened 
 that sacrifies were offered to kings; yet the government of 
 Peru was based on the idea that the Inca vvas superior to all, 
 and that the Inca race belonged to a different order. 
 
TOTEM TATOOES ON THE NORTHWEST COAST. 
 

 .i- '?r. 
 
 
 
 
 '^<?i 
 
 iS-k^^^'-' 
 
 PORTRAIT FIGURE FROM GUATEMALA. 
 
TOTEMISM AXD MYTHOLOGY. 17 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 TO TEA/ ISM AND MYTHOLOGY. 
 
 The patriarch Jacob, just before his death, called his sons 
 together and prophesied their future destiny and that of 
 the tribes that were to descend from them. In doing so he 
 used certain symbols or emblems which were probably promi- 
 nent in their tribal escutcheons, and made these the basis of 
 his prophecy. The following is his language : "Judah is a 
 lion's whelp ;" "The Scepter shall not depart from Judah 
 until Shiloh come ;" "Issachar is a strong ass couching down 
 between two burdens ;" " Dan shall be a serpent by the way, 
 an adder in the path;" " Naphtali is a hind let loose;" 
 " Joseph is a fruitful bough, even a fruitful bough by a well ;" 
 "Benjamin shall raven as a wolf, in the morning he shall 
 devour the prey and at night divide the spoils." — Genesis, 
 Chapter 48: 8, 14, 17, 21, 22, 27. In these expressions, we 
 have a series of word pictures which clearly portray the 
 characteristics of the different tribes, their history, as 
 well as a description of the geographical localities which 
 they occupied. How the patriarch came to use this lan- 
 guage is a mystery, but there may have been a kind of 
 picture language prevalent in the patriarchal age which he 
 used to designate the traits of each one of his children, and, 
 to show that the history of each one of the tribes which 
 should descend from them, would partake of these traits. It is 
 known that at a very early time significant names and emblems, 
 were given to individuals, and that these were transmitted to. 
 the children, and as their posterity increased, they became- 
 tribal emblems. There were also dreams which were pro- 
 phetic, and it may be that the patriarch in his dreams saw 
 the emblems which belonged to the different sons, and in 
 them read the history of the tribes which should be raised 
 up from them. Whatever the explanation is, the passages, 
 furnish a good illustration of a custom which was common-, 
 among the uncivilized races, and is still prevalent among the- 
 aborigines of America, namely: the custom of giving the- 
 names of animals and plants to the children, and making 
 these serve as emblems of the clan or tribe. ' 
 
 ' .\mons- certain tribes there -was a cbange from matriarcliy to patriarchy. In such 
 cases the children tooli the name of the father's clan and bore the emblem or sign which 
 belonged to the father. 
 
18 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 In most of the tribes these names were given by the 
 mother, or rather were taken from the clan to which the 
 mother belonged, and were transmitted by a fixed law, for 
 the children by the law of matriarchy, always belonged to 
 the clan of the mother, and carried the name and emblem 
 of that clan. It was in this way that the clan, tribal and 
 family names first appeared. They were not names which 
 were taken from the employments, occupations, or trades, 
 nor were they names which were descriptive of personal ex- 
 ploits or incidents such as some of the Indians have borne, 
 nor were they arbitrary nick names which were given to 
 describe the characteristics of the individual, but they were 
 ancestral names and resemble in this respect surnames which 
 are now extant. The main difference between the historic 
 and prehistoric surnames was that the latter were always the 
 
 €LAN TOTEMS INSCRIBED -QX ROCKS. 
 
 names of animals which were regarded as ancestors, while in 
 historic times, surnames were derived from occupations, etc. 
 Occasionally there was a name which was altogether private, 
 and which might be called the dream name for it was the 
 name of some animal which appeared to the individual in a 
 dream. These dreams came after long fasting, and were 
 the result of the hidden exercises of the mind which would 
 naturally occur before the initiation of warriors. When the 
 vision of some animal appeared, the young man felt himself 
 prepared for his initiation as a warrior, and as he presented 
 himself for the rite he would take the skin of the animal or 
 some figure of it as a personal fetich or charm and would 
 join the society which bore the name of the animal that had 
 
 Mai. J. W. Powell holds that matriarchy prevailed among the people who were in 
 the status of savagery but changed to patriarchy when they reached the status of bar- 
 barism. See loth Annual Report of Bu. Ethnology Intro. He also gives the name 
 clan to a group of people reckoning kinship in a female line; the name of gens to a 
 group of people reckoning kinship in the male line. When tribes unite in confederacies, 
 artilicial kinship is cstablislied as a legal fiction, and the members of one tribe know 
 the nienilM-rs of anotlier tribe by the artificial emblem, which they wear, and address 
 them by kinship terms. Adopted members are given artificial kinship, and have the 
 same rights as those who are born into clans or tribes. 
 
MYTHOLOGIC AND ANIMAL TOTEMS— From Catlin's Indians. 
 
 Ciitlin says these symbolic writings or totems are found recorded on rocks and trees, 
 als > on VI bi'S and wigwams, and are very numerous. 
 
TOTEMISM AND MYTHOLOGY. 19 
 
 appeared to him/ In this way there arose a system of reli- 
 gion which was very wide-spread and very powerful among 
 all the hunter tribes of America which was called totemism.^ 
 
 Now it is to this totemism that we shall devote the present 
 chapter. 
 
 I. We shall begin with a description of the system and 
 the new kinship introduced by it. 
 
 (i) There were two kinds of kinship, the natural and arti- 
 ficial. The natural was that system which led to giving the 
 names and emblems of the mother or father to the children, 
 but the artificial was that which introduced into all the to- 
 temistic tribes a new relationship which transcended kin- 
 ship according to the fiesh. According to totemism, every 
 male person must marry outside of his clan. The children 
 which were born belonged to the clan of their mother and 
 took the name of her clan rather than that of the father. 
 There were a few tribes, like the Uakotas for instance, in 
 which the law of matriarchy was changed to patriarchy, and 
 the children in that case took the name of the father but 
 it was generally the mother who gave the name. The name 
 was taken always from some animal, and generally from one 
 that abounded in the region. ^ 
 
 (2) This relationship which came from history and from re- 
 ligion, dated back to the time when the different tribes were 
 clans of one tribe, and so were descended from a common 
 ancestor. The power of religion and regard for ancestry, 
 led the people to value the archaic kinship as more binding 
 upon the families than the relationship which then existed. 
 
 ' Miss Alice Fletcher says : The Indian's religion is spoken of as a nature and animal 
 worship. Careful inquiry and ob-ervation fail to show that the Indian actually wor- 
 shiped the objects. More faith is put in the ritual, and a careful observance of forms 
 than in any act of self denial in its moral sense, as we understand it. The claim of rela- 
 tionship is used to strengthen the appeal. 
 
 ■ = The name was derived from an Ojibwa word which signifies tribe or family, but 
 brings to view a system which was very wide-spread and very powerful, especially among 
 the hunter tribes. It was;n fact the system according to which nearly all aboriginal 
 tribes wore organized, and which also embodied their tribal history and regulated their 
 tribal customs, but itself arose out of their mythology and especially out of their cos- 
 mic myths. In the east it was called animal worship and the name animal tribe was 
 given to those who practiced it. In America tlie term totemism is used, for it brings up 
 the tliought of the peculiar relationship which was involved, and dismisses the idea of 
 worshiping animals which is very subordinate, if it existed at all. There was a rever- 
 ence for animals inasmuch as certain animals were regarded as ancestors of the tribes, 
 a few were also regarde.l as mythologic beings who were both "Culture heroes^ and 
 Creators." These emblems or figures were very prominent in the " bark records" and 
 picture writings. 
 
 ^Mr. J O. Dorsey says: "The Dakotas have animal names for their gentes and 
 tribal or clan taboos. Each man has his personal taboo and his personal name. The 
 personal names give the color of the animal. Some of their names suggest myths. 
 (See Indian personal names. ,\mer .Anthropologist for July, 1890.) 
 
 Walter Fewkes savs: ".\mong the Tusayans names of animals have the preference 
 over plants, there being 46 of the first and 21 of the latter. It is natural that gentes 
 named from horned animals, foxes, coyotes and wolves, should go together. But why 
 the ants sliould be associated with the horn peoide is not so clear unless we trace it 
 back to the history of tlieir migration." ,. , ,■ j 
 
 Captain Hourke savs: " If clan names wore originally topographical this does not 
 militate against the idea that to the mind of the American savage the animals have 
 always been gods, and in some vague way connected with the mystery of human crea- 
 tion." 
 
20 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 ■i 
 
 (2) It was a fraternity which ran through the different 
 tribes of a stock or confederacy, and which brought together 
 all of the clans which bore the same animal name and had 
 the same totem, and made them brothers. 
 
 To illustrate : The Iroquois, who dwelt in New York, were composed of 
 five tribes, each tribe was divided into ten or twelve clans named after animals 
 — the wolf, bear, beaver, turtle, deer, snipe, heron and hawk. The tribes 
 lived in the different parts of the state, and each tribe had its own council 
 house, head chief, sachems and specific territory. They were named and situ- 
 ated as follows: Beginning at the east, Mohawks, called ''The Shield,'* next 
 the Onondagas, called "Name-Bearer,'' Oneidas, "The Great Tree,'' Cay- 
 ugas, "The Great Fipe," Senecas, "The Door- Keeper,"' as they were the per- 
 petual keepers of the door of the "long house." ^ 
 
 A person who belonged to the wolf clan could travel along the trail which 
 led from tribe to tribe, and would find the members of the wolf clan ready to 
 receive him and protect him, and give him a home among them as if he was 
 their own brother, as they were brothers according to an archaic fraternity 
 and bore the same fraternal emblem. 
 
 There was also an emblem which every one carried about his person which 
 indicated the clan to which he belonged. This may have consisted in the pic- 
 ture of an animal inscribed upon an amulet or it may have consisted in the 
 fashion of cutting the hair, making the moccasins, or wearing apparel, or of 
 ornamenting the person or tattooing the face. Whatever the emblem was, it 
 was equivalent to a coat of arms, and was a native heraldry. This heraldry 
 was recognized everywhere as significant of a totemistic brotherhood. It was 
 supplemented often times by sign language, for each tribe had a name which 
 could be expressed by signs. 
 
 The Pawnee, whose clan totem is the wolf is seen in a plate given by Cat- 
 lin. holding up the hand and fingers so as to show the wolf's ears. Among the 
 Hurons and Dakotas the manner of cutting the hair was such as to make the 
 head at once suggestive of the animal or bird whose totem the. person carried. 
 The tuft over the forehead and back of the head and ears resembling the 
 wings, head and tail of the eagle, showed that the person belonged to the 
 eagle clan. The ridge of hair which was left on the crown, resembling the 
 back of the buffalo, showed that the person belonged to the buffalo clan. 
 
 Among the Haidas of the North West Coast the figure of the squid or 
 frog, or cod, or sculpin, the double figure of the wolf tattooed upon the arms, 
 legs, breast, or back or shoulders of the man and woman would indicate the 
 clan or tribe to which they belonged. 
 
 This heraldry was equivalent to that which belonged to the royal families 
 of Europe, and with some of the tribes symbolized the genealogy of the family 
 and the exploits and traditional history. It was as much a sign of fraternity 
 as the pins, badges and other symbols which are worn by the members of the 
 
 'Mr. L. H. Morgan says: "All tlio mombors of the same «?Pns whether Mohawks, 
 Oneidas. Onondagas, Cayiigas or Senecas were brothers and sister.-* to each other, in 
 virtue of their descent from the same common ancestor, and were recognized as such. 
 Three of the gentes, wolf, boar and turtle were common to five tribes. The deer, snipe 
 and hawk wore common to three tribes. — Ancient Society, p. 133. 
 
TOTEMISM AND MYTHOLOGY. 21 
 
 various secret societies and college fraternities, but introduced a brotherhood 
 which was stronger and more sacred than that which came from these societies. ^ 
 
 (4) According to Mr. Morgan, there were two changes. 
 First. The change of descent from the female line to the 
 male line. Second. The change of inheritance of the 
 property of the deceased member from the clan or gens in 
 the collective capacity to the agnatic kindred, and finally to 
 the man's children.' Yet there were certain rights and privi- 
 leges which inhere in the system. These were as follows : 
 {a) The right of electing chiefs, (b) The right of inheritance 
 of the property of deceased members. {c) The right of be- 
 stowing names upon members and adopting strangers into 
 the gens. {d) The right of help, defense and redress of in- 
 juries, (c) Right to a common burial place and a share in 
 religious ceremonies. (/) Right to a representation in 
 council of the gens. {g) Obligation not to marry in the 
 gens. All these rights and privileges were enjoyed by those 
 who bore the clan emblem. The totem which he carried on 
 his person brought an obligation on the clan which bore the 
 same totem to defend him. They were all brothers, not by 
 kinship, but by religion. 
 
 (5) In some tribes the communistic system prevailed. The 
 families and persons which belonged to a particular clan had 
 a share of the food which was to be had, whether it was in 
 his own family or in some other family. The supply was to 
 the clan rather than to the household. This did not always 
 exist, for there were tribes where the family lived separate, 
 and had its provisions separate, but it was very common. In 
 such a case the totem may be said to have brought the pro- 
 vision to each person. 
 
 (6) The inheritance of landed property was in the clan. 
 There was no property in severalty among the uncivilized 
 tribes. The property and effects of the mother passed to her 
 children, and in default of them, to her sister's children, but al- 
 ways remained in the clan. This is the case among the Algon- 
 quins. Among the Lagunas the land is held in common as 
 the property of the community, but after a person cultivated 
 a lot he had a personal claim to it which he could sell to any 
 one of the community. Among the Iroquois the property 
 was hereditary in the gens. Consequently, children took 
 
 ' Mr. Morgan, who was initiated by the Iroquois, says: "The gens embraced all 
 «nch persons as trace their descent from a supposed common ancestor through females. 
 The evidence of tlic fact was the possession of a common gentile name. It Uoes n<>t m- 
 clnde all the descendants of a common ancestor, but all who bear the name are <>ntitlea 
 to the totem. The gentile organization originated in the period ef savagery, enduroa 
 through the three sub-poriods of barbarism, and finally gave way when the tribe at- 
 tained to civilization and the land and property took the place of Icinship. 
 
 ^ See .Vnciont Society, p. 71. 
 
22 i\^.477T'^ AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 nothing from their fathers, but inherited their mother's 
 effects. ^ 
 
 (7) The history " of the clans is thus given by the totem. 
 It appears that the different tribes grew up together and 
 bore the names of a common ancestry, as the animal names 
 of the clans were repeated in every tribe. This, to be sure, 
 varied in the different tribes, for there were in some of the 
 clans, or gentes, sub-gentes, which took other names. There 
 were also clans which became incorporated in certain tribes, 
 and these introduced certain emblems or totems. Still, 
 even witn this confusion the history of the tribe could be 
 traced in the totems. 
 
 (8) The government of the clan was influenced by to- 
 temism. The office of sachem or civil chief is hereditar}' in 
 the gens, but elective among the members. Each gens had 
 the power to depose as well as elect its chiefs. 
 
 Carver says of the Dakotas : '' The office of sachem, or clan elder, passes 
 from brother to brother, or from uncle to nephew. That of war-chief was be- 
 stowed as a reward of merit and was not hereditary. The sachem has more 
 immediate management of civil affairs. His assent is necessary to all treaties " ^ 
 
 Among the Winnebagos the sons of a deceased chief were not always eli- 
 gible, for on the death of a chief his sister's son succeeds him in preference to 
 his own son. * 
 
 '' A practice was common among certain tribes, such as the Shawnees, 
 Miamis, Sauks and Foxes, of naming children into the gens. This would en- 
 able a son to succeed his father in offi:e, and enable the children to inherit the 
 property from the father. The father had no control over the question of 
 naming the children It was left by the gens to certain persons, most of tnem 
 matrons, who were to be consulted when children were to be named, with 
 power to determine the name to be given."' ' 
 
 Herrera remarks of the Mayas: "They were wont to 
 observe their pedigrees very much, and therefore thought 
 themselves all related and were helpful to one another. They 
 did not marry any that bore the same name as their father. 
 This was looked upon as unlawful." " 
 
 "The Laguna Pueblo Indians are organized in gentes with 
 descent in the female line. Each town is divided into tribes 
 or families, and each of these groups is named after some 
 animal, bird, herb, tree, plant, or one of the four elements. 
 Some are called bear, deer, rattlesnake, corn, wolf and 
 
 ' See Ancient Society, p. 1.53. 
 
 - It was a totem istic history, rather than a genealogical or tribal, inasmuch as every 
 clansman began his history at tlie timo ho was initiated and received his new name 
 The experience in the dreams may be compared to conversion in modern times, for it 
 was always very remarkable. 
 
 'See .\ncient Society, p. 155. 
 
 •* See .\ncieut Society, p. 157. 
 
 °.\ncient Society, p. 169. 
 
 " This sliows that patriarchy existed among the Mayas. 
 
TOTEMISM AND MYTHOLOGY. 23 
 
 water. The children are of the same tribe, (gens) as their 
 mother." 
 
 There are many other characteristics to the totem system 
 but those which have been spoken of will show how power- 
 ful and far-reaching it was. 
 
 II. We therefore turn from these to speak of the relation 
 of totemism to the native mythology. Here let us say 
 that there was a native mythology in America which was as 
 varied and interesting as that which prevailed in Scandinavia, 
 India, or even in classic lands. 
 
 This mythology had not reached the stage where personal 
 divinities were recognized and myths invented to celebrate 
 their exploits, nor had it reached that stage where the nature 
 powers and heavenly bodies were deified, or at any rate, to no 
 such extent as they were in the Far East, though there were 
 certain myths that celebrated the exploits of the mountain 
 divinities, and others represented the nature powers as hu- 
 manized divinities. The chief peculiarities of American myth- 
 ology was that it abounded with animal divinities and rung 
 the changes as to the exploits of these, viewed as personal 
 beings or as humanized animals. 
 
 It is interesting to go over, the different parts of the conti- 
 nent to see how the animals were deified and made to repre- 
 sent supernatural beings. 
 
 It would seem as if the whole sky and earth, and even the 
 waters under the earth .vere filled with the imaginary beings 
 who bore the animal form and yet had human attributes. 
 This can be accounted for on the ground that totemism was 
 the prevailing religion and the myths were about the animals 
 which were worshipped as totems. It is in this way that the 
 early histor\' of totemism was transmitted and the meaning 
 and object of the totems were made known. This gives to 
 the mythology a very great value, inasmuch as it shows that 
 the origin of totemism was in mythology, and the myths 
 were the chief means of preserving the totems. The follow- 
 ing classifieation of the myths is interesting on this account : 
 
 1. There were myths about the animals which were regarded as ancestors 
 which would make those animals very sacred to the clan, for they were 
 repeated at the fireside and in the hearing of the children until they be- 
 came as household words and the animal ancestors seemed realities. 
 2. There were creation myths, which also perpetuated the same system, as the 
 great creator or first ancestor, or culture hero, often bore an acimal name 
 and was represented under the animal semblance. 3. There were myths 
 also which gave the idea of protection to the people, for they were full of 
 marvelous exploits of the great animal who was regarded as the ancestor of 
 the clan, or tribe, or village, or individual, and these exploits were a pledge 
 of security to those who bore the totem or emblem. 4. There were also 
 
24 yATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 myths which perpetuated the history of a tribe. Sometimes these myths 
 carry the tribe back to their original home or starting place, and show 
 how, when and where they received their first totems and how they changed 
 them during their migration. 5. There were myths which showed the own- 
 ership that came from inheritance, as the totem of the individual or family 
 was placed upon every utensil, weapon, keepsake and article of furniture 
 that belonged to the individual, and became a kind of monogram. 6. There 
 were myths perpetuated by the secret societies, which made known the 
 migrations of the tribes and at the same time predicted the future state 
 of the persons who were initiated. Among the Ojibwas, the first degree 
 of the initiation was full of the symbols of creation, but as the candidate 
 went on through the different degrees the different animals which repre- 
 sented the clan totems were found to guard the entrance. The bear spirit 
 guarding the first degree, the wolf the second, etc. The candidate must 
 pray and make offerings of tobacco that the spirits should drive the male- 
 volent spirits away from the opening and that the entrance to the degree 
 might be open to him. Serpent spirits were the evil manitous who opposed 
 progress, but if the prayers and feasts were sufficient the largest serpent 
 raised his body so as to form an arch so that the candidate might pass on 
 his way while the four smaller serpents moved to either side of the path. 
 In the second degree the candidate personated the bear spirit and was 
 identified with the totem. 7. There were also myths concerning the "jour- 
 ney of the soul " among certain tribes. These were very significant, and 
 yet were connected with the totem system. 
 
 Illustrations of these different kinds of myths might be 
 given, but we shall content ourselves with a few of the picto- 
 graphs which have been preserved, and the interpretations 
 of them which have been furnished. 
 
 Schoolcraft has spoken of some of the totems of the Dako- 
 tas, and has given a plate Avhich is quite significant. On this 
 we see, first, four "gods of the water," represented under the 
 figure of animals (3, 4, 5 and 6) with lightning darting from 
 their heads, with the principal god near them (7). In the 
 picture the circle represents the sea which surrounds the 
 earth. It has four passages (ii) across it, representing 
 the doors through which the gods go out into the world. 
 The dotted line shows the migration route. Another picto- 
 graph shows the god of the forest, under the figure of an 
 owl (12) perched upon a tree ; at the foot of the tree is the 
 home of the "god;" on either side of him are the eagle and 
 hawk (14), which are his guards or sentinels. One of the 
 gods of thunder (15) is also represented, which is an enemy 
 of the god of the forest. Another pictograph represents 
 the six gods of the thunder, with thunderbolts in one hand 
 and the rain falling from the other. The gods have square 
 heads, with four points or peaks above the square to repre- 
 sent the four quarters of the sky. Another picture represents 
 the "goddess of war," with battle-ax in one hand and four 
 
TOTEMISM AND MYTHOLOGY. 25 
 
 rings on the arms. Above the figure is an arch representing 
 the sky. These were the mythologic totems of the Dakotas. 
 Those of the Iroquois can be seen on the "bark records." 
 
 An interpretation of certain mythologic totems has also 
 been given by Catlin. There were four articles of great ven- 
 eration and importance. These were four sacks of water made 
 from a buffalo's skin, sewed together in the form of a large 
 tortoise. These four tortoises contained water from the four 
 quarters of the world. Their principal actors were eight 
 men, with the entire skins of buffalos thrown over their 
 backs, the horns, hoofs and tails remaining on their bodies 
 in a horizontal position, enabling them to imitate the actions 
 of the buffalo, whilst they were looking out of its eyes as 
 through a masque. The bodies of these men were chiefly 
 naked, and all painted in' the mo^t extraordinary manner, 
 with the nicest adherence to exact similarity, their limbs, 
 bodies and faces being in every part covered either with 
 black, red or white paint. Each one of these strange char- 
 acters had also a lock of buffalo's hair tied around his ankles — 
 in his right hand a rattle, and a slender white rod or staff, 
 six feet long, in the other, and carried on his back a bunch 
 of green willow boughs about the usual size of a bundle of 
 straw. These, eight men being divided into four pairs, took 
 their positions on the four different sides of the curb or big 
 canoe, representing thereby the four cardinal points; and 
 between each group of them, with the back turned to the 
 big canoe, was another figure, engaged in the same dance, 
 keeping step with them, with a similar staff or wand in one 
 hand and a rattle in the other, and (being four in number) 
 answering again to the four cardinal points. The bodies of 
 these four young men were chiefly naked, with no other 
 dress upon them than a beautiful kilt around the waist, 
 made of eagle quills and ermine, and very splendid head 
 dresses made of the same materials. Two of these figures 
 were painted entirely black, with pounded charcoal and 
 greese, whom they called the ' ' firmament, or night ; " and the 
 numerous white spots which were dotted all over their bodies, 
 they called "stars." The other two were painted from head 
 to foot as red as vermilion could make them. These, they 
 said, represented the day, and the white streaks which were 
 painted up and down over their bodies, "ghosts which the 
 morning rays were chasing away." 
 
 III. This leads us to take up the classification of the 
 totems. It will be understood that there were several kinds 
 
 'The plate ropresouting these may be soon in another part of this volume. 
 
£6 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 of totems, all of which arc suggestive of m\-thology, or at 
 least of relieious customs and superstitions. The following 
 embraces nearly all classes and a description of the 
 offices which they filled: First. The clan totem. This was 
 generalh' received from the mother, though in the tribes 
 that had reached the patriarchal age, it was received from 
 the father.^ Second. The tribal totem, common to all the 
 members of a tribe to the exclusion of other tribes. Third. 
 The individual totem, belonging to an individual and not 
 passing to his descendants. Fourth. The village totem, 
 common to all the residents of the village, generally 
 derived from the chief of the village. Fifth. The phratry 
 totem, common to all the members of a phratry or sub-divis- 
 ion of a tribe, and derived from some former tribal division. 
 Sixth. The sub-gens totem, called by Fraser the split totem. 
 Seventh. The mythologic" totem. 
 
 (i) "The clan totem was reverenced b\- a body of men and 
 women who called themselves by the name of the totem, be- 
 lieved themselves to be of one blood, descendants of a com- 
 mon ancestor, bound together by common obligations to each 
 other and by a common faith in the totem." 
 
 The clansman is in the habit of assimilating himself to his totem by dressing 
 in the skin or other part of the totem animal, arranging his hair and mutilating 
 his body so as to resemble the totem, or representing the totem on his body by 
 tattooing or paint. The belief was common among the Indians that they had 
 an animal in their bodies. A clansman affixes a totem mark or signature to 
 treaties and deeds, and paints and carves it on his weapons, canoes and tents. 
 In death the clansman sought to become one with his totem, so he was buried 
 with the clan and had the clan totem placed above his grave * It was an article of 
 faith that the clan sprang from a totem or animal ancestor and that each clan 
 at death rejoined the ancestors, though whether they reassumed the animal 
 shape is a question. 
 
 Clan totems were prevalent among all the hunter tribes, and were the symbols 
 or emblems of the clans or gentes which existed among thetn. They indicated 
 a natural kinship and in a sense perpetuated the ancestral line exactly as the 
 coat of arms in European countries perpetuates the family history and shows 
 the ancestry of the peculiar household They were not, however, indicative of 
 any individual exploits as the crests and symbols upon the family crests in 
 ordinaiy heraldy were, but were strictly genealogical. There were symbols 
 
 ' It was about the only totem which was transmitted by inheritance. All other 
 totems ended with the individual or witli the village, though the mythologic totem was 
 transmitted by tradition from generation to generation, and gradually extended to 
 other tribes. Tliere was a sub-gens or totem sometimes called the split totem. 
 
 '-' The myth of the '" rabbit " as a " dawn god,'" contending witli ti e brother is found 
 among the eastern tribes, Algonquin, Iroquois. Dakota, and some of the tribes of the 
 northwest. It reminds us of the Egyptian and Semitic story of the rabbit and the hare 
 who w;:tch for the rising of the sun. 
 
 ' It was believed that there were four souls to every individual. One of these hovered 
 near the body and gained access to it, another perpetuated tlie personal existence among 
 the animal ancesttu-s. A third entered the spirit world as tlie result of the initiation', at 
 the end of the crooked path. The fourth was indefinite, intangible, something like our 
 ghost. 
 
TOTEMISM AND MYTHOLOGY. 27 
 
 which were reminders of the individual exploits but these were generally worn 
 upon the person and constituted a part of his dress so that the warrior carried 
 his personal history in his dress and personal ornamentations. ^ 
 
 (2) The tribal totem is very conspicuous, but it is sometimes 
 difficult to distinguish it from other totems. The following, 
 however, will aid us in this; The clan totem is generally local, 
 and can be identified with the symbols which are held in com- 
 mon with the clans. The dream totem is regarded as sacred, 
 and is known only to the individual. The phratry totem is best 
 known to the members of the phratry, which is an especial 
 brotherhood among the tribes, but the tribal totem is distinctive 
 
 MYTHOLOGIC TOTEM FROJI ARIZONA. 
 
 of the entire tribe, and may be seen throughout the habitat 
 which the tribe fills. The following will illustrate this distinction : 
 
 The Creek Indians were divided into twenty clans, all bearing animal names. 
 The panther clan was prohibited from marrying a panther or a wildcat clan. 
 The panther and wildcat clans formed togeiher a phratry. The Choctaws are 
 divided into two phraties each of which consisted of four clans. The Cayugas 
 have two phratries of eight clans. The Moqais had ten phratries and twenty- 
 three totem clans. Th3 Thlinkeets divided into two clans, the raven and the 
 wolf. One thing is noticeable about the naming of the clans. The most of 
 them are named after animals which are numerous in the region where the 
 
 ■■ The symbols which were usnrl to indicate the Gentile descent or kinship, were in 
 the shape of animals and showed that there was a superstition among the Indians which 
 virtaall.v introduced a kinshii) between the human beinsrs and the animals witli which 
 they wure familiar, and upon which they subsisted. The totem then was basr>d niton the 
 imaginary ancestry and w.is a sian of th'^ artificial brotherhood. This artificial brotli- 
 erhood w.i.s a remarkable invention. .All the members of a totem fraternity regard each 
 other as kinsmen and brothers. The totem bond is a stroiifror bond than the bond of 
 blood or family. The sacredness of the new kinship may be shown by the laws of mar- 
 riage, for persons of the same totem may not marry or liave intercourse with eacli other. 
 This was exogamy. In some tribes the prohibition extended to only a man's own totem 
 clan. He could marry a woman of any totem but his f)wn. In otiier tribes th') i)rohibi- 
 tion extended to several clans. An exogamus group of clans witlnn a tribe was called a 
 phratry, • 
 
28 NATIVE AMEIUCAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 clan lived, or the clan habitat. The clans on the northwest coast bear the 
 
 names of wolf, bear, eagle, whale, shark, hawk, sea lion, owl, salmon. Those 
 
 in New York State bear the names of bear, wolf, turtle, heron and hawk; in 
 
 the Gulf States, tortoise, wildcat, fish, alligator. Those of Arizona have the 
 
 names of plants, while the Navajoes have the names of mountains, rivers, and 
 
 very few animal names Mr. Fraser speaks of split totems. This is only 
 
 indicative of a division of a clan which had a common name. It was very 
 
 common among the Omahas, as there were two or three. clans^ which had the 
 
 buffalo for its totem, one called the black shoulder and the other the hanga. 
 
 • 
 
 (3) There were "dream" totems. These belonged to 
 
 individuals and did not pass to his descendants. They were 
 regarded as very sacred and were not often revealed. 
 
 These individual totems were carried in a bag, called the 
 "medicine bag. "^ It might be made of the skin of an animal, 
 and contained various charms, such as precious stones and the 
 heads of birds and animals. It was sometimes worn as an 
 appendage to the wardrobe, sometimes hidden under the 
 dress and was difificult to be found. This " dream " totem 
 was often identical with the initiatory totem, though there 
 was generally something worn about the person which would 
 be indicative of his dream, so that his totemistic kindred could 
 easily recognize him. 
 
 The dress of a chief was made up generally of leggings, 
 moccasins, headdress, necklace, shield, bow, quiver, lance, ^ 
 tobacco sack, pipe, robe, belt, medicine bag, each one of 
 which was covered with symbols which were suggestive of 
 the tribe or clan to which he belonged, also, of the society 
 into which he was initiated and especially of the exploits of 
 which he boasted, but the medicine bag was generally 
 emblematic of the anitnal which appeared in his dreams. 
 
 (4) There were also mythologic totems. These have not 
 been generally recognized, yet they are important, for they 
 perpetuate the "foundation" myths of each tribe, and remind 
 us of the amount of mythologic literature which prevailed. 
 They were in fact myth-bearers. They perpetuate the history 
 and genealogy of the tribe. These m}'thologic totems are 
 widespread, though it is sometimes difficult to distinguish 
 
 ' The clan totem is used in the "winter counts" or tribal lists. "Winter counts" 
 constitute a sort of record of the tribe or clan as they give the prominent events which 
 occurred, in a sort of picture writing. The Ogalala, roster, obtained of Kev. S. D. 
 Hinman contains tbe picture of different individuals with their totem placed over the 
 liead, their tattooing or painting on their faces, the pipes and weapons in their hands, 
 the variou.^ iiarts of the dress help to identify the persans as much as if their names 
 and history liad been written. The pictorial census prepared under the direction of 
 Red Cloud, chief of the Dakotas, also contains the totems of the persons who held 
 allegiauco to him as a chief . See Mallory's Picture Writings — 
 
 - Miss Alice Fletcher says: "These religious symbols are the most sacred personal 
 possessions. They are rarely inherited, being generally buried with the person. In a 
 few cases a man would inherit the sacred symbol of his progenitor and carry it with 
 Ins own in his personal bag." See Report of Peabody Museum, Vol. III., p. 290. 
 
 •'■ -Vn ilhi.stration of this has been given by Catlin in connection with the portrait 
 of "Rushing Eagle," who carried on his spear, shield and headdress, emblems of his 
 own personal history. ' 
 
TOTEMISM AND MYTHOLOGY 
 
 29 
 
 them from the clan or tribal totems. As a general thing, 
 we may say that the mythologic totem belongs to a group 
 of tribes, and is prominent among the myths and symbols of 
 nearly all the tribes which inhabit a certain district, and 
 
 MYTHOLOGIC SYMBOLS OF THE CLIFF-DWELLERS.' 
 
 represents the being who is regarded as the great creator 
 and progenitor of these tribes, as well as their culture hero 
 and chief divinity. 
 
 There are many specimens of mythologic totems, some of 
 them found among the Eastern tribes, others among the tribes 
 of the Interior, such as the Pueblos, but they are more numerous 
 
 ' These symbols were discovered by Mr. Lewis F. Gunckel in the valley of the Mc- 
 Elmo and near the ancient cliti'-dwellings. 
 
30 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 among tlie tribes of the Northwest. Among the Eastern tribes, 
 this "totem" was generally represented by the gigantic rabbit, 
 who was in reality the "Dawn God," but was sometimes by the 
 turtle, which was identical with the earth goddess. Among the 
 tribes cf the tar West, the mythologic totem was represented by 
 the coyote, who was the great divinity of the California Indians. 
 Among the tribes of the Interior, it was represented by the vari- 
 ous animals which were supposed to preside over the "six celes- 
 tial spaces," such as the bear, wolf, mountain lion, panther, eagle 
 and mole, though among some of the tribes it was the mysteri- 
 ous spider women. Among the mountain tribes, a being having 
 the human form and human attributes, but adorned with orna- 
 ments borrowed from the mountains, was the mythologic totem, 
 as well as creator. The tribes of the northwest coast took their 
 mythologic totems from the animals of the sea or the forest near 
 which they dwelt, such as the whale, the wolf and the raven, 
 though they mingled these with their human ancestry. 
 
 Illustrations of these mythologic totems may be given from the various 
 tribes. The Lenape or Delaware Indians were descended from their 
 totems, the wolf, the turtle and the turkey. These were their clan totems 
 because they were descended not from a common turtle but from the great 
 original tortoise which bore the world on its back at the time of creation. 
 The story was that, the whole earth was submerged and but a few persons 
 survived. They had taken refuge on the back of a turtle, which had reached 
 so great an age that his shell was mossy; the turtle swam to a place where 
 a spot of dry land was found. There the people settled and re-peopled the 
 land. This is a tale of reconstruction and has been supposed to refer to 
 the deluge. It fitly represents the earth as land distinguished from water. 
 The back of a turtle represents an island surrounded by water. 
 
 Sometimes the mythologic totems were taken from the lo- 
 calities in which the tribe had previously dwelt, but they relate 
 to the time when they were created and can be-carried back 
 to the "creation myth." Such is the case with the Navajoes, 
 who dwelt among the cliffs. The story is given by Dr. Wash- 
 ington Matthews : 
 
 "When the goddess Etsanetlehi went at the bidding of the sun, to 
 live in the western ocean, and the divine brothers, the war gods, went to 
 Thoyetli in the San Juan valley to dwell, Yolkai Estsan, the white shell 
 woman, went alone into the San Juan mountains, and there she wandered 
 around sadly for four days and four nights, constantly mourning her lonely 
 condition, and thinking how people might be created to keep her company. 
 On the morning of the fifth day the god Qustecyalci came to see her along 
 with several other gods. These, after many ceremonies, created a human 
 pair out of two ears of corn. The wind god gave to these the breath of 
 life, the god of the white crystal gave them their minds, the grasshoppers 
 gave them their voices. From these are descended th3 gens called the 
 ' House of the Dark Cliffs ' because the gods brought from these houses 
 the corn from which the first pair was made." 
 
THE EAGLE MAN— A MYTHOLOGK' TOTEM. 
 
 Masked dancer dramatizing the eagle man— one of the mythological divinities of the 
 Southern Mound-builders. It shows the manner of wearing the masks and feathers m 
 the war dance. 
 
COPPER EAGLE FROM THE ETOWAH MOUND. 
 Showing one of the totems of the Southern Mouad-builders . 
 
TOTEMISM AND MYTHOLOGY. 
 
 31 
 
 Another version of the same story is as follows: 
 
 " The goddeps of the west became the wife of the sun. but she deter- 
 mined to make something of the human kind to keep her company. From 
 her left side she made, four persons who became the progenitors of one 
 gens Qonagani; from her right side four, from whom came the gens of 
 Kiaa'ni. In like manner, from her left breast she made the four ancestors 
 of the gens of Co'citcini; from the right breast the ancestors of Bica'ni; 
 from the middle of her chest the ancestors Qackligni, and from the middle 
 of her back between the shoulders, the ancestors of Bicani." ^ 
 
 The Haidas believe that long ago the raven took a cockle shell from the 
 beach and married it. The cockle gave birth to a female child and from 
 their union the Indians were produced. The California Indians, in whose 
 mythology the coyote is a leading personage, are descended from coyotes. 
 At first they walked on all fours, then they began to have some members of 
 the human body— one finger, one toe, one eye; then two fingers, two toes. 
 
 CLAN TOTEMS IN THE EFi'^ItilES. 
 
 and so on until they became perfect human beings. The Iroquois are 
 descended from a turtle which developed into a man, though their chief 
 divinity was a rabbit. Some of the tribes of Peru were descended from 
 eagles, others from condors. The snake clan among the Moquis are de- 
 scended from a woman who was married to a snake she saw in a fountain 
 and who gave birth to snakes, though the great mother of the Moquis 
 brought from the west nine clans in the form of deer, sand, water, bears, 
 hares, tobacco plants and seed grass. She planted them on the spot where 
 their village now stands and transformed them on the spot into men who 
 built the present Pueblos. The crane clan of the Ojibwas are descended 
 from a pair of cranes which, after long wanderings, settled on the rapids at 
 the outlet of Lake Superior. The Osages who descended from a snail, the 
 snail bursting its shell, developed into a fine large man who married a beaver 
 maid. 
 
 IV. This leads us to consider the different methods of 
 representing the totems. These were varied and numerous, 
 but we may mention the following as the most important : 
 (i) The habit of painting the totems on the tents and houses. 
 This myth reminds us of the tattooing of the Ilaidas. 
 
 • See Am. Folk-Lore, Vol. 3, No. 9, p. 85. 
 
32 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 (2) The method of dramatiziiiLj the totems in the sacred cer- 
 emonies, especially those which took place at the time of 
 initiatin.e^ the braves into the secret societies ; (3) the cus- 
 tom of carving the totem on the grave posts and genealogical 
 trees ; (4) the method of writing them in the bark records or 
 tribal lists of names; (5) the custom of erecting effigies of 
 earth near their villages, making them represent their clan 
 
 
 TOTEMS OF THE VILLAGE CHIEF. 
 
 totems; (6) the habit of inscribing animal figures on rocks; 
 (7) the habit of representing them on their copper plates, 
 their pottery and pipes; (8) the habit of inscribing animal 
 figures on shell gorgets and burying them in the graves with 
 the dead — the latter custom showing that there was a to- 
 temistic relation between the spirit of the dead and the 
 supernatural world; (9) the custom of wearing masks as a 
 sign of transformation; (10) the custom of tattooing. 
 
 Illustrations of these different methods are numerous, a few of which 
 are given in the cuts and plates. One of these represents the buffalo dance 
 
TOTEM ISM AND MYTHOLOGY. 33 
 
 common among the Mandans. Another represents the animal figures seen 
 by CatHn, painted upon the tents. Another represents the pottery vessel 
 found in Arizona, made in the shape of a nondescript creature, partly ani- 
 mal and partly human. Another represents the "effigies" which are com- 
 mon in Wisconsin, another the "rock inscriptions" found near the clitf- 
 dwellings. Still another represents the totems gathered about the bed of a 
 Haida chief, as he lay in state in his tent. The plates represent the mytho- 
 logic totems of the Southern Mound-builders. 
 
 Catlin also speaks of wearing masks. He says one of the chief medicine 
 men placed over his body the entire skin of a bear, with the war 
 eagle's quill over his head, taking the lead in the dance, and looking 
 through the skin which formed a masque which hung over his face. Many 
 others in the dance wore masques on their faces, made of the skin from 
 the bear's head; and al), with the motions of their hands, closely imitated 
 the movements of that animal, some representing its motion when running, 
 and others the peculiar attitude and hanging of the paws, when it is sitting 
 up on its hind feet and looking out for the approach of an enemy. This 
 grotesque and amusing masquerade oftimes is continued at intervals for 
 several days. 
 
 Mr. Catlin has given several pictures of the imitative mythologic 
 dances celebrated among the Mandans. They illustrate the point, for in 
 these dances the Indians are represented as assuming the attitudes of the 
 different animals. [See plate.] 
 
 In some of these dances, the attitudes of the animals whose totems we -e 
 worn by the clans were imitated, and the spirits of the animals were sup- 
 posed to have taken possession of the dancers. In the buffalo dance, the 
 people imitated the various attitudes of the buffalo. In the wolf dance, 
 the society of those who had supernatural communication with wolves 
 were the dancers. They wore wolf skins, and paint the tips of their noses 
 and their bodies, in imitation of the blue wolves, and dance in imitation 
 of the actions of th« wolves. In the grizzly bear dance, they pretend to be 
 grizzly bears. Some wear the skins of grizzly bears, pushing their fingers 
 in the claws, some wear necklaces of grizzly bear's claws. The 
 ghost dance was one in which those who had supernatural com- 
 munication with ghosts could partake. The sun dance has not been 
 practiced by the Omahas, but is very common among the Ponkas. 
 
 Illustrations'of other methods of representing totems may 
 be given from the various tribes. 
 
 We take the Omahas first, for the totems of this tribe have been 
 studied extensively. Mr. J. O. Dorsey is our authority. The Omahas 
 were a branch of the great Siouan stock which at an ancient date jour- 
 neyed down the Ohio river and scattered over the region west of the Mis- 
 sissippi. The Omahas, Ponkas, Osages and Kansas went up the Missouri 
 river. The Winnebagos, lowas, Ottoes and Missouri belong to the same 
 stock, though these tribes were scattered along the Mississippi river from 
 the Wisconsin to the St. Francis river. The Omaha tribal organization was 
 different from that of many other tribes. The kinship seems to determine 
 the position of the men. Three classes were recognized in civil affairs : 
 the chief, who exercised legislative, executive and judicial functions; 
 
Si NATIVE AMERICAN' SYMBOLISM. 
 
 second, the braves who were servants and messengers of the chiefs; third, 
 the young men and common people. The chiefs only had a voice in the 
 tribal assembly, but in this assembly the civil and religious affairs were not 
 separated. Besides the chiefs proper were the seven keepers of the pipe of 
 peace and the three keepers of the sacred tents. The tribal circle of the 
 Omahas was in the form of a horse-shoe. In this circle the gentes took 
 their regular places divided by the road which passed through the center of 
 the circle, five gentes on the right side and five on the left. There were 
 special areas for the gentes and subgentes. The three sacred tents were 
 pitched within the circle on the right side, the war tent was near the gate- 
 way of the circle. The pipes were distributed among the different gentes, 
 the eagles. The following are the names of the gentes and their location, 
 symbols, offices, special missions and characteristics : (a) The elk had 
 their tent pitched at the right side of the gateway at one of the horns of 
 the circle, the sacred tent consecrated to war and the sacred bag which 
 held the feathers and skin of the sacred bird or war eagle, also the tribal 
 war pipe and the tobacco pouch and the sacred clam shell, which was the 
 emblem of the divinity which led the people in their migrations. This 
 clam shell was in ancient days carried on the back of a youth, wrapped in 
 a buffalo hide. It was never placed on the ground but was hung on a 
 cedar stick when the tribe were encamped. Their mission was to give the* 
 alarm in case of attack and to hold the sacred pipe toward the sky when 
 the first thunder was heard in the spring and to worship the thunder god. 
 They were not permitted to touch or eat any of the flesh of the elk. Sacred 
 names were given to the boys, names taken from different parts of the 
 horns of the elk. The style, of weaiing the hair was in imitation of the 
 elk's horns; the hair near the forehead stood erect, that back of it was 
 brushed forward, (b) The black shoulder gens was next to that of the elk. 
 Their ancestors, the " inke saba," were buffaloes, and dwelt under the sur- 
 face of the water. When they came out of the water they snuffed at the 
 four winds and prayed to them. They were accustomed to wrap their dead 
 in a buffalo robe with the hair out, and also to decorate the outside of their 
 tent with a circle in which was painted a buffalo head, and above it a pipe 
 ornamented with eagle feathers. The style of wearing the hair with the 
 boys was to leave two tufts to imitate the horns of the buffalo and a fringe 
 all around the head and to shave the rest of the head. They could not eat 
 the buffalo tongues and were not allowed to touch a buffalo head. There 
 is a myth connected with this custom. One day a principal man was fast- 
 ing and praying to the sun god, when he saw the ghost of a buffalo rising 
 out of a spring, (c) Next to this was the Hanga gens, which means ances- 
 tral. They were called the clear sky makers, and the myth is that they 
 also were buffaloes and dwelt beneath the water, but they used to move 
 along with their heads bowed and their eyes closed, but when they came 
 out of the water they lifted their heads and saw the blue sky for the first 
 time. The sacred pole and two sacred tents belonged to this gens. The 
 decoration of the tents was a cornstalk on each side of the entrance and 
 one at the back of the tent. Within one of the sacred tents was the skin 
 
 *Tho Oinabas once dwelt near St. Louis, but accompanied by the Ponlcas and the 
 low as they migrated in stages tlirough Missouri, Iowa and Minnesota, till they reached 
 theneigbborhood of the Red Pipestone quarry. This must have taken many years, as 
 their course was marked by a succession of villages consisting of earth lodges. 
 
TOTEMISM AND MYTHOLOGY. 35 
 
 of a white buffalo cow. The style of wearing the hair was to imitate the 
 back of the buffalo, a crest of hair about two inches long extending from 
 ear to ear. {d) The fourth place in the tribal circle belonged to the black 
 bear recently called the Katadah gens. The tent was decorated at the top 
 with a circle painted blue to represent the bear's cave. Below this four 
 zigzag lines to represent different kinds of thunders; below this the prints 
 of bear's paws. The style of wearing the hair was to leave four short 
 blocks on the head. A subgens is called " the blackbird people." Their 
 style of wearing the hair is to leave a little hair in front for bill and some at 
 the back of the head for the tail and a block over each ear for the wings. 
 Another subgens called the turtle, cut off all the hair from a boy's head 
 except six blocks, two on each side, one over the forehead and one down 
 the back, The Kansas gens was next in the circle. They were the wind 
 people. They flap their blankets to start a breeza which would drive off 
 mosquito3. Next to the Kansas are the earth lodge makers, Man cin-ka-gaxe, 
 though they call themselves the wolf people. They carried sacred stones, 
 black, red, yellow, blue, which were the same colors as those of the light- 
 ning on the tent of the bear gens. The boys have two blocks of hair left on 
 their heads, one over their foreheads and another on the crown, perhaps to 
 imitate the head and tail of a wolf. 
 
 The next is the buffalo tail gens. They wear their hair in a ridge, which 
 stretches from the front to the back of the head, perhaps to imitate a buf- 
 falo's back. They cannot touch a buffalo head. Next to this were the 
 deer head gens. They cannot touch any deer skin, or even use moccasins 
 or the fat of a deer, but can eat the flesh of the deer. The keepers of the 
 sacred pipe were a little apart from the rest. There was a ceremony at 
 birth, in which a child's back was marked with red spots in imitation of a 
 fawn, and all the deer head people make spots on their chest about the size 
 of a hand. The next in the circle was the Ingcejide. They do not eat a 
 buffalo calf, but paint the body of a buffalo calf on ea'ch side the entrance 
 to their tents. The Ictasaada gens, th3 reptile people, were next in the 
 circle. They do not touch worms, snakes, toad.«, frogs, or any other kind 
 of reptiles. The children were taken to the man who filled the sacred 
 pipes, who would cut off one lock about the length of a finger, and tie it up 
 and put it in a sacred buffalo hide. He would then put the little moccasins 
 on the child, who was to wear them for the first time, turn him around four 
 times, and then say to him, "May yjur feet rest for a long time on the 
 ground." 
 
 We see from this description that the totem system was a very important 
 factor in the clan life of the Omahas. It not only gave the name of animals 
 to the clans, but made the flesh of those animals sacred, or taboo to the 
 clans. It also controlled the position of the tents of each clan, and even 
 the decoration and a part of the furnishing of the tents. It came into the 
 tent and directed the ceremonies at the birth of children, placed its mark 
 upon the body of the child. The cutting of the hair of the child was 
 totemistic, symbolical of the peculiarities of the clan totem. The duty and 
 mission of the clan leaders was to carry the sacred pipes in their tents. 
 These pipes correspond to the "sacred shells" of the Ojibwas, the "sacred 
 bundles" of the Pawnees, and the "sacred boxes" of the Cherokees. 
 
36 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 V. A few words as to the survival of the system may be ap- 
 propriate here. 
 
 Animal figures were common among the early nations of 
 Europe, and may have come from a primitive totemism. It is 
 said that the Danes had animal figures painted upon their ban- 
 ners when they invaded England. The Norsemen carried shields 
 with animal semblances inscribed upon them, and the Sea Kings 
 navigated the Northern Ocean in boats, the prow of which was 
 made in the shape of an animal, the seipent or dragon being the 
 most common form. They placed their shields upon the sides 
 of the boats, perhaps to represent the scales. The Chinese bear, 
 to thi.^ day, a dragon flag, as the emblem to their national power, 
 and carve its head upon the corners of the roof of their houses. 
 The Japanese take the stork as their favorite ornament or em- 
 blem, while the Coreans place the tiger on their national es- 
 cutcheon. Siam has the white elephant, and the people of 
 Benares, the common elephant, for their "coat of arms." 
 
 The ancient nations used animal figures as symbols of power. 
 They are seen upon their coins and upon their seals, and are 
 always significant. 
 
 There are animal-headed divinities in Egypt, Assyria and 
 India, which remind us of the totems of America, the connecting 
 link being found in the grotesque figures described by Bartram 
 as being common among the Muscogees and other tribes formerly 
 inhabiting the Gulf States He says, in describing the "council 
 house" of the Cherokces : 
 
 There was a secluded place designed as a sanctuary, dedicated to relig- 
 ion, or rather priestcraft, for here are deposited all the sacred things, such 
 as the "medicine pot" rattles, chapletsof deer's hoofs, and other apparatus 
 of conjuration, and likewise the Calumet, the great "pipe of peace," the 
 imperial standard, made of the tail-feathers of the white eagle, hugely 
 formed and displayed like an open fan on a scepter or staff, as white and 
 clean as possible when displayed for peace, but when for war the feathers 
 were painted or tinged with vermilion. The pillars and walls of the houses 
 of the square are decorated with various paintings and sculptures, which 
 are supposed to be historic or legendary of political and sacerdotal affairs. 
 They are extremely picturesque, but some are ludicrous, as men in a variety 
 of attitudes have the head of some kind of animal, such as those of the 
 duck, turkey, bear, fox, wolf, and deer; and again, those kinds of creatures 
 are represented as having human heads. These designs are not illy exe- 
 cuted, for the outlines are free, bold, and well proportioned. The pillars 
 supporting the front, or piazza of the council house of the square are in- 
 geniously formed in the likeness of vast speckled serpents ^ ascending up- 
 wards, the Atasses being of the snake family or tribe. 
 
 Carvings of the Polynesians also contain animal figures. They 
 
 •These serpent pillars remind us of the serpent columns which have been described 
 by W. H Holmes as situated upon the summit of the pyramid, as found at Chichen 
 Itsa, in Yucatan, arranged so as to guard the entrance of the temple of the sun, situated 
 upon the summit of the pyramid. 
 
THE TOTEM SYSTEM. 3T 
 
 may have borrowed their symboHsm from the inhabitants of the 
 islands of the Pacific and of the Asiatic coast and so have devel- 
 oped an entirely different type from that which prevailed among 
 the tribes on the eastern side of the mountains. The pillars and 
 columns of the Nahaus do, however, resemble the totem posts 
 or pillars of the Thlinkeets. They are much more elaborate, but 
 are characterized by being built in stories. They have also hu- 
 man forms, which are grotesque and complicated and unique. 
 We are reminded by these characteristics of the many storied 
 towers of India aud the grotesque carving of the Chinese. 
 
 The hieorglyphics on these pillars or columns are very elabo- 
 rate. They are not pictures and cannot well be traced back to 
 any picture writing. Their source of development or of growth may 
 probably be traced across the ocean and not back into the inte- 
 rior. We certainly lose the thread when we go to the east. We 
 are not sure that we hold it when we go to the west. We think 
 we see fragments of it at the north, but we are not sure but that 
 these are the ends of two threads and not the fragments of a 
 broken line. 
 
 There are, however, three or four grades of symbolism 
 on this western or Pacific coast ; the first in Washington Ter- 
 ritory, the second in Mexico, the third in Yucatan and possibly 
 a fourth in South America. There is, however, this peculiarity 
 in the symbols of all these localities that animal figures are ap- 
 parent in all totemism, having been perpetuated through the 
 different grades. There are many symbolic carved sun col- 
 umns; but they seem to be as closely connected with 
 a primitive animal worship as are the monuments of 
 other regions. They remind us of the fact that totem- 
 ism was not entirely lost, even if sun worship had come in 
 and overshadowed it. We may say that in this region including 
 all of Central America and Mexico, there was a great mixture 
 of symbolism. Animal figures, human forms, and sun symbols 
 are strangely blended and it is difificult to distinguish the animal 
 totems from the sun symbols. *We notice, also, that animal fig- 
 ures are conspicuous in the Codices, see Plate III. These repre- 
 sent the images which were carried at their festivals and are sym- 
 bolic of the seasons, yet may be connected with the primitive 
 totemism in the Northern district. 
 
 Here carved statues and pillars are called totem posts, but 
 they present more human figures than they do animal. There 
 are here many paintings and drawings which are symbolic and 
 the totems of the tribes are sometimes expressed in these; but 
 the most conspicuous symbols are those which are contained in 
 these ancestor trees. The analysis of these carved posts reveals 
 to us one fact, that the family genealogy is expressed in the hu- 
 man figures, but the clan totem is shown by th e animal semblan- 
 
 *See, contributions to American ."XrchaEology. Vol. V. 
 
38 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM 
 
 Plate III.-FACSIMILE OF PICTURES ON THE DRESDEN CODEX. 
 
THE TOTEM SYSTEM. 
 
 39 
 
 ces. One can easily see that totemism is at the basis of ail the 
 symbolic figures which are contained in these columns. We 
 present a few specimens of totem posts from the northwest coast. 
 See Figs. 14, 15, 16 and 17. 
 
 
 \j. 
 
 U 
 
 ' J 
 
 iT' 
 
 Fig. 14.— rui'KAl l'U.blS iKuAl THE NURrUWLS^' CUA.Sl. 
 
 There are many such totem posts in which the thunder bird is 
 conspicuous. Totemism seems to have been modified and min- 
 gled with a genealogical record. Tlie bird represents the. first 
 great ancestor. The human figures represent the later progeni- 
 tors. The animals represent the clan, the human figures the 
 
40 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 family. They call the figure at the top the " thunder bird," but 
 it is not so much a nature divinity as it is a tribal God. If it per- 
 sonifies the thunder or any power of nature it at the same 
 
 time represents the ani- 
 mal divinity. See Fig. 15. 
 The bear is also a totem 
 and this animal is some- 
 times carved on the to- 
 tem posts and some- 
 times painted on boards 
 or woven into blankets. 
 There is a picture of a 
 chief* lying in state, in 
 which there are blankets 
 with bears woven in them 
 on the bed, the image 
 of a stuffed bear is beside 
 the bed, the same or 
 similar figures are seen 
 ornamenting the walls 
 above the bed and every 
 where in the room are 
 animal semblances. 
 These were undoubted- 
 ly the symbols which 
 expressed the tribal con- 
 nection of the chief They show the clan emblems as well as the 
 personal totem of the chief 
 
 It seems to have been a peculiarity of the people of the north- 
 west coast, that they symbolized their clan history by animal 
 figures, but their family history by human figures. We do not 
 know that they were very different from the other American 
 tribes except in this. It is however probable they were older or 
 at least had continued their tribal existence longer than many of 
 the tribes farther east. 
 
 There were certain tribes, such as the Dacotahs, who had al- 
 most reached the same stage that these had. It appears from the 
 researches of ethnologists, and notably those of Rev. J. O. Dor- 
 sey, that the Dacotahs had not only tribes and clans, but sub- 
 clans, as if they were approximating to the condition where the 
 family would be recognized as constituting a separate line. In 
 these tribes the mother-right had disappeared, and the father had 
 come to take the place of the mother in giving the name and in- 
 heritance to the clan. We need only to carry the subject a little 
 further, to see how tribes like those on the northwest coast might 
 set up the family name and genealogy as still more important 
 than the clan name and seek to symbolize this fact by their to- 
 *See Century Magazine — also West Shore lor i88i. 
 
 ■THE THUNDER BIRD. 
 
THE TOTEM SYSTEM. 
 
 41 
 
 terns. In this way we might suppose that a people would easily 
 pass out tiom animal worship to ancestor worship, the first ha\'- 
 ing been correlated to the clan, and the last to the family. The 
 totem posts of the northwest coast are suggestive objects for our 
 study on this account. These were always expressive of the 
 family hon^r and the family history, but they suggested at the 
 same time the clan system, the family name being symbolized by 
 the human figures and the clan by the animal, as we have said. 
 There is one point further in this connection. These tribes of 
 the northwest coast were undoubtedly descended from the tribes 
 of the northeast coast of Asia. Their totem system is to be 
 studied in connection with the Asiatic tribes. We know that the 
 peculiarity of Mongolian races, and especially of the Chinese is 
 that they were given to ancestor worship. The same is true of 
 the tribes situated north of the Chinese wall, such as the Samoy- 
 edes, Tungus, and Ostyaks; ancestor worship was very common 
 among them. We may suppose that the American tribes on the 
 northwest coast derived their system from the same source. We 
 find in the totem posts, not only the record of the tribal history, 
 but we may trace in them hints as to their line of migration. These 
 tribes undoubtedly had passed through the various stages of ani- 
 mal worship, and reached the early stage of ancestor worship. 
 They, however, retained the symbols of both 
 systems in these carved posts, and so we have 
 in them a book which we may read as full of 
 significance. 
 
 The cuts which we present will illustrate 
 the point, it will be noticed that quite a 
 difference exists between these totem posts. 
 The smaller figures however represent the 
 posts which were erected inside of the house 
 while the larger figures represent those which 
 are on the outside of the house. In reference 
 to the former Rev. M. Eells says, gener- 
 ally these sticks are posts which arc used 
 to support the roof of their feast houses, but 
 sometimes arc in private houses, and occa- 
 sionally are placed near the head of the bed, 
 as protectors. See Figs. i6and 17. These rep- 
 resent posts which are set on large cross beams 
 to support the ridge pole, in a large communal 
 house. No. 1 6 having been unveiled with great 
 ceremony. (In the engiavings the black por- 
 tions represent red, the horizontal shading 
 blue, and the vertical black. The unshaded 
 portions represent Avhite paint.) Figure 18 was a board in an- 
 other large house, where several hundred Indians gathered for a 
 Aveek's festival. At this time a few persons gave to their invited 
 
 Kigs 16 and 17. 
 
NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 friends several hundred dollars in money and other valuable 
 things and it was said that the spirit which dwelt in it really 
 gave away the presents. The principle of idolatry was in all 
 this superstition 
 but still the sticks 
 were of such a 
 shape that they 
 could not properl}' 
 be called idols. I 
 had been here for 
 years before I saw 
 what could be called 
 by this name and 
 have never seen but 
 this one. As I vis- 
 ited them at one of 
 their religious 
 gatherings in 1878 I saw Fig. 
 19, which represents a post 
 about four feet long, roughly 
 carved, with the face and body 
 of a man, but with no legs or 
 feet, the lower part being set 
 into the ground and around 
 this they performed their in- 
 cantations. The eyes were 
 silver quarter dollars nailed to 
 it. and at the time it had no 
 clothes on except a necktie of 
 red cloth, white cloth and 
 beaten cedar bark. It is said 
 Fig. 19. to have been made by the fath- 
 er of a very old man and was kept secreted 
 in the woods when not wanted. I saw it 
 several times after they were done with 
 their performance, and the Indians will- 
 ingly allowed me "to make a drawing of it 
 carried off to the woods again. 
 
 . There are many such figures among the tribes of the North- 
 west coast. We present a figure, see Fig. 20, which came from 
 this region. Very little is known concerning it. It is described 
 in one of the Smithsonian Catalogues. It, however, probably 
 represents a totem or a genealogical record of some private per- 
 son. It will be noticed in this post that the animal totems are 
 quite distinct from the human image. Crocodiles are here the 
 tribal totems, but the knife-feathered image is the totem or em- 
 blem of the family. 
 
 VI. This leads us to another part of our subject, the modifi- 
 
 
 Fig 20 
 
 It has smce he^n 
 
THE TOTEM SYSTEM. 43 
 
 cation of the totem system. We have traced the growth of the 
 system from the primitive picture-writing, in which animals 
 were conspicuous, and have found that totemism and symboHsm 
 began at about tlije same stage. It was not used by the fishermen 
 but came into vogue among the hunter races; it continued among 
 these races going through the different stages of growth until 
 it finally reached a stage where ancestor worship came in to mod- 
 ify it. It is noticeable, however, that totemism continued among 
 the agricultural tribes, and to a certain extent among the Pueblos 
 or village Indians. 
 
 It is probable that a modified form of totemism existed among 
 the civilized races, but the symbols among them became changed. 
 There are, to be sure, many animal figures among these sym- 
 bols but along with these figures certain symbols which are 
 significant of a primitive stage of sun worship and others 
 which are significant of a primitive ancestor worship and 
 so on until we come to the elaborate and complicated sym- 
 bols of the civilized races. The modification of the totems is then 
 an important point for us to study because we may find in it a 
 history of the changes through which native society in America 
 passed, and may possibly trace the line of their migrations. This 
 is a task which the Archaeologists must set before themselves. 
 We have said that totemism was characteristic of hunter races 
 mainly, and that it was confined to a certain stage of society, 
 that stage which is represented by the term animal worship. 
 We, however, have taken the position that the totem system was 
 perpetuated in ancestor worship. To reconcile these two points 
 we must consider that there were modifications of the totem sys- 
 tem. These modifications may be seen, ist. In the adornments 
 and decorations which were common among the native tribes, 
 especially at their feasts and religious ceremonies. 2d, In the 
 carved pipes and other figures which prevailed among the Mound 
 Builders. 3d, In the fetiches and prey gods of the Zunis, 
 4th, In the effigies which we trace in the emblematic mounds. 
 5th, In the combination of animal figures and human forms, which 
 we have seen in the genealogical trees. 6th, In the various myths 
 and traditions which clustered about the heroes, ancestors and 
 prehistoric divinities. 7th, In the superstitions which prevailed 
 in reference to certain haunted places, especially those where a 
 resemblance to animals was recognized in the forms of nature. 
 
 The first modification which we shall consider is that which 
 appeared in the personal adornments, decorations, and habili- 
 ments of the natives. It is a remarkable fact that there was not 
 only a symbolism in these adornments, but that the personal 
 names and exploits, and tribal connection, were thus symbolized; 
 in other words, that totemism was embodied in the official cos- 
 tumes. 
 
 Animals are frequently seen suspended to the dress or hair of 
 
44 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 the chiefs and especially of the medicine men. See Fig. 21. 
 The significance of this is that the totem system was symbolized 
 but in a modified form. *There are many pictures which show how 
 totemism could be expressed in the personal adornments. The 
 
 Fig. 21— THE INDIAN MEDICINE MAN. 
 
 picture of the medicine man is familiar. In this picture, how- 
 
 *The cuts which we have presented do not fully illustrate the sul j^ct; other cuts 
 may be found in the .Smithsonian Report for 1881, p. 540, Figs. 9, 10 and 14. Also 
 American Naturalist, July 1S85, p. 676, March 1S85, p. 281. Lubbock's Origin of 
 Civilization, p. 33, Fig. 5, and page 39, P"ig. 11. .Second Annual Rejiort of the 
 Ethnological Bureau, p. 12, plate I, p.' 16, ])1. II, p. 20 pi. Ill, \). 24, pi IV, li.f.26. 
 pi. V, p. 27, pi. VI, p. 28, pi. VII, p. 29, pi. Viri, p. 30, pi. IX, p. 40, pi. X,' p. 
 41, pi. XI, p. 60, pi. XIV, p. 64, pi. XV, pps. 155 — 163; p. 302. pi. LXXVI; p. 
 39S> Figs. 566-569; p. 596, Figs. 570-572. Author s book on Eblematic Mounds, 
 also Picture Writing. Catlin's North American Indians, p. 40. Fig. 19; p. 128, Fig. 
 
THE TOTEM SYSTEM. 
 
 45 
 
 Plate IV.— CARVED riPES FROM THE MOUNDS. 
 
46 NATIVE AMEHICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 ever, we have hints as to how animal totems might be used 
 without being strictly tribal emblems. The coat of arms 
 of the tribe seem here to have been worn by one man. 
 The clan emblems hang to this person in great profusion. 
 There was an appeal to the superstition of the people in this 
 manner of dressing himself up. The Medicine Man seems 
 to have represented the great divinity and ancestor of the 
 people, the wolf He seems to have had a power or control 
 over the other clan divinities, the tortoise, the lizzard, the 
 eel, the serpent, the eagle and many other animals. The 
 same Medicine Man would get into his tent and throw out 
 through the roof, emblems of the tribal divinities, he would imi- 
 itate with his voice the cry of the different animals and would 
 finally end his ceremony by declaring the advent of the chief 
 divinity, imitating the voice of the particular animal, with a 
 tone of triumph, as if the contest between the tribal gods had 
 ended. There was, however, in this ceremony the modification 
 of the totem system for the animals seem to personify the differ- 
 erent elements of nature as well as the tribal divinities. It was 
 an object lesson preparing the people for a higher stage of nature 
 worship and yet the animal emblems are all retained. 
 
 Another modification is found in pipes and pottery. See Plate 
 IV and V. These were partly totemic and partly decorative, 
 that is they]^were expressive of the tribal name, but were also cre- 
 ations of fancy and were subject to a great variety of forms. On 
 this point we quote Mr. H. M. Henshaw. He says, with reference 
 to the origin of these animal sculptures: *" Many writers appear 
 inclined to the view that they are purely decorative and orna- 
 mental in character, /. c, that they are attempts at close imita- 
 tions of nature in the sense demanded by high art, and that they 
 owe their origin to the artistic instinct alone. But there is much 
 in their appearance that suggests that they may have been totem- 
 ic in their origin, and that whatever of ornamental character they 
 may possess is of secondary importance. With perhaps, ie.w ex- 
 ceptions, the North American tribes practiced totemism in one 
 or the other of its various forms, and, although,, it by no means 
 follows that all the carving and etchings of birds or animals by 
 these tribes are totems, yet it is undoubtedly true that the to- 
 
 56; p. 234, Fig. 98. Dorman's Primitive Superstitions, p. 83, Fig. I; p, 84, Fig. 2; 
 p. 85, Fig. 3; p. 86, pi. II; p. 127, Fig. 9; p. 288, pi. IV; p. 272, Fig. 13; p. 323, 
 Fig. 19; p. 362, pi. V. Documentary History of New York, Vol. I. p. 7, Figs II, 
 I, M, O, K; p. 9, inset. Tlie Indian Tribes of the United States, by F. S. Drake, 
 plates, II, III, IV, VI. XVI, XX, XXIV, XXV, XXVIII, XXXI, XXXIV, 
 XXXV, XXXVI, XXXVII, XXXVIII, XXXIX, DXXV, LXXXII Mal- 
 lory's Sign Language, p. 372, Fig. 164; p. 422, Fig. 249 Yarrow's Mortuary Cos- 
 tumes, Figure, XLVI. Squier's Nicaragua, p. 36, pi. I; p. 39, pi. Ill; p. 54, Nos. 
 2 and 3; p. 63, Nos. 11 and 12. Bancroft's Native Races, Vol. V, p. 40, Figs, i 
 and 2; p. 42, Figs. 3 and 4; p. 43, Fig. 5; p. 46, Fig. ■9; p. 49, Fig, i; p. 50. 
 
 *Sec Second Annual Report of the IJureau of Ethnology, page 150. — The plates 
 in this chapter were taken from this report. 
 
THE TOTEM SYSTEM. 
 
 47 
 
 Fir;. ?.':-^ 
 
 Fig. 370 
 
 PlateV.— ZUNI WATER VASES, OKNAMEXIED WITH ANIMAL FIGURES. 
 
48 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 temic idea is traceable in no small majority of their artistic rep- 
 resentations, whatever their form. As favoring the idea of the 
 totemic meaning of the carvings, it may be pointed out that a 
 considerable number of recognizable birds and animals are pre- 
 cisely the ones known to have been used as totems by many 
 tribes of Indians. The hawk, heron, woodpecker, crow, beaver, 
 otter, wildcat, squirrel, rattle snake, and others, have all figured 
 largely in the totemic divisions of our North American Indians. 
 
 " Their sacred nature, too, would enable us to understand how 
 naturally pipes would be selected as the medium for totemic rep- 
 resentations. It is also known to be a custom among Indian 
 tribes, for individuals to carve out or etch their totems upon wea- 
 pons and implements of the more important and highly prized 
 class, and a variety of ideas, superstitions and others are associa- 
 ted with the usages, as for instance in the case of weapons of 
 war or implements of the chase, to impart greater efficiency to 
 them. The etching would also serve as a mark of ownership, 
 especially where property of certain kinds was regarded as be- 
 longing to the tribe or gens and not the individual. Often, in- 
 deed, in the latter case the individual used the totems of 
 his gens instead of the symbol or mark for his own name. 
 
 "As a theory to account for the number and character of these 
 animal carvings the totemic theory is perhaps as tenable as any. 
 The origin and significance of the carvings may, however, in- 
 volve many different and distinct ideas. It is certain that it is a 
 common practice of Indians to endeavor to perpetuate the image 
 of any strange bird or beast, especially when seen away from 
 home, and in order that it may be shown to his friends. What 
 are deemed the marvelous features of the animal are almost al- 
 ways greatly exaggerated. It is m this way that many of the 
 astonishing productions noticeable in savage art have originated. 
 
 Another modification of the totem system is that which is 
 found among the Zunis, These remarkable people have a fe- 
 tichistic religion and at the same time are sun worshippers. The 
 fetiches perpetuate the animal divinities, but their sun worship 
 absorbed and supplanted totemism. The Zunis had many fetiches; 
 these were generally representatives of the operations of nature; 
 they seem to have dominion over the different elements. See 
 Plate VI. The Zunis divided the earth into six regions, the 
 north, west, south, east, the upper region and the lower regions 
 and ascribed a divinity to each one of these regions. These divin- 
 ities were all animals, but they were animals of different kinds, 
 the wolf being the God of the east, the bear the God of the west, 
 the badger the God of the south, the mountain lion the God of 
 the north, the eagle the God of the upper regions, and the 
 mole the God of the lower regions. They personified the pow- 
 ers of nature but they did this as much by their color and by their 
 peculiar adornrhents as by their animal form. They were ani- 
 
THE T0TE3I SYSTEM. 
 1^ 
 
 Plate VI.— ZUNI tElICHES. 
 
50 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 mal divinities; they were not tribal Gods so much as they were 
 nature Gods. They neither represented the tribal names or the 
 tribal history, but they symbolized the divinity which ruled in 
 the different parts of the sky. Each one of these animals was rep- 
 resented by an image, the image however, always had the color 
 which was peculiar to the sky, the God of the north being yel- 
 low, that of the west blue, that of the south red, that of the east 
 white, that of the upper regions all colors, and that of the lower 
 regions, black. These colors are used in the pictographs, and in 
 all the mythic symbolism of the Zunis to indicate the regions 
 referred to above. We cannot fail to see in this, clear reference 
 to the natural colors of the regions ; the barren north with its 
 auroral hues, the west with its blue Pacific, the rosy south, the 
 white daylight of the east, the many hues of the clouded sky, and 
 the black darkness of the holes and caves of the earth. Among 
 the Zunis there were different classes of animal divinities, three 
 of them being especially prominent. They are: ist, the Gods 
 of the six regions referred to above; 2d, the prey Gods or the 
 fetiches of the hunt, and 3d, the Gods of the priesthoodcf the 
 bow. These were all worshiped and were symbolized with great 
 care, every part of the image or of the painting being expressive 
 of the attributes of the divinity and some particular phase of na- 
 ture. Sometimes the idols were trigged up with various flint 
 weapons such as arrow-heads and spear-heads or with shell 
 beads, the arrow-heads and beads always having a symbolic sig- 
 nificance, the position of the flint, whether on the back or side 
 or belly of the animal being in itself symbolic, and the color of 
 
 the beads and flints being 
 also expressive. Some- 
 times the animals were 
 painted on a shield, and 
 the shield^ was decorated 
 with feathers and covered 
 with . various figures. A 
 winged creature is fre- 
 quently seen on the shield, 
 the wings being attached 
 to a human form, but the 
 animal divinities are al- 
 ways seen accompanying 
 this nondescript figure. 
 Two pictures of the fetich- 
 es of the priesthood of the 
 Fig. 22.-KNIFE-FEATHERED MONSTER. bow are givcn by Mr, F. 
 H. Gushing in his interesting description of the Zuni fetiches. 
 These pictures are in different colors, to represent the earth 
 and sky and water; one of them has a winged human form 
 in its centre, a crooked serpent below the feet, and a moun- 
 
THE TOTEM SYSTEM. 51 
 
 tain lion on cither side. *"This curious god is the hero of hun- 
 dreds of folk-lore-tales and the tutelar divinity of several of the 
 societies of Zuni. He is represented as possessing a hu- 
 man form, furnished with two flint knifes, feathered pinions 
 and a knife-feathered tail. His dress consists of the conven- 
 tional terraced cap representative of his dwelling place among the 
 clouds, and the ornaments, badges and garments of the Ka-Ka. 
 His weapons are the Great Flint Knife of War, the Bow of the 
 Skies, (the Rain Bow), and the arrow of Lightning; and his guard- 
 ians or warriors are the Great Mountain Lion of the north and 
 that of the upper regions. He was doubtless the original War- 
 God of the Zunis, although now secondary in the order of man, 
 to the two children of the Sun mentioned." See Fig. 21. "These 
 fetiches are constantly carried by the warriors when abroad, in 
 pouches like those of the hunters, and in a similar manner. The 
 perfect fetich of this order differs but little from those of the Hunt- 
 ers save that it is more elaborate and is sometimes supplied with 
 a minute heart of turkois bound to the side of the figure with 
 sinew of the Mountain Lion, with which, also the arrow-point is 
 probably attached, usually to the back or belly. 
 
 " The arrov/ point when placed on the back of the fetich is 
 emblematic of the Knife of War, (Sa-wa-ni-k'ia a-tchi-en-ne,) and 
 is supposed, through the power of Sa-wa-ni-k'ia or the "magic 
 medicine of war" to protect the wearer from the enemy from 
 behind or from other unexpected quarters. When placed "under 
 the feet" or belly, it is through the same power, considered cap- 
 able of effacing the tracks of the warrior that his trail may not 
 be followed by the enemy." 
 
 The other picture is that of a shield with an eagle in the cen- 
 tre, the serpents below the eagle with a white bear above. This 
 is the great white bear. The three beings which constitute 
 the prey-Gods of the priesthood of the bow are the Moun- 
 tain Lion, the great white bear and the knife-feathered monster. 
 These are the war gods, as the others are the hunter gods. 
 
 In reference to the worship of animals it naturally follows from 
 the Zuni philosophy of life that his worship, while directed to the 
 more mysterious and remote powers of nature, or as he regards 
 their existence, should relate more especially to the animals; 
 that in fact, the animals, as more nearly related to himself than 
 are these powers, should be frequently made to serve as media- 
 tors between them and him. 
 
 The color of the stone was symbolic as well as the shape, 
 the four parts of the sky were supposed to have different colors , 
 the nortli was yellow; the east, white; the south, red; the west, 
 
 *Second annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pps, 40 and 41. 
 
 In reference to Fig. 20, Dr. Charles Rau says: It is of Makah or Haidan charac- 
 ter; original not in the National Museum; drawings made by Mr. Swan. It is entitled 
 Figure on a plank, supporting roof poles of lodge at Chilowcyuck Depot, 
 
53 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 I 
 blue; the upper regions, many colored; the lower regions, black, 
 accordingly the divinities which presided over these regions 
 had colors which corresponded: See Plate VI.* 
 
 In this plate we have Fig. i, Mountain Lion, God of the north 
 — (yellow). Fig. 2. the Coyote, which is the God of the west — 
 (blue). Fig. 3. the Wildcat, which is the God ot the south — (red). 
 Fig. 4. The Eagle, which is the God of the upper regions — • 
 (spotted). Fig. 5. The Mole, which is the God of the lower 
 regions — (black). 
 
 The ornaments or equipments in the fetiches are also symbol- 
 ic. Ordinarially the Gods of the hunt, that is, those which pre- 
 sided over hunters and were supposed to direct them to the game, 
 were furnished with the arrow heads, while the prey Gods, 
 which represented the game which was to be slain and consum- 
 ed, were frequently without the arrow heads. It was supposed 
 that the animals of prey had a magical influence over the ani- 
 mals they preyed upon, and breathed upon them whether near 
 or far and never failed to overcome them, piercing their hearts 
 and causing their limbs to stiffen, and the animals to lose their 
 strength. 
 
 *In this plate we have the different fetichec, but the color is not represented in the 
 printing. 
 
 For further information on the totem system, see Morgan's Ancient .Society, 
 Schoolcraft's Archives, Lubbock's Origin of Civilization, Mallory's Sign Language, 
 Mftllory's Dacotah Calendar, Brinton's Hero Myths, Bancroft's Myths and Lan- 
 guages, Hale's Iroquois Book of Rites, Valentin i's Essays published by the Ameri- 
 can Antiquarian Society, David Cusick's Six Nations, The Documentary History of 
 New York, Vol. I. 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 53 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE SERPENT SYMBOL IN AMERICA. 
 
 One of the most interesting and suggestive topics for archaeol- 
 ogists to consider is the serpent symbol. The interest is owing 
 to the fact that it prevails so extensively. No symbol is more 
 common in oriental countries and few symbols are more 
 prominent in this country. The study of it, however, is attended 
 with some difficulties. The very fact that it prevails so exten- 
 sively gives rise to many enquiries. The student is quite likely 
 to be diverted from the careful investigation by the number of 
 enquiries which arise as lie progresses with the subject. The 
 problems become so numerous and difficult that he feels almost 
 burdened with the importance of the subject. The fact that so 
 much curiosity is awakened and so many enquirers wait upon him 
 for results, has however a tendency to urge him forward. 
 
 The serpent is as conspicuous in prehistoric as in historic 
 times, and the task before us is to explain how and why this 
 was the case. We find the form of the serpent a prominent 
 object in primiti\'e art, and the earliest forms of religion, pre- 
 -vailing extensively in native traditions, and as a symbol proving 
 to be widespread. The question is, whether its appearance in 
 historic times, is the result of its prevalence in the prehistoric. 
 
 The serpent symbol in America is especially interesting. Here 
 it is free from historic associations, has few of the accumulations 
 of civilized art, is unattended with the customs which have clus- 
 tered about it in the I^^iast. There may be, to be sure, discussions 
 in connection with it, and some may be inclined to trace the 
 symbol to scripture lands and ascribe it to the scripture narrative, 
 yet the fact that it is found in regions so remote makes it uncer- 
 tain. The value of the study of the symbol in America will be 
 seen from this circumstance. We may be able to solve impor- 
 tant problems by the means. 
 
 We propose to consider the serpent symbol in America. 
 
 I. Its origin. Here there arise a number of enquiries, ist, The 
 
54 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 appearance of the symbol in the I^ast. 2d, The connection 
 between the tradition in the East, and the traditions of the West. 
 3rd, The correspondence between the tradition and the sym- 
 bol everywhere. 4th, The mingling of the serpent symbol and 
 the sun symbol. 5th, The enquiry is, whether serpent worship 
 was a widespread cult, or was something which was local. 6th, 
 Did the symbol originate in this country? 7th, Can the serpent 
 symbol in this country be said to be derived from the scripture 
 narrati\-e. This last is perhaps the chief enquiry. It is a well 
 known foct that the symbol prevails in oriental countries, and 
 that the tradition of the serpent is common in the mythology of 
 all lands. The fact that the serpent appears in the traditions of this 
 country makes this enquiry all the more interesting. 8th, The ap- 
 pearance of the serpent amid the ornamentations of the palaces 
 and idol pillars of Central America suggests that the symbol was 
 highly developed, and by following the stages up to this point 
 we might learn why and how the serpent became so prominent 
 in Greek Art. 9th, Still further the connection between the ser- 
 pent worship and the phallic symbol is a fruitful theme and 
 might engage our attention throughout the whole of this paper. 
 We are controlled, however, by our limitations and must only 
 touch upon a few points and then pass on. 
 
 I. Lenormant, the French historian and archajologist, explains 
 the " Serpent in P^den" as follows: He says that the tradition 
 of the serpent, was seized upon by the sacred writer and embod- 
 ied in the narrative, but the origin of it was in pre-historic times. 
 He maintains that the symbolism of the garden of Eden was de- 
 rived from the serpent worship which had prevailed, and under 
 this symbolism an actual fact was made known. A new explan- 
 ation of the fall of man is given. It was a fall from potential 
 holiness, and not from actual holiness. The conscience of the 
 first man was designed to keep him in the true worship, and to 
 teach him about the true God, but disobeying this he fell away 
 into the various systems of nature worship and became ruined 
 by the fall. Serpent worship was a native faith, one of the vari- 
 eties of nature worship, but it was a very degenerate form of the 
 faith; the serpent itself became at length the embodiment of evil, 
 and the source of degeneracy. 
 
 On this point there might be a difference of opinion, and yet 
 if we take the association of the serpent with the phallic sym- 
 bol, we Can easily see how man would degenerate, and this 
 form of religion become the cause of his degeneracy or fall. 
 
 Serpent worship in the East is certainly a source of evil, and 
 whatever we may say about its age and origin we mu.st acknowl- 
 edge that there is a great contrast between it and the worship 
 taught by the scriptures. In reference to the question whether 
 the serpent symbol in America can be traced to the traditions of the 
 East, and whether there is any connection between the scrip- 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 55 
 
 ture narrative and this symbol a few words are appropriate. 
 
 The serpent symbol certainly abounded in the prehistoric period 
 in this countr}'. If it was derived from the scripture it must have 
 been transmitted at a very early date. The symbol of the ser- 
 pent is here very rude, so rude as to almost convince us 
 that it originated on this soil. It might, to be sure, have under- 
 gone a degenerating process in its transmission, and yet the fact 
 that there is so much rudeness to the symbol and so many differ- 
 ent types manifested by it, would almost preclude this. The 
 picture given to us by the sacred word, of the serpent and the 
 tree; is attended with the idea of temptation to evil, but the tra- 
 dition in yAmerica has no such moral distinction. 
 
 The serpent symbol in America is not like the serpent in the 
 garden. It is not even like the sacred tree of the ancient Assyrians 
 and Babylonians though it has much more in common with that 
 symbol than with any picture of the fall. There are, to be sure, 
 a few relics which by some are claimed to be genuine, which 
 transmit the s}'mbol exactly as it is given in the scriptures. '''Mr, 
 Ignatius Donnelly, in his volume called "Atlantis," has given a cut 
 which illustrates this, but the specimen can hardly be called a 
 genuine prehistoric relic. It is more likely to have been left b}- 
 by some Spanish explorer than by any native. 
 
 The tradition and the worship of the serpent in oriental coun- 
 tries might have come from the scriptures, and in a degenerate 
 form may have been transmitted, carrying the symbols with them. 
 This country however is very remote and the tradition can hard- 
 ly be traced back to the sacred record. It \\ould be easier to 
 explain the scripture account of the serpent as the result of a 
 primitive system such as we find here, than it would to trace the 
 symbol in America to scripture lands and say that it was the de- 
 generate form of this sacred story, symbolized by the natives in 
 their relics. Still the prevalence of the tradition and the symbol 
 may possibly be owing to the vague and shadowy myth which may 
 have been transmitted from the earliest time. The myth would 
 naturally become conformed to the superstitious notions and 
 customs of the natives. The imagery would become American, 
 the very conception would be savage, and the original story 
 would be lost. The contrast between the symbol in the East 
 and the West can at least be thus explained. 
 
 2. The correspondence between the traditions of this country 
 and those of Europe and the lands of the P^ast will perhaps be a 
 better point. This correspondence has been explained. Dr. D. G. 
 Brinton thinks that all the stories about the creation, the deluge, 
 the first ancestor, the Culture-Heroes, and ev^en some of the 
 migration legends, can be traced to nature worship. He makes 
 them all to be mere variations of a primitive mythology. Even 
 the heroes which are so well known to history and which have 
 
 *See Atlantis, page 445. 
 
5G iV.l Tl VE AMERICAN S YMBOLISM. 
 
 appeared conspicuou.sly in literature and poetry, Hiawatha, Mon- 
 te/Aima, the " Fair God" of the Toltecs, Quetzacoatl and the 
 Peruvian Viracocha, are but personifications of the powers of na- 
 ture, with a small amount of actual history as a basis for their 
 celebrity.* On the other hand, Charles Leland maintains that 
 there was a close connection between these traditions and those 
 which have been preserved in the Younger Edda. 
 
 Mr. Leland quotes Henry Schoolcraft as holding a contrary 
 opinion, but thinks the traditions of the Wabanaki are excep- 
 tional. Mr. Schoolcraft's language is as follows:t 
 
 "Where analogies are so general there is a constant liability to 
 mistakes. Of these foreign analogies of myth-lore, the least 
 tangible, it is believed, is that which has been suggested with the 
 Scandinavian mythology. That mythology is of so marked and 
 peculiar a character that it has not been distinctly traced out of 
 the great circle of tribes of the Indo-Germanic family. Odin and 
 his terrific pantheon of war gods and social deities could only 
 exist in the dreary latitudes of storms and fire which produce a 
 Hecla and a Maelstrom. These latitudes have invariably pro- 
 duced nations whose influence has been felt in an elevating pow- 
 er over the world. From such a source the Indian could have de- 
 rived none of his vague symbolisms and mental idiosyncrasies 
 Avhich have left him as he is found to-da}', without a government 
 and without a god." Mr. Leland says:;|; 
 
 "This is all perfectly true of the myths of Hiawatha-Manobozho. 
 Nothing on earth could be more unlike the Norse legends than 
 the Indian Eddas of the Chippewas and Ottawas. But it was not 
 known to this writer that there already existed in Northeastern 
 America a stupendous mythology, derived from a land of storms 
 and fire, more terrible and wonderful than Iceland; nay, so terri- 
 ble that Icelanders themselves were appalled by it. Here indj.:id 
 there existed all the time, a code of mythological legends such as 
 he declared Indians incapable of producing; but strangest of all, 
 this American mythology of the north, which has been the very 
 last to become known to Ameiican readers, is literally so like the 
 Edda itself that, as this work fully proves, there is hardly a song 
 in the Norse collection which does not contain an incident found 
 in the Indian poem legends, while in several there are many such 
 coincidences." * * 
 
 "It made, in short, a mythology such as would be perfectly 
 congenial to any one who had read and understood the Edda, 
 Beowulf, and the Kalavala, with the wildest and oldest Norse 
 Sagas. The Wabanaki mythology, which was that which gave 
 a fairy, an elf, a naiad, or a hero to every rock and river and 
 ancient hill in New England, is just the one of all others which 
 is least known to the New Englanders." 
 
 •'■See Myths of the New World, pps 34, 49, 58, 81, iii, 117, 123, 177, 183, 19;, 195, 209 and 225. 
 tSes "Algonquin Legends of New England." — Introduction, pp 1-3. 
 ^Algonquin Legends, Introduction, pp. 4 and 5. 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 57 
 
 Fig. ;3.— GR:;AT SERPKNT in ADAMS COUXTV. O. 
 
58 ^^A ri VE AMEEICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 "It may very naturally be asked by many, how it came to pass 
 that the Indians of Maine and of the farther north have so much 
 of the Edda in their sagas; or, if it was derived through the Es- 
 kimo tribes, how these got it from the Norsemen who were pro- 
 fessedly Christians. I do not think the time has come for fully 
 answering the first question. There is some great mystery of 
 mythology, a? yet unsolved, regarding the origin of the Edda 
 and its relations with the faiths and folk-lore of the older Sham- 
 anic beliefs, such as Lapp, Finn, Samoyed, Eskimo, and Tartar. 
 This was the world's first religion; it is found in the so called 
 Accadian-Turanian beginning of Babylon, whence it possibly 
 came from the West. But what we have here to consider is 
 whether the Norsemen did directly influence the Eskimo and 
 Indians." 
 
 3. The appearance of the serpent in American tradition is not 
 confined to the northeast coast or to the Algonquin race, but is, 
 in fact, found among ail the different tribes. Mr. Schoolcraft 
 has referred to it in his interesting volume called "Algic Re- 
 searches." Dr. Brinton has also spoken of it in his volume, 
 "Myths of the New World." Mr. R. M. Dorman in his "Origin 
 of Primitive Superstitions," Mr. E. G. Squier in his volume called 
 "Serpent worship," Mr. H. H. Bancroft in his "Native Races," 
 and many other writers. 
 
 Mr. Dorman says: ""The worship paid to the rattle-snake was 
 universal among all the tribes, bu^ not conferred exclusively 
 upon this serpent.^ All the snakes enjoyed a share of it though 
 in a less degree. The Winnebagojs reverenced and never killed 
 the rattle-snake. The Indians of Florida venerated the rattle- 
 snake and would not kill one for fear its spirit would incite its 
 kindred to revenge its death. The Cherokees worshipped the 
 rattle-snake. In Brazil, in a large town of 8,oo3 cabins, Don 
 Alvarez found a tower which contained a serpent 27 feet long, 
 with a very large head. The Indians worshipped this as a dix-in- 
 ity and feci it with human flesh. The Peruvians worshipped 
 adders. Many images of serpents were found in South America 
 before which the inhabitants knelt in adoration." 
 
 The Iroquois have a tradition about Niagara Falls, that a ser- 
 pent poisoned the waters, but Meno, the thunderer, who dwelt 
 under the sheet of water, discharged upon him a mighty thunder- 
 bolt which slew him. The Senecas still point to a place in the 
 creek where tlie banks were shelved out in a semi-circular form 
 which was done by the serpent when he turned to escape. His 
 body floated down the stream and lodged upon the verge of the 
 Cataract, stretching nearly across the river. The raging waters, 
 thus dammed up, broke through the rocks behind, and thus the 
 whole verge of the fall upon which the body rested, was precipi- 
 
 *I)crman's Origi i ( f Piimitive Supcrstiii )ns, pp 'A$. 
 
THE SERPEyr SYMBOL. 59 
 
 tated into the abyss beneath. In this manner was formed the 
 Horseshoe Falls."* 
 
 Dr. Brinton says that the serpent seems to be associated in its 
 winding course to rivers. The Kennebec, a stream in Maine, 
 in the Algonquin means "snake," and the Antietam, in Iroquois, 
 has the same signification. There is a tradition that a vast ser- 
 pent lived in the Mississippi near Fox (Illinois) River, but he 
 finally took a notion to visit the Great Lakes, and the trail he 
 made passing thither, is the basin of that stream. f 
 
 It has, by an association of ideas, become connected with the 
 lightning. The Algonquilis thought that the lightning was an 
 immense serpent. The Shawnees called thunder, the hissing of 
 the Great Snake, and Tlaloc, the Toltec Thunder god, is always 
 represented with the snake twisted about his body. In the Ojib- 
 way mythology the serpent robs the Thunder-bird's nest. 
 
 It has also a strange mysterious relation to the spirit land. In 
 one tradition the serpent forms a bridge on which the soul must 
 cross the great stream which separates this world from the spirit 
 world. 
 
 "Who is a Manito?" asked the mystic media chant of the Al- 
 gonquins. "He, who walketh with a serpent, walking on the 
 ground." is the reply, "He is a Manito. "t 
 
 The cloud serpent, Mixcoatl, the white or gleaming cloud ser- 
 pent, is said to have been the only divinity of the ancient Chi- 
 cifneces.§ 
 
 It is said ot Quetzacoatl, the great Mexican divinity, when he 
 departed from the land, that he entered his wizard skiff made of 
 serpent skins and embarked upon the sea, after bestowing his 
 blessing upon the }'oung men who accompanied him.|| 
 
 In some localities the serpent seemed to be considered as 
 the embodiment of evil. The Apaches hold that every serpent 
 contains the soul of a bad man.^f 
 
 The Piutes of Nevada have a demon deity in the form of a 
 serpent, still supposed to exist in the waters of Pyramid Lake 
 and this Devil Snake causes the water to boil like a pot, in time 
 of a storm.' 
 
 It was described to Whipple and to Mollhausen as possessing 
 power over the sea, lakes, rivers and rain. It was, among the 
 Pueblo cities of the Pecos, supposed to be sacred and accord- 
 ing to some accounts was fed with the flesh of his devotees.^ 
 
 *'-'rhc Iroquois, or the Urii;ht Side of Indian Char.icter," by Minnie Myrtle, p. 133. 
 
 tDorman's Primitive Superstitions, p. 315, quoted from Schoolcraft, p. 682. 
 
 JTanner's Narrative, p. 356. Brinton's Myths, p. 114. 
 
 §Brinton's Myths, p. 171. 
 
 ilDorman's Prim. Sup. -p. g+, — Short,-259,-Prescott-VoI. I-5S. 
 
 ITBancroft's Native Races, Vol. HI. p. 135.— Schoolcraft's Archive-;. Vol. V. p. 209. 
 
 iBancroft's.-Vol, HI-p. 135, — Sni. Rep. 
 
 2Gregg's Commerce with the Prairie, Vol.I-p. 271. 
 
 aWhipple, Kwt)ank and Turner's Report, p. 38. 
 
 2P.icific R. R. Report, Vol. HI. 
 
60 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 These traditions prove nothini^ as to the origin of the symbol 
 and yet they show how prominent the serpent was in native 
 American mythology. Perhaps the most interesting tradition 
 of the serpent is one which has been preserved in the celebrated 
 Red Score Record of the Delawares or Lenni Lenapes, called the 
 Walum Olum. Of this, a new translation has been made by Dr. 
 D. G. Brinton and we take pleasure in quoting from his book. 
 The reader will notice the correspondence between this tradition 
 and the scripture record, but v/ill see that it has been adapted to 
 the new circumstances, the memory of the people not going 
 back further than the migration. The following is the general 
 synopsis: 
 
 I. The formation of the universe by the Great Manito, is de- 
 scribed. In the primal fog and watery waste, he formed land and 
 sky and the heavens cleared. He then created men and animals. 
 These lived in peace and joy until a certain evil manito came and 
 sowed discord and misery." 
 
 II. "The Evil Manito, who now appears under the guise of a 
 gigantic serpent.determines to destroy the the human race, and 
 for that purpose brings upon them a flood of water. Many per- 
 ish, but a certain number escape to the turtle, that is, solid land, 
 and are there protected by Nanabush (Manibozho or Michabo.) 
 They pray to him for assistance, and he caused the water to dis- 
 appear, and the serpent to depart." 
 
 III. "The waters having disappeared, the home of the tribe iS 
 described as in a cold and northern clime. This they 
 concluded to leave in search of warmer lands. Having divided 
 their people into a warrior and a peaceful class, they journeyed 
 southward, toward what is called the ' Snake land.' " 
 
 IV. "The first sixteen verses record the gradual conquest of 
 most of the snake land. It seems to have required the succes- 
 sive efforts of six or seven head chiefs, one after another, to bring 
 this about, probably but a small portion at a time yielding to the 
 attacks of these enemies. Its position is described as being to the 
 southwest, and in the interior of the country. Here they first 
 learned to cultivate maize. 
 
 V. " Having conquered the Talegas, the Lenape possessed 
 their land and that of the Snake people and for a certain time 
 enjoyed peace and abundance. Then occurred a division of their 
 people, some as Nanticokes and Shawnees, going to the south, 
 others to the west, and later, the majority toward the east, 
 arriving finally at the Salt sea, the Atlantic ocean."* 
 
 We call attention to this record of the Delawares, for it con- 
 nects the archjEology of this country with the traditionary lore 
 of Europe and Central Asia. The record is evidently genuine 
 and has no more signs of being modified to suit missionary influ- 
 ence than all the traditions. There is a very remarkable cor- 
 
 *The Lenape and their Legends, by Dr. D. G. 15rinton, pp. 167-68. 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 61 
 
 respondence between the tradition as thus recorded and some of 
 the symbolic structures which have been found in the eastern por- 
 tion of the Ohio Valley. The Red Score shows that is possible 
 to con\'ey thought by symbols, and we are not sure but that this 
 was the object with some of the symbolic earth-works. 
 
 4. We have maintained that the serpent symbol was very preva- 
 lent among the mounds of Ohio ; so prevalent as to give rise to 
 the idea that the totem or ruling divinity of the people was the 
 
 Fig. 24— GREAT SKRPENT IN ADAMS COUNTY. 
 
 serpent. We do not say that the whole region was occupied by 
 this people, for there are other districts where the alligator or 
 lizard seems to be the totem ; but the place where the great ser- 
 pent may be seen and where the serpent symbol prevails ; is a dis- 
 trict which is situated south of that in which the alligator appears 
 and which extends along the Ohio River on both sides from Ad- 
 ams to Scioto county, or from the mouth of the Little Miami to 
 that of the Scioto River. Corresponding to this district is anoth- 
 er where the Mound Builders erected their most notable works. 
 This is situated a little farther to the east in the vicinity of 
 Marietta. We ask the question whether this was not the habitat 
 of the two races spoken of in the Walum Olum, the "Snake" race 
 and the Telegewhi. 
 
 We take it as very suggestive that: tlu tradition of the Lenni 
 Lenapes so corresp:)nd with the arclueology and especially that 
 of the eastern portion of the Ohio Valley. Here were situated, 
 according to all accounts, the far famed race called the Telleghe- 
 wi or Alleghewi. The Mound Builders of Ohio have been 
 identified with this traditionary people; identified not only by the 
 missionaries such as Heck welder, Zcisberger, and others, but by 
 archaeologists. Here were situated, according to the interpretation 
 
63 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 which we ourselves have given to the earth works of Ohio, the 
 celebrated "Snake tribe or nation" which is spoken of in this tra- 
 dition. 
 
 On this point we quote Mr. Horatio Hale, who says: * "Every 
 known fact favors the view that during a period which may be 
 roughly estimated between 1,000 and 2,000 years ago, the Ohio 
 valley was occupied by an industrious population of some Indi- 
 an stock which had attained a grade of civilization similar to 
 that now held by the Village Indians of New Mexico and Arizo- 
 na; that their population was assailed from the North by less 
 civilized and more warlike tribes of Algonkins and Hurons act- 
 ing in a temporary league similar to those alliances which Pon- 
 tiac and Tecumseh afterwards rallied against the white colonist; 
 that after a long and wasting war the assailants were victorious; 
 the conquered people were in great part exterminated ; the sur- 
 vivors were either incorporated with the conquering tribes or fled 
 southward and found a refuge among the nations which possess- 
 ed the region lying between the Ohio Valle}' and the Gulf of 
 Mexico; and that this mixture of races has largely modified the 
 language, character and usages of the Cherokee and Choctaw 
 nations."* 
 
 Dr. Brinton also has pointed out the fact that the tribes of the 
 Chahta, Muskoki, comprising the Creeks, Chickasaws and Choc- 
 taws were mound builders in recent times, but he thinks that the 
 Mound Builders of the Ohio were in part their progenitors. The 
 remarkable work of the Tuscarora chief Cusick is evidence also. He 
 describes the conflicts which were carried on between the northern 
 confederacy and the southern emperor who dwelt at the "Golden 
 City," but who also built forts throughout his dominions and al- 
 most penetrated to lake Erie. " Long bloody wars ensued, 
 which probably lasted about 100 years. The people of the north 
 were too skillful in the use of bows and arrows, and could endure 
 hardships which proved fatal to a foreign people. At last the 
 northern people gained the conquest and all the towns and forts 
 were totally destroyed and left a heap of ruins ;"t According 
 to Heckewelder, "hundreds of the slain Tallegewi were buried 
 under mounds near the Great River." Mr. Hale says " there 
 could be no reasonable doubt that the Allighewi, or Tellcgewi 
 who have given their name to the Alleghany river and moun- 
 tains, were the Mound Builders." He says " the Dakota stock- 
 had its oldest branch east of the Alleghanies;" he thinks that the 
 migration of the tribe was from the Northeast. Prof W. A. Wil- 
 iamson, the son of the missionary among the Dakotas, says 
 that they have a tradition that their ancestors came from the 
 Northeast, and that they formerly dwelt on the Ohio River, and 
 built the mounds in that vicinity. It is supposed by some that 
 
 *See Anier. Antq. Vol. V, No 2, p. 120. 
 tAmer. Anliq., Vol. I, No. 2, p. 116.) 
 
rilE SERPEXT SYMBOL. 
 
 63- 
 
 the Dakotas and the Cherokees were different branches of the 
 same race. We speak of these traditions for they seem to con- 
 firm the point which we 'have made, that the mounds on the 
 Ohio River were built by this people, which were called the 
 " Snakes." 
 
 5. We now turn to the archaeological evidence. There are 
 mounds on the Ohio River which are in the shape of serpents. 
 The great Serpent Mound in Adams Co. is well known. It 
 needs no description. The discussion has, to be sure, been going 
 on lately, whether this mound is really a serpent or not. Accord- 
 ing to the surve}' of Squier & Davis, there is no doubt as to the 
 serpent effigy. Fig. 23. Those authors also thought they recog- 
 nized in the effigy, the ancient tradition of the serpent and the 
 egg which is so prominent in the cosmogony of the ^Hindoos. 
 Rev. J. P. McLean, however, has explored the region and makes 
 out a different figure, the figure of a serpent and a frog; and 
 thinks that the old interpretation cannot be maintained. Fig. 24. 
 There is this to be said however, about the effigy, that its very 
 size and prominence on the summit of the hill, convey the idea 
 that it was a very important symbol, and quite likely to have 
 represented the chief totem or divinity of the tribe dwelling in 
 the region. From it we judge that the name of the tribe would 
 be the "Snake Indians." 
 
 Mr. W. H. Holmes thinks that it was a serpent s)'mbol, but 
 suggests that the circle with the altar in the center of it symbol- 
 ized the heart of the serpent. 
 
 There is a circle or earth work near Chillicothe which is in 
 3 «^iil| the shape of a serpent. In this 
 case the serpent is not 
 effigy resting upon the 
 of a hill, (Fig. 25,) as in 
 count}', but the wall to 
 closure, or rather two serpents, 
 the heads forming the gateway. 
 This is a very remarkable work. 
 The situation is in the midst ofan 
 extensive series of earth works, 
 on Paint Creek, where were many 
 village enclosures and other 
 signs of habitation. This work is 
 described by Squier & Davis 
 as follows: "The body of the work is elliptical in shape, the 
 diameter being 170 ft., transverse 250 feet. There is a single 
 opening or gateway 50 feet wide on the south, where the 
 walls curve outwards and lap back upon themselves for the 
 space of 60 ft. The most remarkable feature of this singular- 
 work consists of the five walls starting within 10 ft. of the enclos- 
 
 *.\nc. Moil., p. 96. 
 
 a mere 
 summit 
 Adams 
 the en- 
 
 -SERPENT EFFIGY 
 
 CHILLICOl'HE. 
 
u 
 
 NATIVE AMERWAX SYMBOLISM. 
 
 lire and extending northward slightly converging, for the dis- 
 tance of lOO ft. 5ee Fig. 25. These walls are 20 ft. broad at 
 the ends nearest the enclosure and 16 ft. apart. They diminish 
 gradually as they recede to 10 feet at their outer extremities. 
 The purposes of this strange work are entirely inexplicable. 
 The small size precludes the idea of a defensive origin. It 
 is the only structure of the kind which has been found in the 
 valleys and is totally unlike those found on the hills. The Great 
 Stone Fort on Paint Creek is but two miles distant and over- 
 looks this work.* 
 
 Our explanation of this structure is that it represents two ser- 
 pents with the bodies joined, but with the heads turned back in 
 such a way as to make the opening or gateway to the enclosure 
 between them. The long stone walls which seem to Squier &: Da- 
 
 CREAT MIAMi-RIl^ 
 
 Two serpents guarding the gate. 
 
 Fig. 26. -WORKS ON IHE MIAMI RIVER, OHIO. 
 
 vi sso remarkable, represent the tails of these serpents very much 
 as the idols of Mexico contain the tails of serpents below the fig- 
 ures. The protection given to this enclosure would be partly 
 owing to the serpent effigy and the sacred character of the place 
 would also be exhibited by it. An enclosure similar to this but 
 on a larger scale may be found on the banks of the Great Miami 
 river, four miles above the town of Hamilton. Here the serpent 
 symbol is contained in the entrance to the enclosure but there 
 
 *Anc. Mon, p. 4, pi. III. 
 
THE SEBPEyr SYMBOL. 65 
 
 is no such completed line of earth works and no structures that 
 correspond to the rattles. Squier & Davis' description of this 
 is as follows : " The ends of the wall curve inwardly as they ap- 
 proach each other upon a radius of 75 ft., forming a true circle. 
 Within the space thus formed is another circle ico ft. in diameter 
 which seems to protect the gateway. Outside of this circle and 
 overlooking the bluff is a mound 40 ft. in diameter and 5 ft. high. 
 The passage between the circle and the embankment is only 
 about 6 ft." Fig. 26. 
 
 Another enclosure resembling this has been described by 
 Squier & Davis. It is in Butler County. The peculiarity of the 
 
 Fig. 27.— WORK IN COLERAIN, OHIO. 
 
 work is that every av^enue is strongly guarded and the entrances 
 resemble the gateway just described. The ends of the walls 
 overlap each other in the form of semi-circles having a common 
 centre. The coincidence between the guarded entrances of this 
 and similar works throughout the west, and those of the Mexi- 
 can entrances, is singularly striking.* 
 
 Still another work which has the symbol of the serpent as a 
 guard to the entrance way is found near Colerain, Hamilton Co., 
 Ohio, on the bank of the great Miami. f Fig. 27. 
 
 In this case the tails of the serpent guard the entrance way rather 
 than the heads ; although there is another gatewaj' where the 
 peculiar circular entrance is seen, but it is closed up and the gate 
 way where the tails are seen is the principal entrance. 
 
 Fort Ancient is another work where the serpent s}-mbol may 
 
 *Ac. Mon., Squier & Davis, p, 21, pi. VIII, No, i. 
 tAac. Mon., p. 35, pi. XIII, No. 2. Anc. Mon. p. 18. 
 
66 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 be seen. (Fig. 28.) The walls of this enclosure are singularly tor- 
 tuous and resemble massive serpent's winding along the edge of 
 the bluffs. The place where the serpent symbol is most manifest 
 is where the large mounds guard the entrance to the lower en- 
 closure at the neck of land which joins the two enclosures. Here 
 the wall is not only tortuous but rises and falls very much as if 
 two massive serpents were rolling their bodies along. There is also 
 in the larger enclosure a singular earth work which has the form 
 of a crescent. From its position inside of the enclosure we 
 should say that it was designed as a moon symbol, yet it may have 
 been built in that form merely as a matter of defense. We do 
 not state positively that the serpent symbol is contained in the 
 Ft. Ancient, for it maybe that the tortuous shape of the walls was 
 owing merely to the nature of the ground, as the bluff is exceed- 
 ingly broken. The walls, in following the summit of the bluffs 
 would naturally be serpentine. And yet if the serpent symbol 
 is found in other earth works we should conclude that it was 
 contained in this, for the resemblance is very striking, when one 
 conceives the idea, and looks at the wall with this point in mind. 
 Another place where the serpent symbol is supposed to be con- 
 tained in an earth work, is at Portsmouth. Here we have 
 an extensive series of works consisting of walled enclosures, 
 parallel or covered ways, curved lines, horseshoe symbols, mounds 
 enclosed in circles, and a remarkable symbolic structure which 
 might be considered as representing the symbol of the sun and 
 the four quarters of the sky, or the four winds, and along with 
 the other structures, the serpent symbol. This is one of the most 
 remarkable series of works found in the world. It is composed 
 of three groups ; one on the Kentucky side of the Ohio River, 
 opposite the mouth of the Scioto, about two miles below the 
 city of Portsmouth ; another which occupies the ground on the 
 north side of the Ohio to the east of the Scioto; it runs up and 
 across the two terraces and has its main works on the third terrace 
 overlooking the city below. The third group is on the 
 Kentucky shore but several miles further up the river than the' 
 first group. The total length of the parallels now traceable may 
 be estimated at 8 miles, giving 16 miles of embankment to the 
 parallels alone, and computing the walls around the enclosures 
 . and the circles which surround the horseshoe symbols with the 
 circles which surround the sun symbol, we have a grand total of 
 upwards of 20 miles of earth walls. The city of Portsmouth is 
 now built upon the ground where the largest group formerly ex- 
 isted. But the walls were fortunately visited and described be- 
 fore they were destroyed. Squier & Davis say, "the avenues, or 
 covered ways extending from one group to the other, have in- 
 -duced many to assign them a military origin, built with a design 
 to protect communication between the different works or enclo- 
 sures; but it is very certain that we must seek for some other ex- 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 67 
 
 planation of their purposes. It is a singular fact that this entire 
 series of works has a resemblance to the great circle at Avebury, 
 England. There is the same prevalence of the horse-shoe symbol, 
 and of circular enclosures, the different works being connected 
 here by earth walls as there by standing stones.* 
 
 II. We now turn to the explanation of the serpent symbol in 
 America. Various theories have been advanced to account for 
 its presence on the continent, but none of them are very satisfac- 
 tory. One class maintain that it was like all other symbols, 
 wholly indigenous; but another class hold that it was brought 
 in from some other continent, and is to be connected with serpent 
 worship elsewhere. We shall not undertake to defend either of 
 these theories, but shall speak of the possible explanations and 
 ask various questions. 
 
 I. Was it a symbol which arose out of the system of animism 
 which prevailed among the rude tribes, the shape of the ground 
 and the locality suggesting that the spot was haunted by the 
 great serpent spirit ? 2. Was it another form of tribal worship or 
 totemism. the tribe which dwelt here having made the serpent 
 their local divinity or tribal god, and so exalting it above all 
 the other divinities and worshiping it as the chief divinity ? 3. Was 
 it merely a symbol of the nature powers — the lightning, the fire,- 
 the sun, the water, making one or all of them objects of worship? 
 4. Was it a symbol which had been adopted by some secret society 
 and which had become prominent among the sacred mysteries 
 and ceremonies, but had now been made public and placed 
 before the people to increase its power? 5. Was it the result of an 
 intruded cultus, thus showing contact with other countries in 
 prehistoric times? 6. Was there a general cult which embodied 
 itself in both the effigies and the relics, and which spread over 
 the entire continent? or was it a mere local cult, the result of 
 some tribal myth or custom? These questions suggest the dif- 
 ferent explanations which might be given, and all of them fur- 
 nish interesting lines of study. 
 
 I. The animistic conception may have been embodied in the 
 effigies, for they are all of them situated in wild places, where it 
 would be perfectly natural to imagine that the spirit of the ser- 
 pent would resort, and the shape of the clifts or bluffs upon 
 which they are erected would naturally suggest the thought. 
 It is very common for primitive people to ascribe supernatural 
 spirits to the various objects of nature and to trees, rocks, caves, 
 streams, springs, lakes, mountains, islands, imagine that certain 
 places were haunted by certain animal spirits, which become 
 local divinities. It was in this way that the Island of Mackinaw 
 was regarded as sacred to the turtle. The Hot Springs and 
 Spirit lake in Arizona were regarded by the Moquis as sacred to 
 
 *Dr. Stukely considered the works at Avebury to be a druidical place of sacrifice, the 
 avenues connecting the sun circles being in the shape of a massive serpent. 
 
68 NA Tl VE A MERICAN S YMBOLISM. 
 
 the great serpent. The Niagara Falls and St. Anthony's Falls 
 were both supposed to be formed by the body of the great ser- 
 pent which floated down the stream and lodged upon the rocks. 
 The Pawnees had a story that the soul of a young brave who 
 had been killed was carried to the houses of the animal divini- 
 ties, NaJmrac. It was also a common superstition that the souls 
 of the dead were confined to certain places, called houses. One 
 of them was called Palmk, "hill island," was opposite the town 
 of Fremont, Nebraska; another called La-la-wa-koli-ti-to , "dark 
 island," was in the Piatt river; another called Ali-ha-wit-akol, 
 "white bank," on the Loup fork, opposite Cedar river; another 
 was called Pahowa, "water on the bank," on the Solomon river; 
 another was called PaJmr, it is a rock in Kansas which sticks 
 out of the ground, called "guide rock." At the top of the 
 mound is a round hole and water is in it. The Indians throw 
 offerings into this hole to Tirazva, their great divinity. They 
 were accustomed to make a sacrifice of a captive every year, by 
 burning the body after they had shot arrows into it. They 
 bebeved that there were giants at first, and these giants were 
 rebellious against Tirazva, but they were destroyed. 
 
 2. The region in Ohio where the serpent effigies are the most 
 prominent was once the dwelling place of a tribe of hunters who 
 are known to have migrated from their original seats east of the 
 Alleghenies, following the buffalo in their retreat westward, 
 namely, the Dakotas or Sioux, and it is quite likely that the 
 name of the snake people, which tradition has preserved, was 
 the one which was given to them. One plausible explanation is 
 that this people erected the most of the effigies in this region, 
 and that they built the earliest or oldest of the two forts which 
 are now to be seen upon the summit of the hill at Fort Ancient, 
 the one whose walls are supposed to have been in the shape 
 ol tortuous and rolling serpents, its gateway guarded by their 
 heads. Confirmatory of this is the fact that the serpent effigies 
 are found all along the track taken by the Dakotas in their 
 migration westward to their present seats. One was discovered 
 by the writer on the bluff near Quincy, Illinois, another on the 
 bluff near Cassville, Wisconsin, another on the ridge near Lake 
 Wingra, near Madison, Wisconsin, another near Mayville, Wis- 
 consin, still another, discovered by Prof J. A. Todd, on the bluff 
 called Dakota. And the fact that carved animal pipes, resem- 
 bling those in Ohio, have been found in the mounds in Illinois 
 and Iowa, the most interesting of which has the serpent coiled 
 around the bowl exactly as the one found in the fort called 
 Clarks works, 
 
 3. Another explanation is interesting. There is, in Ohio, 
 an effigy of a bird which is very much like the birds which have 
 been inscribed on the rocks in Dakota. These are supposed to 
 represent the thunder bird, a nature power divinity among the 
 
SERPENT GORGETS FROM TENNESSEE. 
 
SHELL GORGETS FROM TENNESSEE. 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 69 
 
 Dakotas, and which had its abode near the pipe stone quarry in 
 Minnesota. This remarkable figjure was situated upon a hilltop 
 near the east branch of the Miami river. The effigy is contained 
 within a square enclosure, the walls of which conform to the 
 shape of the bluff and are very crooked. The entrances to the 
 enclosure are guarded by fragmentary walls; which are placed 
 within the gateway. The figure itself has not been heretofore 
 recognized as an effigy, but on examining it closely we discover 
 in it the head and tail and outspread wings of a bird, the wings 
 having been formed in such a way as to represent long, drooping 
 feathers, the very features which symbolize the rain. These 
 various facts, which have recently come to light, render it very 
 probable that the Dakota effigy-builders were all of them, before 
 they migrated westward, serpent worshipers, and that wherever 
 they had a location they erected shrines to this serpent divinity 
 and made their offerings to it. 
 
 4. A fourth explanation is the one suggested by the serpent 
 effigy discovered in Adams county, Illinois. Here the serpent 
 is situated upon the summit of a hill which overlooks the bot- 
 tom land of the Mississippi river for many miles, making it a 
 conspicuous object. Here, too, the Q^gy is conformed to the 
 shape of the bluff, as it is in Ohio. The sinistral turn of the 
 effigies has been recognized in both places. The fact that there 
 were fire beds and the evidences of cremation of bodies in the 
 bottom of the mound, which formed the prominent object in the 
 centre of the body of the serpent, is another point of interest. 
 The fire was an emblem of sun worship and was sacred to the 
 sun. The phallic symbol was also discovered here. The bodies 
 were placed upon their backs, the face turned upward to the sun, 
 the hands folded over the thighs; the skeletons of two snakes 
 were found coiled up between the hands near the secret parts of 
 the body. The number four was also observed here. This is a 
 common symbol among the sun worshipers. There were four 
 large mounds in the centre of the effigy; there were four burial 
 places in the top of one of the mounds, the points of the com- 
 pass having been observed in the burials. What is most singu- 
 lar about the whole find was that the altar or fire bed was placed 
 upon the summit of a deposit of black soil, constituted a circu- 
 lar or saucer-like depression in the deposit, but all the soil which 
 was placed above the altar and made the rest of the mound was 
 of a strong contrast, as it was a light colored sand. A white 
 streak of burned lime and a red streak of bark or some other 
 substance, a gray streak of ashes intervening between the two 
 layers. Here then we have the symbols which were common in 
 the east and which were so expressive of the nature powers, the 
 contest between light and darkness, the cardinal points, the 
 number four, the several colors, the sinistral turn, the fire, the 
 cremattd bodies, and the serpent effigy itself all being symbols 
 
70 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 of sun worship. We imagine that these symbols may have 
 been introduced in connection with "sacred mysteries," and were 
 preserved by some secret society or unknown organization and 
 that the rites practiced were a part of the sacred ceremonies 
 which were observed. The situation is to be noticed. They 
 were situated in the wildest places and were often on the sum- 
 mits of hills where their form could be seen at a great distance. 
 They were, perhaps, shrines and places of sacrifice. The altars 
 and fire beds are found in connection with them. They were 
 calculated to inspire terror in the minds of superstitious people 
 and yet were in harmony with the scenes of nature about them. 
 The fires that were lighted upon them sent out their glare 
 through the darkness and covered the whole region with lurid 
 light. They were not merely shrines or places of worship, but 
 were also places of sacrifice where human bodies were cremated 
 and mystic ceremonies were practiced. We can not look upon 
 these serpent efifigies in the same way that we do upon the animal 
 figures, for they were strange contortions and ou/re shapes; and 
 ghastly scenes were connected with them. 
 
 Here then we have different explanations of the serpent sym- 
 bol, each of them furnishing a different answer to the various 
 questions which have been asked, one pointing to the animistic 
 conception, another to the totemistic idea, a third to the tutelar 
 divinity, a fourth favoring the thought that a secret society super- 
 intended the erection of the effigies, all of them doing away with 
 the necessity of an intruded cultus to account for them and favor- 
 ing the theory of an indigenous origin. 
 
 5. The argument for a transmitted symbolism is one which 
 comes from the mingling of the symbols of sun worship with those 
 ol serpent worship in the region where the effigies are so promi- 
 nent, and from the striking resemblance which these effigies 
 have to others which are found in Great Britain, Europe and in 
 oriental countries. How do we explain this remarkable combi- 
 nation? Shall we say that there was a class of persons who by 
 some means were able to cross the ocean and make their way 
 to this remote region and there introduce the various symbols 
 which were used upon the other side of the water and which be- 
 longed to the ancient historic races of the east? 
 
 Let us consider this point further and examine the evidence on 
 both sides. We take the evidence of Mr. F. W. Putnam, who 
 has made a special study of the great serpent in Adams county, 
 Ohio. He has described this effigy as the figure of the serpent 
 slowly uncoiling itself and creeping stealthily along the crest of 
 the hill, as if about to seize the oval figure in its extended jaws. 
 He says its position east and west indicates a belief in the great 
 sun god, whose first rays fall on the altar in the center of the 
 oval. He quotes the words of Dr. J. W. Phene, who discovered 
 a remarkable serpent effigy in Great Britain. "The tail of the 
 
1HE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 71 
 
 serpent rests near the shore of Loch Nell. The ground gradu- 
 ally rises seventeen to eighteen feet in height, and forms a 
 double curve. The head forms a circular cairn, on which there 
 still remains the trace of an altar. The ridge was also modified 
 by art, so that the whole length should form a spine of the ser- 
 pent. Large stones were set like the vertebrae and smaller 
 stones sloping off the ridge were suggestive of ribs." It is said 
 that the worshipers standing at the altar would look eastward 
 along the whole length of the reptile, toward the triple peaks ot 
 Ben Cruachan. See Fig. 31. Prof. Putnam draws the compari- 
 son between this effigy and the one in Ohio. He says: "Each 
 has the head pointing west, each terminates with a circular en- 
 closure, containing an altar, from which, looking along the most 
 prominent part of the serpent, the rising sun may be seen. In 
 the oval embankment, 
 with its central pile of 
 burnt stones, we find 
 the Lingam un Yoni 
 of India, the recipro 
 cal principle of na- 
 ture, guarded by the 
 serpent." This inter- 
 pretation of the great 
 serpent is the same 
 as that given by the 
 first authors who de- 
 scribed it, Squier and 
 Davis, who say that 
 the serpent in combination with the circle, Qgg or globe has been 
 a prominent symbol among many primitive nations, and prevailed 
 in Greece, Egypt and, Assyria, and entered into the superstitions 
 of the Celts, Hindoos and Chinese; and even penetrated into 
 America. These authors speak of the altars in the oval enclos- 
 ure of the great serpent near the alligator mound at Granville, 
 and the cross at Tarleton, Ohio, all of which were on " high 
 places." We are aware that there is another interpretation of 
 these different effigies which would make them altogether in- 
 digenous, and which would deny any connection between sym- 
 bols found in them and those found in ether continents.* 
 
 6. The correspondence between the structures and the relics 
 is to be noticed here. We find that animal worship or totemism 
 was embodied in the emblematic mounds, or animal effigies, and 
 the carved pipes. Mythologic divinities were portrayed by the 
 rock inscriptions and rock outlines, as well as by the smaller 
 images found in the mounds. The sun symbol was also con- 
 
 *W. H. Holmes thinks that the oval represented the body of the serpent, the altar the 
 heart, the nose of the serpent was the end of the cliff. Everythinsr about the effigy was 
 purely aboriginal. Tlie resemblances of the cliff to the serpent having led to the erection 
 of the effigy. 
 
 Fig. 31.— Serpent in Scotland, 
 
NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 tained in the earth- works of Ohio and the shell gorgets of Ten- 
 nessee, the correspondence between them showing that there 
 was a religious cult which prevailed among all these tribes 
 situated in the Mississippi valley. This, of course, does not prove 
 that any cult was introduced from any other continent, but it 
 at least shows that serpent worship was not altogether a local cult. 
 This correspondence will be seen if we take specific localities for 
 illustration and draw the analogies between the earth-works and 
 the relics which contain these symbols of the region, but it will 
 be seen even more clearly if we take the earth-works or effigies 
 of one district and compare them with the relics of another dis- 
 trict, for by this means we see that the symbols were not local 
 but general. 
 
 Mg. 32.~Bird Effiny. 
 
 In the earth-works, the concentric circles surround a central 
 mound, which has been regarded as a symbol of the sun, and an 
 altar to the sun has frequently been found in the mound. In 
 the gorgets, the concentric circles surround a central disk, which 
 is supposed to be a symbol of the sun. There are earth-works 
 in Ohio which contain the symbol of the cross, whose sides cor- 
 respond with the cardinal points. There are gorgets in Tennessee 
 which contain the cross enclosed within a circle, evidently de- 
 signed as a weather symbol. The effigy of the bird is fre- 
 quently seen in the earth-works. One of these effigies 
 has been described as being in the center of a great circle at 
 Newark. It contained an altar, and was evidently a symbol 
 of the sun. The effigy of the bird on the East fork of the 
 Miami river, referred to above, was, it is probable, the thunder 
 bird.f There is a square enclosure surrounding it, whose. gate) 
 ways are guarded by crescent walls. The situation of the en- 
 closure is remarkable. It is on an eminence, and is visible from 
 
 ♦The following are the symbols which have been recognized; i. The circle. 2. The 
 cross. 3. The bird. 4. The square. 5, The crescent. 6. The Jew's-harp. 7. The horse- 
 shoe. 
 
 tCompare Fig. 32 with Fig. 6, p. 383. 
 
THE SERPEN! SYMBOL. 73 
 
 all directions. The bird effigy nearly fills the entire enclosure. 
 In its shape it reminds us of the various bird effigies found in 
 the gorgets. It has been suggested that the structures were de- 
 voted to rites analogous to those attending the primitive hill or 
 grove worship of the east. 
 
 The square enclosures in Ohio are, many of them, orientated, 
 have gateways in the sides and corners. There are square figures 
 on the gorgets in Tennessee which have loops at the corners 
 and birds' heads at the sides. Both of these are supposed to be 
 symbols of the different quarters of the sky. There are many 
 crescents among the mounds of Ohio which are associated with 
 circles and with squares. The gorgets contain crescents enclosed 
 in circles. 
 
 Now these different figures show that nature worship pre- 
 vailed over the different parts of the Mound-builders' territory, 
 but the serpent symbol seems to have been very prominent in 
 it. This may be seen from the following facts. Many relics in 
 the shape of serpents have been found in the mounds. These 
 were evidently devoted to sun worship, and were in fact placed 
 upon altars as offerings to the sun. 
 
 The association of the serpent gorgets with what might be 
 called the bird gorgets is to be noticed here. Mr. W. H. Holmes 
 has described several of these and shown that the bird, the loop, 
 the square, the circle, the sun with rays, and the cross were some- 
 times combined in one complicated symbol. His description is 
 as follows: 
 
 "A square framework of four continuous parallel lines looped 
 at the corners, the inner line touching the tips of the starlike 
 rays. Outside of this are the four symbolic birds, placed against 
 the side of the square opposite the arms of the cross. These 
 birds' heads are carefully drawn. The mouth is open, the 
 eyes represented by a circle, and a crest springs from the back of 
 the head and neck. The crest is striated and pointed, and the 
 two lines extend from the eye down to the neck. The bird 
 resembles the ivory-billed woodpecker more than any other 
 species." This makes the bird effigy which we have described 
 all the more significant, for the square enclosure there contains 
 the bird which is in the shape of a cross, but in its curved walls 
 may be said to present the loops. 
 
 Gen. Gates P. Thruston has described specimens which have 
 been taken from mounds at Severville, McMahon and the 
 Harpeth cemetery, near Nashville, as well as from Carthage, 
 Alabama, which were evidently ancient. These show that the 
 cult was widespread among the southern Mound-builders. The 
 association of these shell gorgets with serpents on them, with 
 the gorgets containing symbols of the sun and moon and stars, 
 is another proof These shell gorgets have been found at Nash- 
 ville. One of them contains three crescents, which have a 
 
74 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 sinistral turn around a central disk. Outside of these are nine 
 disks, with dots interspersed between them; outside of these are 
 fourteen other disks, which are carved in relief, so as to make 
 scallops to the gorget. 
 
 In Mound City we find crescents which were found in mounds 
 which were surrounded by a circular earth-work, the symbol- 
 
 ttg. S3.— Bald Friar's Bock. 
 
 ism being contained in the entire burial place, but the passage to 
 the burial place was across the water from a circular earth-work, 
 where was the village of the sun worshipers, the details of the 
 symbolism having been retained here with as much care in the 
 earth-works as it was in other localities in the relics themselves. 
 It is to be noted that the shape of the double-headed serpent 
 surrounding the enclosure on Paint creek is that of a Jew's-harp,, 
 which is a common symbol in the east. The same symbol is 
 
TEE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 75 
 
 seen inscribed upon the rock in Pennsylvania called "Bald Friar's 
 Rock." Here the head of the serpent is associated with various 
 animal figures, but it has the same shape as many other symbolic 
 figures in Europe and India, the Jew's-harp or the Mahadeo. 
 See Fig. 33.'^ 
 
 There are tablets which contain the horseshoe symbol, which 
 may be compared to the so-called horseshoes in the Portsmouth 
 works. One such was found near the great mound Cahokia. 
 It contains, on one side, birds' heads, on the other, two human 
 faces. In front of the faces are objects resembling serpents, 
 which are suspended from the head dress, and fall across the 
 mouth. In the mouth is a symbol which resembles the horse- 
 shoe. The heads are divided from one another by parallel lines, 
 which constitute a cross; in the cross are circles. Here then we 
 have the symbols of the cross, the serpent, the horseshoe, and 
 the circle. There was another 
 gorget in the Illinois collection 
 
 in Chicago which contains the -- — Ai^H .^r>\\^^ 
 
 figure of a person with a crown 
 on his head, holding up a huge 
 bird by the neck. This person 
 has his mouth open and head 
 turned back, while the same sym- 
 bol of the horse-shoe is in his 
 mouth and the same serpent fig- 
 ure in front of the face. 
 
 In certain gorgets we see con- 
 centric circles surrounding a 
 central disk, exactly as we find 
 in Ohio; tour circular walls sur- 
 rounding the central mounds, 
 
 which maybe regarded as the ^9. Sk.-Serpent Heads from the Codices. 
 
 symbol of the sun; and what is more, this central mound often 
 contained an altar with fire which was sacred to the sun. In 
 other gorgets we find the crescents which represent the moon, 
 while in Ohio the crescents made from sheets of mica surrounded 
 the central altars which contained the fire. The four concentric 
 circles were probably designed to symbolize the circuit of the sky, 
 the crescents, to symbolize the revolution of the sun, the disks 
 to symbolize the sun and stars, all of them astronomical symbols. 
 7. The solitary character of some of the effigies is an interest- 
 ing feature. A solitary stone was used by the Iroquois as a 
 tribal totem, called the Onondaga stone, but here in Ohio there 
 were several solitary ef^gies, such as the thunder bird, the eagle, 
 the alligator, the three-legged efifigy at Portsmouth, a bear or 
 
 *This figure of the Jew's-harp is not brought out in the plate as plainly as it should be. 
 but it is plainly seen on the rock. 
 
76 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 elephant, and the double-headed snake near Chillicothe. as well 
 as the serpent. These were probably tribal totems, but they were 
 the totems of a race of sun-worshipers, for they overlook the 
 circular or sacred enclosures, which evidently were built by sun- 
 worshipers, one at Portsmouth being connected with the group 
 which was especially devoted to the sacrifices of the sun. 
 
 This solitary effigy or totem was apparently connected by a 
 " covered way" with the central group, suggesting that the 
 effigy-builders had received the impress of the cult which was 
 so prevalent in Great Britain,* for in this group we find nearly 
 all of the symbols which were embodied in the standing stones, 
 as the concentric circle, the horseshoe cove enclosed within a 
 series of circles, the avenues which cross the river in a south- 
 west and southeast direction. A large mound enclosed in a 
 circle may be seen to the east of the group; though whether it 
 may be said to correspond to the "Friars' Heel" of the Avebury 
 works is uncertain. Each of these is near a group of village 
 enclosures. The alligator mound near the villages at Newark; 
 
 Mg. S5.— Serpent Tablet from Clark's Works, Ohio. 
 
 the double-headed serpent near the villages at Bourneville; the 
 thunder bird near villages on the Miami; but the great serpent 
 seems to be remote from any such village enclosures; it m.ay 
 have belonged to a preceding tribe. 
 
 III. The distribution of the serpent symbol throughout the 
 continent is another important point. This distribution is mainly 
 in the line of relics which contain the serpent figure, though 
 there are as we have seen many effigies in earthworks and occa- 
 sionally an effigy carved out of stone, the two serpents' heads 
 which were seen at the base of the pyramid at Chichen Itza, 
 Yucatan, being the best specimens of the latter type. The 
 •inscriptions which contain the serpent effigy, and the codices of 
 the Mayas, present the symbol under the same general form, but 
 the details show that there were conventional elements con- 
 nected with it which were as widespread as the serpent figure 
 
 *Thu reader will find a number of articles in Science for August, 1893, on the standing 
 stones of Great Britain by Mr. A. L. Lewis, the result of recent explorations. Mr. Lewis 
 arrives at about the same conclusions as the old writers, such as Stukely, Aberry and 
 others, but he finds that there were several localities where connected groups of circles and 
 avenues have about the same general characteristics, showing a stereotyped symbolism 
 in tliem all. The question arises, did the serpent-w jrshiners in their migrations bring their 
 sun-worsiiip to America, or were the sun-worshipers a different tribe from the serpent-wor- 
 shipers. The serpent is found among the relics of the sun-worshipers. 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 77 
 
 itself. These elements consist in the division of the body into 
 four parts; in the use of the concentric circles for the eye; in the 
 presence of the feather ornament over the head; in the presence 
 of the horse-shoe in the mouth, sometimes divided into four 
 parts; in the presence of the loop or noose, or coil, and many 
 other conventional symbols of the nature power. See Fig. 34. 
 (i ) The tablets from the North fork of Paint creek, enveloped 
 in sheets of copper, represents the snake as coiled up so as to 
 make three folds, the folds reminding us of those seen in the 
 great serpent effigy itself. This tablet was about six and a 
 quarter inches long and one and three-eighths inches broad 
 The snake is carved very delicately upon it. Squier and Davis 
 
 say of the pipes and tab- 
 lets that the circumstances 
 under which they were 
 discovered render it like- 
 ly that they had a super- 
 stitious origin, and were 
 objects ot high regard and 
 ^i perhaps of worship. The 
 
 feather-headed rattlesnake 
 was, in Mexico, the symbol of Tezcatlippoca 
 otherwise symbolized as the sun. Fig. 35. 
 (2.) A pipe was found in the vicinity of 
 Santa Fe, New Mexico, and is now in the 
 possession of William S. Beebe. The bowl 
 represent an eagle's head and 
 the stem four rattle-snakes 
 :ched in life-like attitudes. On the 
 d sides of the pipe are liliputian fig- 
 men, carved in relief This pipe 
 seems to contain the myth 
 of the serpent and the 
 bird, and at the same time 
 represents the supersti- 
 tion of the serpent pos- 
 
 Fig. 36.—Ser,,ertt ri,,c Iroiii JS^ew Mexico. • , , • i • i 
 
 ■^ ^ sessmg everythmg which 
 
 has the shape. The four serpents represent the superstition 
 about the four quarters of the sky. See Fig. 36. 
 
 (3.) The pipe which has been described by Squier and Davis, 
 which represents a serpent coiled around the bowl, has been 
 supposed by some to embody the East India symbol of the 
 mahadeo, but by others as embodying the native American tra- 
 dition of the serpent and the stump, or Manibozho and the pine 
 tree. This pipe was found in an altar, and had evidently been 
 ofifered to the sun, as it was cracked and smoked.* 
 
 *Squier and Davis say that other sculptures of the serpent coiled, in like manner, 
 round the bowls of pipes have been found. One represents a variety not recognized. It 
 had a broad, fiat head, and the body is singularly marked. See Chap. XV., Figs. 3 and 4. 
 
78 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 (4.) There is a relic which was found on the banks of Paint 
 creek, on which the face of a Mound-builder is carved, and 
 around the neck a large serpent is folded, the head and tail rest- 
 ing together on the breast of the figure. The head is surmounted 
 by a knot, resembling the scalp-lock of the Indians, but the face 
 has markings upon it, as if to imitate the painting or tattooing 
 common with the natives. This relic is a pipe, and yet it has a 
 close relationship to certain stone idols which are common in 
 this region. Thus we have the idols connected with the serpent 
 symbol and the sun symbol in the same region, showing a com- 
 bination of cults. It is carved in red sandstone, and is six inches 
 in length and five inches in height. See Fig. 37. 
 
 (5 ) A pipe found in Kentucky, now in the Canadian Institute 
 at Toronto, represents the serpent coiled around the neck of a 
 person, a tree growing by the side of the face. This at first 
 
 sight seems to embody 
 the myth of the serpent 
 and the tree, but was 
 plainly designed to em- 
 body the myth about 
 Manibozho and the pine 
 tree attacked by the great 
 serpent, his enemy 
 
 (6.) On the old crater, 
 a few miles southwest of 
 Managua, in Nicaragua, 
 five hundred feet above 
 Lake Nijapa, are num- 
 erous figures painted in 
 
 Mff. S7.-i>erpent and Mound-buUder. ^^^ Among thcse is the 
 
 coiled leathered serpent shown in the cut. It is three feet in 
 diameter across the coil, forty feet up the perpendicular side of 
 the precipice. This would seem to be identical with the Aztec 
 Quetzatlcoatl, or the Quiche Gucumatz, both of which names 
 signify "plumed serpent." See Fig. 38. 
 
 (7.) The most numerous and suggestive class of relics is that 
 which has been described by W. H. Holmes. They consist of a 
 series of shell gorgets which contain the images of serpents upon 
 them. The majority of these were found in east Tennessee, 
 others in Georgia, others from Knoxville, Tennessee. Some of 
 these are now in the Peabody Museum, others in the Natural 
 History Museum in New York, others in the National Collection 
 in Washington. Mr. Holmes says of them: *'From a very early 
 date in mound explorations, these gorgets have been brought to 
 light, but the coiled serpent engraved upon their concave surfaces 
 is so highly conventionalized that it was not at once recognized. 
 Professor Wyman appears to have been the first to point out the 
 fact that the rattle-snake was represented. Others have since 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 79 
 
 ■made brief allusion to this fact. Among the thirty or forty- 
 specimens which I have examined, the engraving of the serpent 
 is, with one exception, placed upon the concave side of the disks, 
 which is, as usual, cut from the most distended part of the 
 Busycon perversum, or some similar shell. The great uniformity 
 of these designs is a matter of much surprise. At the same 
 time, however, there is no exact duplication. There are always 
 differences in position, detail or number of parts. The serpent 
 is always coiled, the head occupying the center of the disks. 
 With a very few exceptions, the coil is sinistral. The head is 
 
 Mg. 38.— Plumed Serpent, Nicaragua. 
 
 so placed that when the gorget is suspended it has an erect 
 position, the mouth opening toward the right hand. To one 
 who examines this design for the first time it seems a most 
 inexplicable puzzle, a meaningless grouping of straight and 
 curved lines, dots and perforations. We notice, however, a 
 remarkable similarity of the designs, the idea being radically the 
 same in all specimens, and the conclusion is soon reached that 
 there is nothing hap-hazard in the arrangement of the parts, and 
 that every line must have its place and purpose." See Plate. 
 
 These serpent figures were evidently designed to symbolize 
 the nature powers. In them we have the concentric circles, to 
 represent the sun. We find also the rotation of the sun repre- 
 sented by the coil of the serpents. The coil is uniformly from 
 left to right. The serpents are divided into four parts, to repre- 
 sent the four seasons, or the four quarters of the sky. The 
 neck of the serpent is covered by a conventional figure in the 
 form of a loop, with dots along the side of the loop, possibly to 
 represent stars. The eye is formed by concentric circles, which 
 
80 NA TIVE A MERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 again is a sun symbol. The lines below the mouth are in the 
 form of squares, and were designed to be symbols. 
 
 These gorgets were buried with the bodies, showing that they 
 were very sacred, and were evidently symbols of their religion^ 
 perhaps were used as charms. Very few of these gorgets have 
 been found in the mounds of Ohio, where the serpent effigies 
 and sun symbols were so numerous in the earth-works, but the 
 fact that serpent effigies and serpent pipes are so numerous there, 
 would show that the same cult prevailed in both regions. See 
 Plate. 
 
 Here we discover the various symbols, such as the suastika, 
 triskelis, the phallic symbol, and that which corresponds to the 
 caduceus, and a vast number of symbols which seem to be esoteric 
 allusions to the planetary system and solar conceptions of the 
 remotest antiquity. There are no such symbols as the "chatra 
 or umbrella," or the "taurines or oxheads," or "cervines or stag- 
 heads," or "nagas or serpent heads" or "stupas or steelyard," but 
 there are occasionally symbolic trees, crosses, and that which 
 resembles the mahadeo and spectacle ornament, and the scepter, 
 which is a rod bent like the letter Z. with ornamental ends. 
 The solar wheel may also be recognized, though generally it 
 is a wheel without the hub; the dot in the circle being notice- 
 able, though the spokes are generally four in number. The 
 crux-'ansata, or Nile key, is sometimes recognized. The sun, 
 as a round boss surrounded by rays, which forms a prominent 
 ornament in the east, and is also found in these shell gorgets, 
 but there is no rosette known in this country. The union of 
 the sun and moon is a very natural one, either astronomically or 
 mythologically, hence we find this symbol is used. We con- 
 clude from the examination of the figures which are inscribed 
 upon the shell gorgets, that there was a system of nature wor- 
 ship in the different pnrts of the continent, which embraced a 
 knowledge of the heavenly bodies, such as the sun, moon, stars, 
 four quarters of the sky, which possibly was designed to 
 identify the revolutions of those bodies and perhaps to symbolize 
 time, though the lack of uniformity in the number of circles on 
 the sun gorgets and of the dots in the serpent gorgets renders it 
 doubtful whether there was any calendar contained in them. 
 
THE SERPEyr SYMBOL. 81 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE SERPENT SYMBOL IN AMERICA. 
 
 CONTINUED. 
 
 In a previous paper we have considered the Serpent Symbol 
 especially in regard to its prevalence in the Mississippi Valley. 
 We found that it was prominent in the traditions of this region, 
 that the mounds and earth works embodied the tradition and the 
 symbol, and that many Archaeological relics contain the Serpent 
 form. 
 
 We propose to take it up now in its more extensive and wide 
 spread appearance an 1 shall consider the specimens of the ser- 
 pent symbol which are found in the various parts of the Conti- 
 nent. 
 
 The origin of the symbol is the especial point and the subject 
 of inquiry will be whether it was derived from extraneous sources 
 or was the result of a nature worship which had its growth upon 
 this continent. The symbol appears among the civilized races 
 as well as the uncivilized, but it is here very elaborate. There 
 seems also to be a progress from the simple to the complicated, 
 from the rude to the highly finished ornament. This would indicate 
 that it had its growth, and development upon the continent. But 
 there are, on the other hand, certain peculiarities about the sym- 
 bol which would indicate that it was the embodiment of a world 
 wide tradition, and that there was a common source to the sym- 
 bol as found in this and in other continents. There are at least 
 two sides to the subject and if we would arrive at intelligent con- 
 clusions, we must consider the arguments on both sides, and ignore 
 or reject nothing which may be a hint in either direction. 
 
 We have said that there are grades of development in this ser- 
 pent symbol in America, but it is worthy of notice that no connect- 
 ed line of growth has yet been traced, but merely different stages. 
 This, then, is to be our method, taking the lower stages first 
 we are to study analogies as we advance and base our conjectures 
 on the law of development. There is, to be sure, always an 
 
82 NA Tl VE A M ERIC A N S TMBOLISM. 
 
 uncertainty attending this idea of development, especially 
 development in separate localities, for the connecting links 
 can seldom be traced and other factors may come in which 
 would constitute the real source rather than those which we are 
 able to present. The law of development might, indeed, account 
 for the symbol but there are questions of migration and of an in- 
 truded culture which might seriously interfere. 
 
 It should be said, however, at the outset that the symbol may 
 have sprung from several different sources as follows: ist. From 
 the totem system which was so prevalent among the native tribes. 
 2nd. The system, of nature worship and the presonification of nat- 
 ure powers. 3rd. From the traditionary lore which may have 
 either been handed down from an aboriginal ancestry or trans- 
 mitted in various lines from people upon other Continents. These 
 three sources must betaken into the account as we follow up the 
 subject. Still we shall consider the Serpent symbol as found in 
 different locations and shall follow geographical divisions in our 
 treatment of it. 
 
 The symbol appears on the two sides of the American Conti- 
 nent. On the eastern coast it is very rude and primitive. On the 
 western coast, or rather at the south-west, it is much more elab- 
 orate. It has been held that there was an analogy between the 
 symbol as found in the Mississippi Valley and Great Britain, and 
 it has been conjectured that there was an historic connection be- 
 tween the two. It is however noticeable that there are many 
 striking analogies between the symbol as found in Mexico and 
 Central America and in the Buddhists' temples of the island of 
 Java, and the inquiry arrises whether there was not a connection 
 between the western part of this continent and the Asiatic coast. 
 It has been a favorite theory that the serpent symbol had a sep- 
 arate growth on this continent and that there are three centers 
 where its development has appeared. These analogies, however, 
 must be considered even if the the theory falls. 
 
 We proceed then, to consider the serpent symbol as it is found 
 in America with special regard to its origin. We shall first con- 
 sider the symbol as found in the Mississippi Valley, next, as it 
 is furnished to us by the tribes of the Great West; and lastly as 
 it is seen among the complicated and elaborate works of the civ- 
 ilized races of Mexico and Central America. We have in this 
 case a succession of stages which rise above one another in the 
 line of culture; and a succession of steps in which the symbol 
 seems to come up to a higher grade, though it is a question 
 whether the law of development can account for all the phenom- 
 ena presented. 
 
 I. The serpent symbol prevailed as we have already shown, 
 in the Mississippi Valley. The question is, did it .spring from 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 83 
 
 an original nature worship, or was it brought in by extraneous 
 tradition. 
 
 I. Our first inquiry will be as to the origin of the symbol among 
 the Mound Builders. Was it a universal symbol or did it appear 
 mainly among some particular tribe or race. The extent of the 
 symbol is worthy of notice. The symbol is said to prevail in the 
 State of New York. It certainly does exist to a certain extent 
 in Ohio and we shall leave it for our readers to say whether it 
 does not exist in various States further west. The author has 
 found the serpent in many of the effigies of Wisconsin. In one 
 locality near Mayville, a natural ridge had been modified by art 
 so as to resemble a huge serpent. The ridge is nearly a thous- 
 and feet long, fifty feet wide, and twenty feet high. The sides 
 had been excavated so that it looked like a tortuous serpent with 
 the head just resting upon the brow of the bluff What is more 
 the mound-builders had placed a large series of garden beds on 
 the low land in the angle between the ridge or efifigy and the 
 bluff, as if the design was to make the serpent serve for protection 
 to the garden plats. 
 
 Another place where the serpent effigy has been noticed, is at 
 Green Lake. Here the serpent is found in two or three different 
 shapes. In one place two serpents were found on the border 
 of a very tortuous stream, the folds of the serpent and the bends 
 of the streams seeming to correspond. See Fig. 46. 
 
 These serpents are composed in part of a natural ridge which 
 has been modified by art and a ridge which was altogether arti- 
 ficial, the two blending together to bring out the semblance in 
 a very striking manner. The ridge is very tortuous, and is sev- 
 ered by the stream. The two parts of the ridge thus divided were 
 taken as serpent effigies, but were modified so that the serpents 
 should seem to have their heads rest near the stream but their 
 tails, which were altogether artificial run back, parallel with the 
 
 stream. These are 
 
 remarkable effigies, 
 as they show that 
 nature worship or 
 animism, had much 
 to do with serpent 
 worship, and sug- 
 Fig. 46.-SERPENT EFFIGIES NEAR RiPON, WIS. gcsts onc mcthod in 
 which it could have originated. 
 
 It was evidently a freak of nature which suggested the symbol, 
 as the stream and the broken ridge which formed its borders both 
 resemble the serpent in their tortuosity, but the artificial part 
 brings out this semblance very clearly, the folds of the serpent, 
 and even the rattles being plainly seen in the earth-mold. 
 
 There are many effigies in the immediate vicinity, representing 
 panthers, buffaloes, wild-geese, squirrels, etc., onc, that of a wild 
 
84 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 cat, having^ been placed on a natural rise of ground, in close prox- 
 imity of the serpent effigies. This wild cat is a massive effigy 
 and so covers the knoll as to be almost blended with the earth, 
 but trans-forms the isolated hill into an immense animal, the hill 
 itself is made to assume the attitude of the animal and to be pos- 
 sessed with life and activity, by the presence of the effigy upon 
 summit. 
 
 Another specimen of the serpent symbol is found in the same 
 locality. Fig. 47. The serpent here is not a mere symbol, but is 
 made to serve a practical purpose as well. There are two en- 
 closures on two separate hills, between which rises a mineral 
 spring. The enclosures both have openings toward the spring. 
 One of them contains the serpent symbol, as the wall is in the 
 
 shape of a serpent, and the 
 opening or gateway is placed 
 between the head of the ser- 
 pent and the tail, as if there 
 was a charm in the effigy itself 
 which would give a double pro- 
 tection. The enclosure is a 
 small one, only sixty feet by 
 one hundred and twenty feet 
 in diameter, but the serpent is 
 plainly seen in the wall sur- 
 rounding it. In measuring the 
 wall it was found that the folds 
 of the serpent were uniform 
 
 Fig, 47.— ENCLOSURE IN SHAPE OF SERPENT, throughout the wliolc, the 
 
 mean distance between each fold being exactly the same measure 
 which is found to be very common in the breadth of the effigies, 
 twenty-two feet, the outside being twenty-three feet, insi Je about 
 twenty-one feet and the distance across fifteen feet and the open- 
 ing for the gateway being about seventeen feet. 
 
 A correspondence was noticed between the folds of this ser- 
 pent effigy, and the tortuous line of the bluff on which the en- 
 closure is placed. The bluff is about thirty feet high, and the 
 enclosure surmounts its summit, but overlooks the stream beneath 
 the bluff. 
 
 The effigy resembles in some respects, the serpent ring w^hich 
 was discovered on the walls of the gymnasium, so called, at Chich- 
 en Itza, but differs from it in that it is but a single serpent and yet 
 the enclosure upon the corresponding bluff may have contained 
 the companion to this, as the serpent effigies beside the stream 
 below were companions to one another. It has been said that 
 venomous serpents like the rattlesnake always go in pairs and it 
 is noticeable that the symbols of the serpent frequently contain 
 two, a male and female. Such is the case at least in the serpent 
 ring just referred to. We have noticed also that the mounds in 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 85 
 
 Ohio present the symbol in its double capacity, the walls sur- 
 rounding the enclosure being made in the shape of two massive 
 serpents, either joined at the tail and with an opening between the 
 heads, or joined at the heads with an opening between the tails. 
 In this case, however, the effigy is a single serpent, and the open- 
 ing is between the head and the tail. 
 
 2. These effigies found in the earth-works of Wisconsin arc in- 
 teresting as they show the manner in which the Mound Builders 
 borrowed the serpent symbol from objects of nature. The serpent in 
 this case was not a totem or clan symbol, for the clan emblem of 
 the region was a different animal, but it was a fetich which was 
 suggested by the shape of the ground. This was a common 
 practice with the Mound Builders. There are many places 
 where the objects of nature would suggest the serpent effigy, and 
 where the symbol was embodied in artificial structures. It is pos- 
 sible that some of the serpent effigies may have been the embod- 
 iment of tradition which prevailed but those to which we have 
 referred were only animistic or fetichistic and were not mytholog- 
 ical. Mr. W. Pidgeon has referred to a serpent i,000 feet long with 
 a tortoise in his mouth as existing in Dakota, and has made out 
 that many of the effigies were but embodiments of certain myths. 
 Those which have been described by reliable authors are, how- 
 ever, not mythological, or at least they have no such shape as 
 would suggest that they were the embodiment of a myth, but 
 on the contrary are so conformed to the ground as to show that 
 they were animistic or fetichistic and not mythological. Yet 
 the two might possibly be combined. 
 
 Prof J. E. Todd has described certain effigies as existing in 
 Dakota under the title of "Boulder Mosaics." The effigies are 
 formed out of standing stones resembling in this respect the lines 
 of standing stones which exist at Avebuiy, England, and other 
 places. The Dakotas have a tradition that they came from 
 the far East. Some have maintained that they brought into this 
 country the symbolism which formerly prevailed in Great Britain 
 and that on this account the resemblances between the works at 
 Portsmouth and those at Avebury are very significant. The works 
 at Portsmouth, however, arc mounds and ridges and not standing 
 stones. The description given by Prof Todd, is as follows: 
 
 "A typical example, and the first to come to the writer's knowl- 
 edge, was found on the summit of Keya Kapop, or Turtle point, 
 three miles north of Wessington springs in Jerauld county. The 
 point is a high promentory-like hill, standing out on the western 
 edge of the James River valley, above which it rises nearly 500 
 feet. It is the northern end of a high ridge of drift constituting 
 a well washed interlobular portion of the principal moraine. A 
 view of Turtle point, and a portion of the ridge from the north- 
 west is shown in Plate I. Upon the highest portion of the point 
 is a low wood mound built of earth, perhaps fifty feet in diameter 
 
86 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 and three or four feet high. It does not differ materially from 
 many that are found on the summit of bluffs along the James and 
 Wisconsin. Its chief attraction is the gigantic figure of a turtle 
 upon its southern slope, as is shown in Plate VII. This figure is 
 formed of boulders, four to si.x inches in diameter, quite closely 
 and regularly set, so as to describe its outline. The head, legs 
 and tail are extended. Its general appearance, position and struct- 
 ure are shown in No. 3." 
 
 ''This work, interesting as it is, sinks into insignificance when 
 compared with a similar work upon Paha VVakan, or Medicine 
 hill, near Blunt, in Hughes county. This hill is also a high in- 
 terlobular portion of the principal moraine, and presents the same 
 general features as Turtle point, as will be seen in a sketch of it, 
 from the east, in No. 6. It rises above the surrounding plain 
 about 200 feet, and nearly 400 feet above the adjoining valley 
 of Medicine creek. Its summit is flat and includes many acres. 
 Granite and limestone boulders abound in profusion. Tepee rings, 
 i. e., circles of boulders which \vere used in holding down the cov- 
 ering of the conical tents used by the Dakotas, are very abun- 
 dant upon the summit. A few mounds of ordinary size, are scat- 
 tered in no apparent order. Near the northwestern angle of the 
 summit platform is the gigantic serpent represented in No. 4. Its 
 length measured roughly along its central line, following the 
 crooks, is 120 paces. The general form, with length, breadth 
 and number and shape of crooks, are as faithfully represented, as 
 a hasty sketch could give. The boulders comprising it arc from 
 six to twelve inches in length, and are laid much less closely than 
 in the turtle. The direction of its northern half is N. 18° W. 
 The presence of the mound at its side seems to be accidental. 
 The head is more carefully represented in No. 5, where an at- 
 tempt is made to express the shape, size and position, of the boul- 
 ders composing it. Tf.e eyes are much more expressive, than it 
 would at first seem possible; to make them with such material. 
 They have literally "a stony srare." They are formed of two 
 oblong boulders nearly a foot in length. The angular head and 
 heavy body, suggest the lattlesnake as the designer's model, but 
 there is no clear representation of the rattles. Perhaps that was 
 beyond the artist's inventive power. At C, in No. 4, the boul- 
 ders have evidently been displaced, probably by water or frost, 
 action, as that portion is on an inclined surface. 
 
 This gigantic serpent was in good condition when seen in 1S83. 
 Mr. Todd further says: "Though this completes the list of "boul- 
 der mosaics," it may not be out ot place to speak of a somewhat 
 related work noted by the writer, in 188 1, in Brown County a few 
 miles northwest of Westport. On the right bank of P"lm River 
 were two quite conspicuous mounds, 270 paces apart, upon two 
 symmetrical knolls. Beginning at the top of the northwestern 
 one, a line of bones extended over the center of the other, and 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 C-OOO 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 6 
 
 PUte VII.-STANDING STONES IN DAKOTA. 
 
88 yA ri VE AMERICAN S YMDOLISM. 
 
 146 paces beyond, where it ended in a small pile of boulders. The 
 bones were mostly the leg bones of buffalo, set up in the ground 
 like stakes. That was before the land was in market." 
 
 3. We have given this description because it illustrates how the 
 superstition of the natives was connected with the serpent symbol. 
 We hardly think that any historical tradition or any formal or in- 
 herited serpent worship was here symbolized though the proxim- 
 ity of the serpent to the turtle does suggest a myth which was 
 common. We ascribe the effigy to that peculiar form of super- 
 stition which was ready to seize upon any object in nature which 
 might resemble an animal and then to make a divinity out of it, 
 the idea being that the Great Serpent or the Great Turtle Spirit 
 dwelt in the hill, and was to be worshiped as a divinity which 
 haunted the place. The same superstition prevailed in Ohio and 
 embodied itself in the Great Serpent there. A description of the 
 Great Serpent Mound has already been given, (see Chap. Ill,) 
 but as a new exploration has been m.ade by W. II. Holmes, and 
 a new interpretation offered, we here furnish the description and 
 the plates given by Mr. Holmes. "The valley of Brush Creek is 
 bordered by an extremely rugged country abounding in high hills 
 which reach an elevation of 600 feet above the bed of the Creek." 
 The Great Serpent is upon one of these hills which extends out as 
 a narrow spur, crescent shaped, into the gulch which borders the 
 stream. "This spur narrows up and terminates in an abrupt prom- 
 ontory, around the base of which a small branch from the gulch 
 turns making the end of the promontory in the midst of the valley 
 isolated and distinct. Along the rounded grassy crest of this 
 ridge we can detect the obscure serpentine coils of the earth work, 
 and descending a little to the left, and almost to the brink of the 
 cliff, we reach the tail of the serpent. Beginning with a small pit 
 at the terminal point, we follow the unfolding coil for two full 
 turns and then advance along the body to its highest point upon 
 the ridge. The curves are strong and even, and the body in- 
 creases gradually in height and width as we advance. Upon the 
 crest of the ridge we find ourselves at the beginning of three great 
 double folds. Following these, we descend into a slight sag in 
 the ridge caused by the encroachment of opposing drainage, and 
 ascend again slightly to a point where the body straightens out 
 along the ridge. Beyond this we reach the curious enlargement 
 with its triangular and oval enclosures. Here the body embank- 
 ment is divided into two parts, which respectively pass to the 
 right and left of the enclosures. At the sides they descend 
 slightly upon the slopes of the ridge, and at the widest part of the 
 oval are somewhat obscure on account either of original confor- 
 mation or of subsequent erosion. Beyond these breaks they con- 
 tinue, closing entirely around the oval embankment within. From 
 the point of junction the body continues for a short distance, per- 
 haps forty feet, and then terminates in a rounded and slightly 
 
THE SERPEM' SYMHOL. 
 
 89 
 
 
 n.itc VIII — SKUPENT EFFIGY, HOLMES' SURVEY, 
 
00 
 
 NATIVE AMEUICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 widened point. This terminal elevation is entirely omitted by 
 Squier and Davis, but is noticed by more recent writers; and on 
 account of the supposed presence of obscure auxiliary ridpj^es of 
 earth extendinr,^ down the slopes to the right and left, it is likened 
 
 to the body of a frofj by Mr. 
 McLean. These auxiliary ridp^es, 
 and the minor appended features 
 recognized by .Squier and Davis 
 and by some recent visitors, are 
 too obscure to be identified with 
 absolute certainty, and I consid- 
 er it unsafe to introduce them 
 into my illustration; but the en- 
 tire body of the serpent, and the 
 peculiar features of the enlarged 
 portion, arc all distinctly tracea- 
 ble as shown approximately in 
 the accompaning map, and leave 
 no doubt in the mind as to their 
 artificial character." 
 
 "I wish now to call attention 
 to a few points bearing upon the 
 origin and significance of the 
 work and its possible relation to 
 the topography of the site. The 
 use of the serpent by our abo- 
 riginal races has been well nigh 
 universal, so that we need not 
 hesitate to class this specimen 
 with other products of their re- 
 ligion, and we should naturally 
 expect to find the counterpart 
 of each feature in other represent- 
 ations, ancient and modern. Most 
 of the attempts to throw light 
 upon the m.ore extraordinary fea- 
 tures of the work have been made 
 through the medium of oriental 
 philosophy; but it is manifestly 
 wrong to go thus out of our way 
 to seek a symbolism for the oval 
 enclosure as do 5quier and Davis, 
 who liken it to the symbolic egg 
 
 Fig. 48.-ROCK IN SHAPE OF SERPENT, ^^ ^j^j ^^,q,.,^| philosophy; HOr 
 
 need we make a serious effort to combat the idea that the 
 terminal portion is a frog as suggested by Mr. McLean. It would 
 not seem unreasonable that the former feature should be simply 
 the eye of the effigy; but we have another explanation more in 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 91 
 
 accord, perhaps, with the analogies of native ceremonial art. The 
 heart, which represents the hfe, is made a prominent feature in 
 all superstitious, delineations of living creatures as shown by a 
 multitude of examples. When we restore the neck and head 
 of the reptile, omitted by Squier and Davis and misinterpreted 
 by others, the strange oval takes the position of the heart and in 
 all probability marks the site of the ceremonies that must have 
 been connected with this work. This leads to a consideration 
 of the proper identification of the head of the effigy, and the re- 
 lations of the natural to the artificial features of the site. From 
 the point of view of my second illustration we have a comprehen- 
 sive view of the serpent ridge. Having the idea of a great ser- 
 pent in the mind, one is at once struck with the remarkable con- 
 tour of the bluff", and especially of the exposure of rock which 
 readily assumes the appearance of a colossal reptile lifting its front 
 from the bed of the stream. The head is the point of rock, the 
 dark lip-like edge is the muzzle, the light-colcred under side is 
 the white neck, the caves are the eyes, and the projecting masses 
 to the right are the protruding coils of the body. The varying 
 effects of light must greatly increase the vividness of the impres- 
 sions, and nothing could be more natural than that the Sylvan 
 prophet, secluding himself in this retired part of the wilderness, 
 should recognize this likeness and should at once regard the prom- 
 ontory as a gj-eat manito. His people would be led to regard it 
 as such and the celebration offcasts upon the point would readi- 
 ly follow. With a mound-building people, this would result in 
 the erection of suitable enclosures and in the elaboration of the 
 reptile, that it might be the more real. The natural and artificial 
 features must all have related to one and the same conception. 
 The point of naked rock was probably at first and always recog- 
 nized as the head of both the natural and the modified body. It 
 was to the Indian the real head of the great serpent manito." 
 
 3. In reference to this interpretation we would quote from Mr. 
 E. G. Squier's work on "Serpent Symbol." He says: "We may 
 expect to find the strongest signs of affinity in religious beliefs, 
 and conceptions, in traditions, and in such customs as are arbi- 
 trary, and not the spontaneous or the natural growth of a peculiar 
 condition of things. Upon the plains of the West, nature's grand 
 pasture ground, we find the roving hunter, chasing the buffalo, 
 from one extremity of its vast range to the other, and in his habits 
 and equipments exhibiting an entire harmony with his condition 
 and circumstances. His necessities require fleetness, and all ac- 
 commodating nature has bestowed upon him a form of proper 
 muscular development, and capable of the requisite endurance. 
 The skins of the buffalo he has slain, form the covering of his 
 lodge, his bed, and his robe; its flesh sustains liim, and from its 
 hoofs, horns, and bones, he fashions his implements of the chase, 
 his ornaments and domestic utensils. Its white skull, bleaching 
 
93 :NA TIVE AMFAilCAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 on the open plain, has become his "medicine;" shadowy buffaloes 
 fill his wild legends; and the black bull is an emblem of evil and 
 malignant portent, while the white cow is a token of auspicious 
 
 si"-nificance." "In the gloom of the "medicine 
 
 lodge," are taught the mysteries of the Wabcno, and the potency 
 of the mnemonic signs by which the supreme powers may be suc- 
 cessfully invoked, and their traditional songs perpetuated." . . . 
 
 "As the result of a pretty extended investigation of the subject, 
 it may be affirmed that the predominant religious conceptions 
 of America have found their expression in some modification 
 of what is usually denominated "Sun Worship," (nature worship) 
 but which might, with more propriety be defined to be an adora- 
 tion of the Powers of Nature. This seems to have been, through- 
 out the globe, the earliest form of human superstition, dating back 
 far beyond the historical, and even beyond the traditionary period 
 of man's existence. It seems to lie at the basis of all the primi- 
 tive mythological systems with which we are acquainted, and may 
 still be found under a complications of later engraftments and re- 
 finements, derivative and otherwise in all the religious of Asia. 
 It may be traced, in America, from its simplest or least clearly 
 defined form, among the roving hunters and squalid Esquimaux 
 of the North, through every intermediate stage of development, 
 to the imposing systems of Mexico and Peru, where it took a form 
 nearly corresponding with that which it at one time.sustained on 
 the banks of the Ganges, and on the plains of Assyria." .... 
 "In the absence of a written language, or of forms of expression 
 capable ot conveying abstract ideas, we can readily comprehend 
 the necessity, among a primitive people, of a symbolic system. 
 That symbolism in a great degree resulted from this necessity, is 
 very obvious; and that, associated with man's primitive religious 
 systems, it was afterwards continued, when in the advanced stage 
 of the human mind the previous necessity no longer existed, is 
 equally undoubted. It thus came to constitute a kind of sacred 
 language, and became invested with an esoteric significance, un- 
 derstood only by the few." 
 
 This view of Mr. E. G. Squier is worthy of notice as it shows 
 how the serpent symbol may have arisen in America. Still, the 
 interpretation of the effigy and the generalization of Mr. Squier 
 do not necessarily preclude the idea which we have advanced else- 
 where that there may have been an historic connection between 
 some of the serpent symbols in Ohio and those in other countries. 
 Mr. Squier himself has advanced this idea and in the same work 
 from which we have quoted, refers to the analogy between the 
 works at Portsmouth and those at Avebury in Great Britain. 
 
 II. The prevalence of the serpent worship among the tribes 
 of the far West will next engage our attention. We have here 
 very few archaeological tokens but we have the traditions of the 
 
TUE SERPENT SYMBOL. 9?. 
 
 people and the customs which perpetuate the system. It is hardly 
 known from what source these strange customs came but they 
 seem to be sacredly observed. The Moquis have the most re- 
 markable forms of serpent worship. They are not alone for there 
 are other tribes which have modified forms of the same supersti- 
 tion and these are taken as the best representatives. 
 
 The description of the Moqui snake dance, has been given by 
 a writer in Sicence. It is as follows: " There were two cos- 
 tumes, that of the Antelope gens, under whose auspices the 
 dance was performed, and that of the Snake order, the performer. 
 The legend of this dance is the legend of the first arrival of the 
 Moquis, at their present habitat. The Antelope gens, were the 
 first to arrive, and were guided to their present location by the 
 snake woman. The snake order was instituted to commemorate 
 this event, each performer, both the antelopes and the snakes, wore 
 two or more strings of shell beads around his neck, and suspend- 
 ed from them a brilliant, haliotis shell. The breasts and upper 
 arms, were decorated ia pink clay, with the conventional snake 
 design, in its zigzag line. Suspended from the back of the sash, 
 hung a coyote skin, with a tail which just reached the ground. 
 At the knee they wore the regular garter, and just below the knee 
 a rattle consisting of a tortoise shell, with attached antelope hoofs. 
 The dance itself was very weird. Each dancer held a live snake 
 in his mouth, while a companion followed with a feather wand 
 in his hand, distracting the attention of the snake. "The low 
 chant of the antelopes, the dismal though rythmical clack of the 
 rattles, the peculiar motions of the dancers, the breathless atten- 
 tion of the spectators, all gave this part of the performance a wierd 
 character." At the close of the dance, the snakes were dropped 
 in a circle and then seized and carried out, and down to the foot 
 of the Mesa, and there released. The object of this part of the 
 ceremony, was that they might find a raingod, whose form is that 
 of a gigantic cerpent. The snakes which were released at the four 
 quarters of the earth, and were supposed to act as messengers to 
 the raingod. The part of the heavens from which rain came indi- 
 cated the region where the god was at the time, that he received 
 the message. One part of the performance was to draw in the 
 form of a circle with sacred meal and two diameters in the form 
 of a cross, representing the cardinal points, and another oblique 
 line to represent the zenith and nadir." 
 
 The underlying ideas which have given rise to this dance are 
 unknown, but in the minds of the Moqui Indians, it is simply an 
 invocation, a ceremony having for its sole purpose, the procuring 
 of rain, yet the fact that there is an esoteric idea connected with it, 
 seems to point to another and a deeper signification. The rites 
 connected with serpent worship, have always been secret, and, 
 while it has been so widely distributed in one form or another, 
 that there is hardly a nation or tribe, which does not carry traces 
 
94 iV.l TI VE A MEUICA N S \ 'M HOLISM, 
 
 of it in its liistory, but little is known about its details or origin. 
 The worship of the serpent has been associated with the strangest 
 conceptions of the baibarous, and semi-civilized minds, as for ex- 
 ample the principles of reproduction, among the Hindoos, and 
 with the idea of divine wisdom among the Egyptians There is 
 some evidence that these ideas were held as a part of the esoteric 
 system, which has been so secret, and which has not yet been 
 penetrated, so as to be explained. The singular part of the sym- 
 bol, and the myth is that there is so much of the primitive nature 
 worship, Avhich seems to be indigenous to the soil and at the same 
 time so much similarity to the sacred mysteries, which prevailed 
 in historic countries. It would seem from this that a double sys- 
 tem existed, one part of it, — that part which is best known, — be- 
 ing conformed to the superstitious notions of the common people 
 among which it prevailed, but a part of it, and that the most, elab- 
 orate and complicated, being still held, by the priests or "medicine 
 men," in great secrecy, as an inherited legacy which can possibly 
 be traced to historic countries. It is well known that the Eleu- 
 sinian mysteries contain much that was derived from a primitive 
 nature worship, and it is supposed that the druidical rites were 
 derived from the same source. We do not know that the rites 
 or symbols, which we have described as so common in variou.s 
 parts of America, can be traced to either the Druids or the Hin- 
 doos, but there are points of resemblance, which suggest an his- 
 toric origin. The progress of thought, and the growth of relig- 
 ion may however account for these, and the parallel development 
 may be the important subject to study rather than the historic 
 connection, yet we cannot deny the fact, that the civilization 
 of America, was influenced by the symbolism of other countries. 
 Until we have accounted for these remarkable resemblances, by 
 the theory just proposed, denial can be practiced in one direc- 
 tion as well as in another, at the same time one hypothesis is as 
 good as another." 
 
 "That the serpent was intimately connected with Sabaeism, can- 
 not be doubted, for the prevailing emblem of the solar god was 
 the serpent; and wherever the sabaean idolatry was the religion, 
 the serpent was the sacred symbol." 
 
 "But the universality of serpent worship, and the strong traces 
 which it has left in astronomical mythology, seem to attest an 
 origin, coeval with idolatry itself"* "It entered into the myth- 
 ology of every nation, it consecrated almost every temple, it sym- 
 bolized almost every deity, was imagined in the heavens, stamped 
 on the earth, and ruled in the realms of everlasting sorrow."t 
 "When the Egyptians would represent the universe, they deline- 
 ated a serpent, bespeckled with variegated scales, devouring the 
 emblem of the sun. The dragon was also used as a symbol of the 
 
 *See Science article on the Snake Dance. 
 tSee Deane's Serpent Worship, page 39. 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 95 
 
 same form of worship. The three symbols, the sun, the phallus, 
 and the serpent are sometimes combined. All of these facts go 
 to show that there was at least a common conception at the basis 
 of the symbol, even if a common historical origin cannot be dis- 
 covered. It would seem from the snake dance that nature wor- 
 ship was the source of the symbol. The same idea is conveyed 
 by the traditions and myths prevalent among the wild tribes. The 
 Shoshoni philosopher believes that a monster serpent god sup- 
 ports the sky with his back. But the sky itself is ice, as it bears 
 the color of ice, which the serpent abraids with his scales and 
 causes the ice dust to fall upon the earth. In the winter time it 
 falls as snow but in the summer time it melts and falls as rain. 
 The form of this serpent is seen in the rainbow of colors, it_^is 
 then the serpent of the storm." 
 
 This conception of the serpent is, however, not confined to the 
 Shoshonis, it is a common belief that the lightning is a serpent. 
 This symbol is frequently useS to signify the rain god or the 
 storm god. The gesture sign for rain is made by holding the 
 hands before the shoulders with the fingers pendant as if to rep- 
 resent the drops; but for lightning the forefinger points upward 
 and is brought down with great rapidity with a sinuous undulat- 
 ing motion. This sign was common among the Apaches, Shos- 
 honis, and other Indians of the West. There are, also, pictures 
 which contain^the serpent as a symbol for lightning much more 
 distinctly than this gesture language. Pictures were discovered 
 by Mr. N. H. Jackson on the decorated walls of an estufa in the 
 Pueblo de Jemez which symbolized lightning; one of them as an 
 arrow shooting from the sky, but the other as a crooked feather 
 headed serpent, both of them shooting from two semi-circles 
 which were symbolical of the sky or cloud. The inscribed rocks 
 of Colorado contain pictures of the serpent associated with hu- 
 man and animal figures, though it is unknown whether these were 
 designed to symbolize nature powers, or whether they were the 
 representatives of the totems of the tribes, or were the records 
 of the people, or mere figures which were drawn by the fancy 
 of the people.''' [See Fig. 49.] The pictographs discovered by 
 Lieut. Whipple of the Pacific Railroad survey on the Rocky Dell 
 Creek in the Stake Plains, [See Fig. 50.] contain a figure of a non- 
 descript animal. It was interpreted by the Pueblo Indians as the 
 great water snake created by Montezuma to give rain and preserve 
 the lives of those who should pray to him. They described the 
 snake as being as large around as a man's body and of exceeding 
 great length, slowly gliding upon the water. They say they smoke 
 and pray to the sun. The moon is the younger sister of the sun; 
 the stars are their children; all are worshiped. Besides these is 
 the great snake to whom they are to look for life. Rattlesnakes, 
 
 *3ee N. H. Holmes' account of Rock Inscriptions, Hayden's Survey, 1S76, p. 402, PI. XLIII, 
 Nos. 2 and 3. 
 
96 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 frogs, and all animals living near the water are sacred among the 
 Puebloes because of their association with the water which is re- 
 garded as a great blessing. Apaches, however, do not regard 
 these animals as sacred but they pay particular veneration to 
 bears. t The Zunis have the serpent as a common symbol. 
 
 Fig.49.— SERPENT IN ROCK INSCRIPTIONS. 
 
 III. We now turn to the serpent symbol as found in Mexico 
 and Central America. Serpent worship seemed to prevail through- 
 out this entire region and was common both among the Nahua 
 and Maya races. It is well known that there were two great 
 
 Fig. 50.-SERPENT ON AN INSCRIBED ROCK IN COLORADO. 
 
 centres of population in prehistoric times, and two parallel lines 
 of history and civilization, namely, in Mexico and Central Ameri- 
 ca. It is remarkable, however, that as we examine the monuments 
 in both sections, we find the serpent symbol very prominent. ;^It 
 is supposed that the Toltecs were the more ancient people and 
 
 tSee Report upon the Indian Tribes by Lieut. Whipple, p. 38. 
 
rilE SERPENT SYMBOL. 97 
 
 that the Maya history and civilization preceded that of the Na- 
 huas, but in both the serpent symbol appeared, and, so far as 
 we can ascertain, had the same general significance. We do not, to 
 be sure, find the serpent as conspicuous in the architecture of the 
 northern city of Mexico as in the more ancient cities of the South, 
 such as Uxmal, Palenque, Chichen Itza, but we find it very promi- 
 
 ''^*-<||l!lllllii^^ 
 
 Fig. -I. -HUMAN FIGURES ENVELOPED WITH THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 nent in the relics of art such as the calendar stones, the vases, 
 and vessels of pottery and other sculptured stone relics. The 
 manuscripts or codices which have been transmitted through the 
 hands ot the Nahua scribes have the serpent symbol in great 
 profusion. But on the other hand the bas-relief stucco ornaments 
 and hieroglyphic tablets of the southern kingdom have the sym- 
 bol very prominently represented. It would seem from this that 
 the serpent worship was very prominent in both races and was 
 transmitted from one race to the other, or was drawn either from 
 primitive customs and superstitions and developed in parallel 
 lines. 
 
 [I.] We propose to describe the various specimens of ancient 
 art, which contain the serpent symbol, and shall give a number of 
 cuts to illustrate the point. There are many relics in 
 Mexico which contain the serpent symbol. Dr. Rau says of these 
 relics: "the particular attention paid to snakes by the inhabitants 
 of Anah'iac is exemplified in the collection by a number of mould- 
 ings and relics in clay representing those reptiles in various atti- 
 
98 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN bYMBOLlSM. 
 
 tudes. Several specimens show a snake coiled on the back 
 of a turtle and in the act of biting its head. In some of these 
 representations the lower part of the neck of the turtle exhibits a 
 human face. This curious group is quite typical and probably 
 refers to some tradition or to a religious conception of the Aztecs. 
 A coiled snake with uplifted head is likewise frequently met 
 among the Mexican terra-cottas, and a number of productions 
 of their character can be seen in the National Museum." He 
 says "one of the most elaborate Mexican figures of the col- 
 lection represents a man seated with the hands resting on the 
 knees and bearing on his back another human figure is so 
 placed that its head surmounts that of the first, while its hands 
 press against the forehead and its feet rest on the shoulders of the 
 lower figure. The most conspicuous feature consists in two 
 serpents which, descending from the head-dress of the upper 
 figure, encompass the group on both sides and rest their heads 
 beneath the feet of the upper figure." [See Fig. 51.] 
 
 A still more adniirable specimen of Mexican pottery, and as far 
 
 .•501 
 
 Fig. 52.— VASE WITH SERPENT ORNAMENT. 
 
 as the general outline is concerned, might readily be taken for a 
 vessel of Etruscan or Greek origin. The peculiar ornamenta- 
 tion, however, stamps it at once as a Mexican product of art. 
 The vessel may be compared to a pitcher with two handles 
 standing opposite to each other, and with two mouths projecting 
 between them. Each handle is formed by two snakes crossmg 
 their tails and resting their heads on the rim, and the flat 
 base of the vessel is moulded in the shape of a coiled serpent. 
 Another beautiful Mexican vase [See Fig. 52.] of somewhat glob- 
 ular shape is remarkable for its elaborate raised ornamentation 
 which consists of four entwined snakes and four masks placed at 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 99 
 
 equal distances from each other. The vessel stands on three feet, 
 presenting beautifully executed eagle's heads. 
 
 There arc many other specimens of art adornments besides 
 these. Bancroft speaks of the specimens of art at Tezcuco, the 
 ancient rival of Mexico, in the northwest part of the town. He 
 says: "Mayer found a shapeless heap of bricks, adobes and pot- 
 tery. In the top were several large basaltic slabs. The rectan- 
 gular stone basin with sculptured sides shown in the cut, was 
 found in connection with this heap and preserved in the Penasco 
 collection in Mexico." [See Fig. 53.] 
 
 Fig. 53.— WATER TROUGH WITH SERPENT ORNAMENT. 
 
 This has been described as representing a conflict between a 
 serpent and a bird, and attention has been called to the cross as 
 a symbol of nature worship. The serpent was a symbol of the 
 lightning, the bird of the winds, and the cross of the point of the 
 compass, and it is possible that this was what was intended.* 
 
 Bradford states that lying directly under the gate-way an idol 
 has been preserved nearly perfect and representing a rattlesnake 
 painted in bright colors, and Dupaix mentions the following 
 specimens. At Xochicalco, on the western shore of the lake is a 
 coiled serpent in red porphyry i ^ feet in diameter, and 9 feet 
 long if uncoiled. A serpent cup, or a cup in the shape of a coiled 
 serpent with the head projecting for a handle, was found at Santa 
 Catolina; the material of black porous volcanic stone, and a 
 rattle-snake, 81^2 feet long and 8 inches in diameter near Atlixco 
 sculptured in high relief on the flat surface of a hard brown stone. 
 In the cloisters behind the Dominican Convent is a noble speci- 
 men of the great idol, almost perfect and of fine workmanship. 
 This monstrous divinity is represented as swallowing a human 
 victim which is seen crushed in its horrid jaws." "The corner 
 stone of the Lottery Office is described as the head of the serpent 
 idol, not less than 70 feet long when entire." "A house on the 
 
 *See Prehistoric World, p. iS3. 
 
103 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN STMBOLTSM. 
 
 street corner on the south-east side of the Plaza rested on an 
 altar of black bay salt, ornamented with the tail and claws of a 
 reptile." Mayer dut^ up in the court yard of the University two 
 feathered serpents of which he gives cuts as well as several other 
 relics found within the city limits. Senior Gondra gives plates 
 from nine Mexican musical instruments, one of which is of very 
 peculiar construction; the top, shaped like a coiled serpent, is of 
 burnt clay resting on the image of a tortoise carved from wood, 
 and that on a base of tortoise shell. These various specimens 
 of art in Mexico illustrate one point. The myth of the serpent 
 and the tortoise was evidently familiar to the Nahua races. 
 
 Besides these, may be mentioned the Aztec calendar stone, 
 which always had a serpent around its edge, and generally a face 
 representing the sun in the center, and various figures and hiero- 
 glyphics the division of tin^e. There are many specimens of 
 calendars in Mexico, the chief of which is the one which has been 
 so often described, situated at present in the National Museum 
 
 Fig. 54.— AZTEC CALEND.\R STONE. 
 
 in Mexico. A simpler calendar than this has been found and 
 described. We furnish a cut Fig. 54, taken from Biart's "History 
 of the Aztecs," and kindly loaned to us by A. C. McClurg & Co., 
 The author says "the Aztec cycle was represented by a circle 
 with a picture of the sun in the center; around this circle from 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 101 
 
 right to left t?iere were representations of the four symbolic signs 
 of the year. The first year was called Tochtli,i\\c rabbit; the 
 second, y^r^//, the rcccl ; the third Tecpatl, the flint ; the fourth, 
 Calli, the house. It will be noticed tliat the folds of the serpent 
 which surrounds the cycle, divide it into four periods of thirteen 
 years, and that these rings at the same time mark the car- 
 dinal points. Tiiis is a very remarkable figure. It shows how 
 the serpent symbolized the cycle of time. It seems to have come 
 a conventional us2, and to have hzQW taken out from the range 
 of the nature powers. Yet the serpent, and the sun are almost 
 always associated together in the calendars; as if the powers of 
 nature were to be symbolized by tliem as well as the divisions 
 of time. 
 
 This brings up the suggestion that much of mythology was 
 embodied in the calendar stone. The cosmic serpent has been 
 extensively symbolized in various parts of the world, and the 
 question is whether the same conception and myth were em- 
 bodied in these calendars. 
 
 Fig. 55 —SERPENT ORNAMENT ON FACADE AT P\LENQUE, 
 
 [II.] We next take up the line of Architecture. -'One peculiari- 
 ty of the serpent symbol is noticeable here. The serpent is repre- 
 resented in relief as a prominent ornament. This is the case 
 in the facade of the so-called " House of the Nuns," at Uxmal. 
 [See Fig. 55,] We quote from Bancroft who says: "Two serpents 
 each witli a monstrous head, between the open jaws of which a hu- 
 man fice appears, and the tail of a rattle-snake placed near and 
 above the head of either end of the building, almost entirely sur- 
 round the front above the lower cornice, dividing the front surface, 
 by folds and interlacing of their bodies, into square panels, that 
 is, it seems to have been the aim ot the builders to form these 
 panels by the folds of these two mighty serpents, and the work 
 
102 
 
 NATIVE AMEBIC AN SYMBOLISM 
 
 is so described by all visitors; but it appears from an exanination 
 of the folds, that the serpent whose head and tail are shown on 
 the right only encloses really the first panel, and that each other 
 panel is surround by the endles body of a serpent without head 
 or tail. The scales or feathers on the serpent's body are some- 
 what more clearly defined than indicated in the engraving, as is 
 proved by Charnay's photograph." . , . "They are put together 
 by small blocks of stone exquisitely worked and arranged with 
 the nicest skill and precision. The heads of the serpents are 
 adorned with pluming feathers and tassels." At Chichen-ltza 
 there is a pyramid which has a stairway whose balustrade is 
 formed by a pair of immense serpents; its base is 197 by 202 ft., 
 its height 75 ft., and its sunnnit platform 61 by 64 ft. A stairway 
 leads up the northern slope 44 ft. wide containing 90 steps, hav- 
 ing solid balustrades which terminate at the botton in two im- 
 mense serpent's heads 10 ft. long, with open mouths and pro- 
 truding tongues. Near this pyramid is the building which is 
 called by Stephens the Gym.nasium. It consists of two parallel 
 
 Fig. 56.— SERPENT RING AT CHICKEN ITZA. 
 
 walls 50 by 274 ft., 26 ft. high and 120 ft. apart. The inner 
 walls facing each other present a plain, undccorated surface; but 
 in the center of each, about 20 ft. from the ground, is a stone 
 ring 4 ft. in diameter and 13 in. tiiick with a hole 19 in. in di- 
 ameter through the center ; surrounded by two sculptured ser- 
 pents as in the above cut. [See Fig. 56.] This .structure is 
 very similar to the one at Uxmal, which was covered with sculp- 
 tured decorations, including two entwined serpents, while from 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 103 
 
 the center of each of the facades projected a stone ring fixed in 
 the wall by means of a tenon. 
 
 It may be a mere coincidence yet it is worthy of notice that 
 serpents are arranged in pairs in many places. The calendar 
 stone of Mexico contains two serpents which form the outer cir- 
 cle of the stone and which surround the complicated symbols in 
 the center of which is the face, supposed to be the face of the sun. 
 These serpents are regarded by some as the symbol of the great 
 cycle of time and the ornaments or .symbols enclosed by them 
 are supposed to represent the years in the cycle, the days of the 
 year, the number of days in the month, and the week days. There 
 are, however, many places where the serpent is single, and again 
 in other places it is four fold, so that we cannot press this point 
 too closely. And yet in the architecture the double serpent is 
 noticeable. 
 
 2. Another peculiarity of the architecture of this region is that 
 the serpent symbol is frequently found connected with temples 
 and religious edifices. Bancroft says in reference to the Gym- 
 nasium and the building at Uxmal where the serpent ring 
 was found, "it is easy to imagine that the grand promenade be- 
 tween the northern and southern palaces or temples was along 
 a line between these walls, and that these sculptured fronts and 
 rings were important in connection with religious rites and pro- 
 cessions of priests." 
 
 There was in Mexico also a famous temple dedicated to the 
 god of war. OfthisAcosta says: "it had a very great circuite, 
 and within a faire court. It was built of great stones, and in 
 fashion of snakes tied one to another." Solace describes the tem- 
 ple: "The top of the truncated pyramid on which the idols of 
 Huitzilopochtli, the god of war, and Tlaloc, the god of rain, were 
 placed, and was 40 ft. square, and reached by a stair way of 120 
 steps. On this was the chapel wherein, behind curtains, sat 
 Huitzilopochtli on a throne supported by a blue globe. From 
 this, supposed to represent the heavens, projected four staves 
 with serpent's heads by which the priests carried the god when 
 he was brought before the public. The image bore on its head 
 a bird of wrought plumes whose head and beak were of burnished 
 gold. Its right hand leaned upon a staff His body was girt 
 with a large golden snake and adorned with various lesser fig- 
 ures of animals made of gold and precious stones, which orna- 
 ments and msigna have each their peculiar meaning. One of 
 the names of Quetzalcoatl, the chief god of the Mexicans, was 
 the feathered snake. The entrance to his round temple in Mexico 
 represented the jaws of a tremendous snake. Quetzalcoatl disap- 
 peared in Goatzacoalco, the snake corner ; and a ship of snakes 
 brought him to Tlapalla. The driving away of Quetzalcoatl by 
 Tezcktlipoca, his enemy, was symbolized by the figure of the 
 god cutting up a snake. This may have been intended to rep- 
 
104 NA ri VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 resent the conflict between the sun god, or the god of h'ght, and 
 the night god, or the god of darkness. Or the other snake may 
 be the symbol of moisture and the god of death and drouth, 
 fights the snake, as the symbol of the plant life. Dr. Brinton and 
 Mr. Edward T\-lor maintain that Quetzalcoatl was the sun, and that 
 the history of th-i god was designed only as personifications of the 
 sun and its various qualities. Bancroft seems to think that both 
 of the divinities of the Aztecs, Quetzalcoatl the sun god, and the 
 god of war, had a nature basis, and as Mars was regarded as the 
 god of Spring, so the Aztec god of war was associated with the 
 rain god, and was the source of the yearly life of the plant world. 
 If the snake signifies in one place time, in another world, in one 
 other instance water or rain, the yearly rejuvenation of germs 
 and blossoms, the eternal circle of nature, domination, soothsay- 
 ing, it is quite proper that all these qualities are found united 
 in one god. Just as the snake changes its skin every year, so 
 does Huitzilopochtli whose mother Flora, is a snake goddess, 
 the idea of the yearly renewal of nature being also connected with 
 that of time iorever young, and the Aztecs therefore encircle 
 their cycle with the snake as the emblem of time. 
 
 [III.] We turn now to the hierogI\'phics which contain the .•-ser- 
 pent symbol. 
 
 The serpent in Mexico was used to symbolize three things: 
 1st. The cycle of time. 2nd. The Lightning as one of nature's 
 powers. 3rd. The attribute of a divinity and the name of an an- 
 cestry. 
 
 In its first use it often appeared in the codices. In some cases 
 four serpents were coiled so as to form the sides of a square. 
 Four squares were brought together, possibly to represent 
 the four quarters of the globe, or four great divisions of 
 tmie. In the midst of the figure was the face of the sun; the eye, 
 protruding tongue and fiery rays emanating from the face, all of 
 them being significant of the nature powers. Dr. Thomas thinks 
 that the serpents represented the four divisions and counts 13 
 rings on the body of each serpent, making 52 years out of the 
 combined figure. The position of the four serpents might, how- 
 ever, be designed to represent the four quarters of the sky, and the 
 whole figure might be considered a constellation, the sun being 
 the central object, the two purposes being combined, namely, 
 to symbolize the divisions ofthe celestial regions and to enumer- 
 ate the years ofthe calendar. Astronomy and chronology were 
 connected in the oriental countries and \»e may suppose that they 
 were in this country. The calendar stone in Mexico has been the 
 subject of much study. [See Fig. 57.] Dr. Philip Valentini regards 
 it as a symbol of chronology. The four figures in the center sur- 
 rounding the face signifies the four periods of time. The animal 
 heads in the second circle give the names ofthe months, twenty in 
 number. The dots in the next circle and the grain of corn in the 
 
rilE SERPENT SYMBOL. 
 
 105 
 
 fourth circle, tog-ether make the days of the year. The figures 
 in the fifth circle between the towers and the pointers, he thinks 
 signify the 52 years of the cycle, and the two serpents surround- 
 ing the whole signify that it was a calendar, the serpent being a 
 symbol of the great cycle. In this respect the calendar stone 
 and the Dresden codex would agree, both being significant of 
 divisions of time, and the serpents in both cases signifying the 
 
 Fig. 57.— THE CALENDAR STONE. 
 
 great cycle. There are codices, however, which differ from this 
 one and yet they contain the serpent symbol. 
 
 We present a cut from the manuscript Troano. [See Plate IX.] 
 This is supposed to be a record offcasts, a sort of priest's calen- 
 dar, and the symbol on the plate would seem to indicate that 
 such was the case. It was the custom at the feast to bear certam 
 images around the city or the courts of the temple and to deposit 
 them at the different gates. We ha\'j in this plate the figure 
 of a man with a grotesque fice and head bearing an image 
 on his back. Below this we have a priest sitting in the door of a 
 house apparently depositing certain offerings before an altar; the 
 house being indicated by the flat roof and the altar by tongues of 
 fire, and the offerings by the round objects before the priest. 
 The serpent figure is found in the lower division. It seems to be 
 twined around a column. It has four tails and a plumed head. 
 
riatc IX. 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. lOT 
 
 The priest stands before the serpent holding a decapitated bird in 
 his hand. Between the priest and the serpent are several figures 
 which are difficult to make out. 
 
 Dr. Thomas makes all of these figures symbols of time. He 
 says : "I think it probable that these are cinerary urns given as 
 symbolic indications of the idea that the years have closed; as the 
 ashes of the dead rest in the urns, so the ashes of the years may 
 be said to rest in these vessels. The idea seems to be borne out 
 by the fact that the vessel in the middle division of another plate,"' 
 has on it the figure of a cross-bones, on top of which are placed 
 three other symbols. Possibly they may represent ears of maize 
 or tortillas cast into the v^essels. A vessel in the same division 
 on this plate IX contains fruits or goards, and a fish with 
 bread seems to be offered to the serpent. Dr. Thomas's essay 
 is so obscure as to be difficult to make out and yet it is possible 
 that the interpretation of the figures as symbols of time may be 
 the correct one. The serpent at any rate may represent the 
 great Divinity as it does in the Idols and in the calendars. 
 
 [IV.] We turn now to the Mexican idols and the symbols which 
 they contain, i. We would first call attention to the resemblance 
 between the idols in Mexico and the culture heroes of the Iroquois. 
 Both were represented as covered with snakes. The hair and 
 shoulders of Atotarho bristled with snake heads as that of Medusa 
 did. The idols of Mexico were wreathed with snake heads, but the 
 hair and face of the divinity are not so manifestly human as in 
 the case of the culture hero. It would seem, however, that the 
 superstition fastened itself upon the form of divinity everywhere, 
 and made the serpent the sj-mbol of the supernatural power both 
 with the culture hero and the war god. It would seem as if there 
 was a progress in nature worship, and that the same symbol, 
 which among the Iroquois was so expressive, became among the 
 Mexicans very complicated and still more significant. 
 
 The first idol which we shall describe is one found in connec- 
 tion with the goddess of death in Mexico. [Plate X.] This is 
 described by Bancroft as follows: "The idol was first brought to 
 light in grading the Plaza in August, 1790. It is an immense 
 block of bluish grey porphyry, about 10 ft. high, 6 ft. wide and 
 thick, sculptured on front, rear, top and bottom in a most com- 
 plicated and horrible combination of human, animal and ideal 
 forms. Vasco de Gama first expressed the opinion in which 
 other authors coincide, that the front shown in the cut represents 
 the goddess of death, Teoyaomiqui, whose duty it was to bear 
 the souls of dead warriors to the house of the sun. The rear 
 view of the idol represents Huitzilopochtll, god of war, and hus- 
 band of the female divinity whose emblems are carved on the 
 front. The bottom of the monument bears various sculptured 
 designs not shown in the cut, which are thought to represent 
 
 *See Plate XXVIII Dresden Codex contributi jns to N. A. Ethnolo-'v, Vol. V. 
 
^08 
 
 liATIVE AMFAUCAN SYMBOLISM 
 
 Plate X-MEXICAN GODDESS OF DEATH. 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. 109~ 
 
 Mictlantecutli, god of the infernal regions, the last of this cheer- 
 ful trinity; goddess of death, god of war, and god of hell, three 
 distinct deities united in one idol according to the Aztec cate- 
 chism. Tlie idol was removed to the Univer.'^ity and until 1821 
 was kept buried in the court yard, that it might not kindle anew 
 the aboriginal superstitions. 
 
 The analysis of this idol and the examination of its different 
 parts will bring out the following remarkable features, i. The 
 shape of the idol is that of the cross. 2. It is a combination of 
 a human figure and a serpent form; no other animal is represented. 
 
 3. There is a combination of kingly drapery and serpent folds. 
 
 4. There are four hands plainly visible with the palms extended 
 and turned out, with figures of rattles between the hands. 5. 
 There seem to be two heads, the serpent head above and the 
 human head below ; the serpent head having teeth and fangs visi- 
 ble; the human head being a death head. The eyes are made 
 with rings around them the same as Tlaloc the god of rain always 
 has. 7. The serpent head consists of massive folds bound 
 together and fringed, but with cross hatchings to represent the 
 serpent's skin. 8. The shoulders of the idol or the arms of the 
 cross are adorned witli the teeth of a serpent and the forked 
 tongue below the teeth. 9. The fringe which forms a skirt to 
 the idol, contains serpents' heads covered with a cross-hatching 
 which represent's a serpent's skin. Between the serpents' heads, 
 tails all of them containing ratttles. 10. Below these horrid 
 tassels, is a serpent with its four folds covered with cross hatch- 
 ings which are dotted like that on the serpents heads above, 
 the eyes and teeth and forked tongue resembling those in the 
 shoulders and head above. 11. On either side of this serpent 
 head are figures that look like claws, though they may be intend- 
 ed for serpent's eggs. 
 
 Mr. E. S. Holden has drawn the comparison between this 
 Mexican idol and others found in Yucatan. He discovers a 
 similar combination of serpent's heads and tails with human faces,, 
 arms and limbs but with the addition of crotalus jaws and many 
 other symbols, and thinks that there are so many striking du- 
 plications and coroborative resemblances that the Yucatec figures 
 and the Mexican idols may be supposed to represent the same 
 personage, Huitzilipochtli, the god of death. The identification of 
 the Yucatec and Mexican or Aztec religions seem to be quite 
 complete. See plate XI. 
 
 [v.] A comparison of the tradititions and myths of the serpent 
 and the serpent symbol will be in place here. There are many 
 myths of the serpent as well as of the tortoise, and these seem to 
 be very wide-spread. 
 
 On this point we quote from Mr. Edward Tylor. He says: 
 "In the Old World the tortoise myth belongs especially 
 to India, and the idea is developed there in a variety of forms. 
 
110 
 
 NATIVE AMERICA X SYMBOLISM 
 
 Plate XI-IUOL PILLAR WITH SERPENT SYMBOLS. 
 
THE SERPENT SYMBOL. Ill 
 
 The tortoise that upholds the earth is called in the Sanskrit 
 Kurmaraja, King of the Tortoises, and the Hindoos believe 
 to this day that the earth rests upon its back. Sometimes 
 the snake Sesha bears the world on its head, or an elephant 
 carries it upon its back, and both snake and elephant are 
 themselves supported by the great tortoise. The earth, res- 
 cued from the deluge which destroys mankind, is set up with 
 the snake that bears it resting on the floating tortoise, and a del- 
 uge is again to pour over the face of the earth when the world- 
 tortoise, sinking under its load, goes down into the great waters." 
 "According to Varaha-Mihira, the Indians represented to them- 
 selves the inhabited part of the world under the form of a tortoise 
 floating upon the water; it is in this sense that they call the 
 world Kaunna-cJiakra; that is to say, "the wheel of the tortoise." 
 " The striking analogy between the tortoise myth of North 
 America and India is by no means a matter of new observation; 
 it was indeed remarked upon by Father Lafitau nearly a century 
 and a half ago. Three great features of the Asiatic stories are 
 found among the North American Indians in the fullest and 
 clearest development. The earth is supported on the back of 
 a huge floating tortoise, the tortoise sinks under water and causes 
 a deluge, and the tortoise is considered as being itself the earth 
 floating upon the face of the deep. In the last century, Loskiel, 
 the Moravian missionary remarked of the North American Indi- 
 ans that "some of them imagine that the earth swims in the sea, 
 or that an enormous tortoise carries the world on its back." 
 Schoolcraft, an unrivalled authority on Indian mythology within 
 his own district, remarks that the turtle is an object held in great 
 respect in all Indian reminiscence. It is believed to be in all 
 cases, a symbol of the earth and is addressed as a mother.". . . 
 "Among the Mandans, Catlin found a legend which brings in the 
 same notion of the world-tortoise, but shows that by differ- 
 ence of the accessory circumstances that it was not in America 
 a mere part of a particular story, but a mythological conception 
 which might be worked into an unlimited variety of myths. The 
 tale that the Mandan doctor told Catlin, was that the earth w^as a 
 large tortoise, that it carried dirt upon its back, and that a tribe 
 of people who are now dead, and whose faces were white, used 
 to dig down very deep in the ground to catch badgers. The 
 myth of the world-tortoise is one of those which have this great 
 value in the comparison of Asiatic and American mythology, 
 that it leaves not the least opening for the supposition of its 
 having been carried by modern Europeans from the Old to the 
 New World." The Scandanavian myth is that the serpent en- 
 compassed the globe. In Mexico, the serpent is frequently seen 
 encompassing the signs of the zodiac, and we cannot help con- 
 necting the symbols on the calendar stones with myths which 
 prevailed in the Old World. The same is true of the ornamen- 
 
112 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 tation of the pottery. The serpent and the tortoise seem to 
 embody the m\'th which, according to Mr. Tylor is so wide 
 spread. The serpent symbol in the south-west portion of the 
 continent is more comphcated and conventional than elsewhere. 
 We close this article by referring to the mythological record 
 of the creation as contained in the tablets of the creation series 
 found in Nineveh, and described by Geo. Smith in his "Chaldean 
 Genesis." The subject was the fight between Tiamat and the god 
 Marduk. Tiamat, the personification of darkness, chaos, disor- 
 der, and so of the powers of evil, is the prototype of the serpent 
 of Genesis. Marduk, chosen by the gods for the conflict, and 
 armed with sword and bow, engages in fierce fight with Tiamat. 
 and eventually dashes out the brains of the dragon, a particular 
 which at once calls to recollection "the bruising of the serpent's 
 head," as described in Genesis. There is, however, this note- 
 worthy difference between the Babylonian and the Chaldean ac- 
 counts. Tiamat is a sea-monster, the sea being regarded appar- 
 ently as a great hostile power, and so associated with darkness 
 and evil. Tiamat is, moreover, a dragon, a composite creature, 
 not a serpent. The conflict, however, both in the cuneiform text 
 and as depicted on Babylonian seals, always takes place on the 
 land. And it may be observed that this same conflict, portrayed 
 on a large scale, may be seen on a projecting part of the wall in 
 the Assyrian Gallery of the Museum. Here the dragon Tiamat 
 is seen retreating, but still threatening, with claws and her wide- 
 opened mouth. Tiamat has a pair of wings and a scale-covered 
 body. Marduk is advancing to the attack. He has two pairs 
 of wings, and is armed with cimeter, and is brandishing a pair 
 double tridents, which possibly represent liglitning. On the seals 
 he is represented either equipped and ready for the conflict, or 
 attacking the dragon with bow and cimeter. On one seal, how- 
 ever, the dragon is represented as a serpent, as in the biblical 
 story, and p2irs2icd by Marduk. It will seem from this that the 
 serpent in oriental countries was representative of a nature power 
 and that is was attended with symbols of the lightning, and other 
 processes of nature. Our conclusion is: whether there was any 
 connection between the two continents, the serpent symbol in 
 both hemispheres was associated with nature worship, yet 
 there were traditions associated with it which have very striking 
 analogies. The serpent evidently represented a nature power, 
 but it was more than this. It is possible that we shall find the 
 oriental tradition still connected with the American Symbol. 
 
AyL]fAL WO RSIIfP AND SUN WORSHIP. n:j 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 ANIMAL WORSHIP AND SUN WORSHIP COMPARED. 
 
 The prevalence of sun worship throughout the different parts of 
 the globe is impressed upon us as soon as we enter upon the subject 
 of primitive religions. The early historic records show that it ex- 
 isted extensively at a very ancient date. Traditions and mythol- 
 ogy are full of allusions to it, showing that it prevailed before 
 historic times. Language seems to have been affected by it. 
 The ve: y form of letters and the phonetic signs in certain lan- 
 guages contain tokens of it. The earliest forms of art were also 
 impressed and influenced b}^ it. The symbols on coins are 
 frequently symbols of the sun, as well as of the serpent and the 
 tree. Ancient architecture exhibits sun worship as prevalent. 
 The very forms of the temples were constructed so as to make 
 the worship of the sun more impressive. The symbol of the 
 sun is also found in the clothing of the priest and in the furniture 
 of the temples, as well as in the adornments of the idols. 
 Hieroglyphics are everywhere full of the same kind of symbol- 
 ism. AH of these tokens convince us that it was a most 
 extensive system and one out of which other religious systems 
 have grown. 
 
 This sun worship may have been preceded b}' more primitive 
 S3'stems, viz.: animal worship, fetichism, animism, shamanism, 
 etc., but it seems to have been more powerful and more extensive 
 than any of these, and therefore is worthy of especial stud3\ 
 
 We may regard it as a form of universal religion, a form 
 which reached the stage of universalit}^ before historic times. We 
 may also consider it as a connecting link betweien the historic 
 and prehistoric ages; a system which survived into historic 
 times, but grew out of a prehistoric cult, the product of the 
 highest stage which had been reached, but at the same time the 
 blossom out of which the fruit grew for the next stage of cul- 
 ture. 
 
 How long sun worship may have continued during prehistoric 
 
1 14 NA TI VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 times no one knows, but there are so many grades of it that we 
 may conclude that it had continued for a long time. The change 
 from sun worship to anthropomorphic systems was evidently 
 slow. In some countries it took centuries to reach the first stage 
 of idolatry, the animal figure changing slowly to the idol as a 
 human semblance. Animal worship and sun worship were, 
 however closely associated in prehistoric times, and these were 
 perpetuated in parallel lines even long alter history began. The 
 human semblance seemed to have been a late conception, and 
 yet we can trace in this country the idolatry which contains the 
 human semblance back into prehistoric times. It is probable 
 that all three of these types of nature worship were even in the 
 East quite prevalent before the historic period. 
 
 I. We turn now to consider the connection between animal 
 worship and sun worship. Why are animal figures and sun 
 symbols so closel}^ associated? 
 
 In answering this question we shall compare the symbols 
 of the East and the West, but begin with those of the East. 
 The symbols of Egypt are first to be considered: 
 Let us consider the different animals which were sacred to 
 the sun. (i). The phoenix. This was a bird of the sun. Its 
 general appearance was similar to the eagle. It had a gold 
 collar about the neck, the breast was purple, its tail blue varied 
 with red feathers, its head richly feathered with a tuft at the 
 top. According to the fable there is only one on the whole 
 globe. It lives 660 years. When it grows old it builds a nest 
 and dies. A worm is produced from its bones which, having 
 become a young bird, takes the nest and carries it to the city of 
 the sun and deposits it on the altar. (2). The bull was a sacred 
 animal and received divine honors as representing a divinity. 
 His prolific character was considered a divine attribute. The 
 bull was sacred to the sun and carried the globe on its head 
 between its horns. The bull was a symbol of x\pis, one of the 
 chief divinities of Egypt. The ox-headed divinity Sarapis 
 (Osiris Apis) was also a great divinity; the pefsonal and the an- 
 imal nature of the god being represented both by the name 
 Sarapis and the idol, which was a human form with an ox-head. 
 (3). The hawk was a symbol of the sun in Egypt. The god 
 Ra was usually represented with a hawk's head surmounted 
 by a globe or disk of the sun f'rom which the asp issued. The 
 hawk was a symbol because it was able to look into the face of 
 the sun. 
 
 (4). Lions were considered solar animals. Ra, ihe hawk- 
 headed divinity, was sometimes supported on the back of lions. 
 We shall hereafter speak of the lions whose bodies formed a 
 throne. Sometimes these lions were separated and were repre- 
 sented as lying down with their heads in opposite directions, the 
 disk of the sun between them. The lion represented strength 
 and so was a symbol of the sun. 
 
ANIMAL WORSHIP AXD SUX WORSHIP. 115 
 
 (5). The scarabeus or beetle was in Egypt a symbol of the 
 sun. Some suppose this was owing to the habit of the beetle 
 of rollin<r the ball of dirt or dung to its nest. Others say that 
 the scarabeus, with its many claws, symbolized a month, thirty 
 claws for thirty days. The scarabeus was worn on the head 
 ot Ptah, the Egyptian Vulcan, or Hephaestus. A symbol for 
 Ptah is given by a combined figure, yiz.: a man kneeling and 
 supporting the four-armed symbol or emblem of stability on his 
 head. Above this emblem is a beetle with wings spread, hold- 
 ing up in its claws a globe or sun. The scarabeus was the 
 commonest ornament in Egypt, and shows how prevalent sun 
 worship was there. (6) The frog was used as a symbol of the 
 sun. There are divinities having frog heads, but generally the 
 heads are surmounted by a scarabeus. Ka, father of the fathers of 
 the gods, is a frog-headed deity. The frog-headed divinity was 
 probably the ruler of the water. Horopollo tells us that "Man 
 in embryo was represented by a frog." Diodorus Siculus says 
 that "man was created out of the mud." The frog was the 
 father of the gods and men. (7) The goose was a S3'mbol of 
 the sun. Set, the great cackler, was one of the divinities of 
 Eg3'pt. He is identified with the earth. There is a myth that 
 the sun is discharged from the earth as an agg from the goose. 
 (8.) The cow was worshiped in Egypt. Athor was a cow. 
 She is represented by a cow's head bearing the disk of the sun 
 between her horns. Her eyes were supposed to be symbolic. Her 
 right eye represented the sun; her left eye the moon. S3'mbolic 
 e3^es were common in Eg3^pt. The3^ were used as ornaments or 
 amulets, very much as beetles and lions were. Ear-rings, brace- 
 lets and necklaces having eyes in them were worn as ornaments. 
 (9.) The vulture was a symbol of the sun. The body of the 
 vulture was w^orn by the goddess Nephthys, "daughter of the 
 sun," "lady of heaven". The vulture with the wings spread was 
 placed over the heads of queens to denote generative power, 
 motherhood. Besides these animals, the ram, the fox, the jackal, 
 the dog, the hippotamus, the goat, the eagle, the crocodile, were 
 sacred in Egypt and most of them were symbols of the sun. 
 The elephant, the bufTalo, the camel were sacred in India, but 
 not in Egypt. The stag, the panther and the lion were sacred 
 among the Hittites, but not among the Hindoos. The leopard, 
 the lion, the dolphin, were sacred in Assyria. The vulture and 
 eagle were very ancient S3'mbols in Babylonia. 
 
 II. We ask the question here, how about the history of animal 
 worship and sun worship in the old world? We come back to 
 the new world for the answer. It is a singular fact that animal 
 worship and sun worship in America passed through man3^ 
 stages, but in these stages we see a constant association of 
 S3'mbols. One thing is noticeable about this association in 
 America; the animals are first made rulers of the sk3' before the 
 sun divinity is, or at least the animal fetiches are supposed to 
 
IK) XI 7717; .l.l//-;/.7C.-l.V SYMnOLISM. 
 
 rule the difTerent quarters of the sky in a more primilive stage 
 of religion than are the sun divinities. 
 
 Animal worship was in the ascendenc}^ among all the un- 
 civilized tribes, but sun worship was prevalent among the civilized 
 and a combination of the two may be also discovered among 
 certain barbaric tribes. The primordial germs of the two systems 
 are found in America. We propose to consider the association of 
 animals with sun symbols as they are found in America, i. This 
 association is found in the mounds. We have already in pre- 
 vious articles shown the prevalence of animal worship. We 
 propose to show now the prevalence of sun worship. It is well 
 known that the sun symbol is found in the mounds. The shell 
 gorgets which have been taken from mounds in Tennessee and 
 other stales have been described by W. H. Holmes and 
 others. These contain four concentric rings. In the outer ring 
 are found circles to represent the sun, numbering from ten to 
 twelve, corresponding to the months. In the second ring are 
 found four or five other circles, corresponding, perhaps, to the 
 seasons. In the inner circle are three crescents to represent the 
 moon, and at the center is a circle which represents the sun. 
 There is no doubt that these gorgets were sun symbols. There 
 are no animal figures upon these, but there are other gorgets 
 in which birds and sun symbols do appear. We give cuts of these 
 to illustrate the points. It will be noticed that the birds' heads 
 are attached to a four sided figure which has loops in the cor- 
 ners. These possibly ma}' have symbolized the four quarters of 
 the sky or the four seasons. See Plate I. Within the four- 
 sided figure is a symbol of the sun, which in one case is a single 
 circle with a dot in the center ; in another case four rings to 
 symbolize four suns ; in another case a ring with four dark 
 spots surrounded by a ring with eight radiating points; another 
 with birds' heads, and one figure has no birds' heads or sun 
 symbol. The number four seems to have been sacred, as it 
 symbolized the four quarters of the sky, but it is in every case 
 attended with the symbol of the sun. These gorge's were 
 taken from a mound in Tennessee. They show that sun wor- 
 ship had reached a very considerable height among the Mound 
 builders. 
 
 2. The association of animal figures with sun symbols is 
 found on the northwest coast. Here we have totem posts sur- 
 mounted b}' the thunder bird. Below this are bears' heads 
 to represent the totem of the person who erected the post. 
 Along with the bears' heads are human f^ices and pjirts of 
 the human form to represent the ancestors. The sun S3'mbol is 
 not found here, but the human form is found. A primitive form 
 of animal worship as the embodiment of nature powers is seen 
 in the thunder bird. We give a cut to illustrate this. See Fig. 
 I. Here the thunder bird is a guardian divinitv to a house; it 
 hovers over the door. This was a form of worship which pre- 
 
I'latc I. Shell Oonjrtu contai ning San Symbols. 
 
118 
 
 NATURE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 vailed in the forests. It was not the worship of the sun, but of 
 tlie elements. The bird which personified the lightning hovers 
 darkl}^ over the forest. It shows how animal divinities began 
 to rule 
 
 I 
 
 
 over 
 the sky, and 
 were trans- 
 ferred to the 
 heavens. If 
 we would see 
 the sun sym- 
 bol and ani- 
 mal figu res 
 and the hu- 
 man f o r m 
 combined we 
 must turn to 
 the Z u n i s . 
 Here we find 
 on the shield 
 of the Priest- ! ' ; V ^ 
 
 hood of the . -,,. 
 
 Bow a wing- ' . -- .. .-.,-,..... -, -.,::,„: ,■ '^^^~-., . . ., --^.y,,- ,,-,-^.-, ,...^- ] 
 
 ed human fig- FIc/. l. TJumder Bird of the Thlinkits. 
 
 ure with an animal on either side and a curved body above the 
 figure with a crooked serpent below ; the serpent to represent 
 the lightning; the body represents the rainbow; the shield 
 
 itself represents the sun ; 
 the wings represent the 
 clouds, and the bears the 
 presiding fetiches or ani- 
 Tc\^\ divinities. See Fig. 2. 
 3. A better illustration 
 of the manner in which 
 animals came to symbol- 
 ize the sun and sun sym- 
 bols came to be associated 
 with animals is found 
 among the Zunis. Here 
 we find that different ani- 
 mals presided ever the 
 difTerent parts of the sk}'. 
 Plate II. The mountain 
 Fia.^. The shiriti uf iiir PrirsiiKx,,! ,,/ ihr p.ov'. liou (i)was the guardiao 
 of the north; (2) the black bear, master of the west; (3) the badger, 
 master of the south ; (4) the white wolf, master of the east ; (5) the 
 bald eagle, master of the upper regions; (6) the mole, master of 
 the lower regions. These different animals had colors which cor- 
 responded to the natural colors of the regions over which they 
 presided. The mountain lion yellow to correspond with the 
 
riidi' II. 
 
1 20 NA TIVE A MER ICA N SYMBOLISM. 
 
 auroral hues ; the black bear had a black coal to represent the color 
 ot the land ol" night; the badger was black and white and cor- 
 responded to the land of summer; the coat of the wolf was 
 white and gray, the color of the day and dawn; the eagle was 
 speckled like the clouds; the mole was black, the color of the 
 caves of the earth. The figures or fetiches of these animals 
 were kept very sacred. They were wrought out of different 
 kinds of stone; and were painted to represent the colors of the 
 sky. Sometimes different varieties or species of the same animal 
 were supposed to be the masters of the different parts of the sky, 
 but in that case they were wrought out of different kinds of 
 stone to show the part of the sky over which they ruled. One 
 mountain lion was made of yellow lime stone to represent the 
 north; another of white lime stone to represent the east; an- 
 other of serpentine nodules, which were blue, to represent the 
 west, the color of the ocean. The spotted lion was made from 
 a white and blue arragonite to represent the sky, and the fetich 
 of the lower regions, made of gypsum, was painted black. 
 This use of colors along with the animal fetiches is very signifi- 
 cant. In Egypt the animals and idols are of different colors. 
 Each color was significant not so much of the quarter of the 
 sky as of the character of the divinity, and yet it possibly may 
 have come from the same source. 
 
 4. Mexico furnishes another stage of animal worship and 
 sun worship combined. We have now the four quarters of 
 the sky symbohzed, but in a different way. There is a dragon 
 which rules. The days are also taken into account. Every 
 day has an animal divinity. The months are named after 
 animals and so are the years. There is a constant round of 
 animal symbols. There "is a complicated way of counting time. 
 The days of the month change names. A new symbol is given 
 to every day of the month as it passes, but most of them animal 
 names; i,"fish; 2, wind; 3, house; 4, lizard; 5, serpent; 6, 
 death; 7, deer; 8, rabbit; 9, water; 10, dog; 11, monkey; 
 12, hay; 13, reed; 14, tiger; 15, eagle; 16, bird; 17, the 
 sun; 18, flint; 19, rain; 20, the flower month. See Fig. 3. We 
 have also in Mexico colors— south, yellow ; east, red ; north, 
 white ; west, black. We have the elements, earth, water, air, 
 fire. We have the chief divinities, Quetzatlcoatl, Huitzilo- 
 puchtli, Tezcatlipoca, Tlaloc, corresponding to the elements and 
 to the colors as well as to the gods of the skies and a most elab- 
 orate system of symbolism to express chronology and to mark 
 out the sacred feasts. The symbolism of Mexico and Central 
 America is very elaborate and shows a great advance upon the 
 symbolism of New Mexico, the Aztecs and Toltecs having 
 been much more civilized than the Zunis and other Pueblo 
 tribes, but sun worship was the religion of all three districts. 
 Animal figures are also used as symbols in all of the above 
 metioned regions. 
 
ANIMAL WORSHIP AND SUN ]V011SI1IP. 
 
 121 
 
 5. There are many figures of animals in Mexico and Cen- 
 tral America which are evidently used as S3'nibols of the sun. 
 M. Habel has described the figures which he found in the 
 Cosumalhuapa. These are very remarkable figures. We 
 shall describe only two. The main feature of one is a bird with 
 huge wings in a very contorted attitude. The bird wears on 
 his breast a flaming sun, but carries in his beak a human body 
 in a very contorted shape. Two serpents hang below the head. 
 The whole figure conveys the idea of violence. Its significance 
 is unknown, but it is purely American. It is tinged by the 
 
 Circle irifh Siimbols ,,/ Daijs 
 
 savage thought of America and yet it reminds us of the Asiatic 
 figures. It has probably represented the thunder bird as pre- 
 siding over or carrying the sun symbol. There is another fig- 
 ure which also reminds us of the Asiatic symbols. A face 
 shines out from the sky, a symbol of the sun. Flames issue 
 from the face to represent the heat of the sun. Behind the 
 face are massive wings, perhaps to represent the clouds. 
 Below the wings are arnis with bird claws for hands. Below 
 the hands is a circle with flames issuing from it. A serpent is 
 intertwined through the circle. Below the circle is a suppliant 
 with his hands held up in adoration to the winged figure. Here 
 we have also the component parts of the sun symbol; the human 
 
122 
 
 .V. I 7717; AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 face, the sun circle, the overshadowing^ wings, the intertwined 
 serpent, but we have also animal lif:jures associated with it. 
 
 The Aztec cycle'-- was represented with a circle with a pic- 
 ture of the sun in the center. SeeFit^. 4. There were symbols 
 for the months around this sun circle, as follows: i, water; 2, 
 tent; 3, bird; 4, tower; 5, ^ace; 6, vase; 7, flower; etc. 
 
 6. This furnishes another point of comparison. There were in 
 Egvpt four suns: the rising sun, the mid-day sun, the setting 
 sun. and the sun at rest or the night sun. A divinity was as- 
 signed to each of these portions of time and a different animal 
 represented each divinity or typified each sun. These are as 
 we remember them, the lion for the rising sun, the ox for the 
 
 Fi<j. ',. Sim Circle, ivitli SinnholH of Months. 
 
 mid-day sun, the hawk for the setting sun, and the cow for the 
 night sun or the sun at rest. We find in Egypt also animals 
 presiding over different parts of the country : Anubis, or the 
 jackal, over the south; Sebo, the ram, over the north; Buto, or 
 the winged asp, over the west; Apis and Osiris over the east. 
 We have also animals and gods which preside over specific 
 towns — Thebes, Memphis, Dendera, etc, — others over two 
 countries. We have animal gods which preside over feasts and 
 and funerals, etc. This, to a degree, is common in America. 
 
 *For names of the months and the divisions of the year and days see " The Aztecs, 
 by Lucien Biart, pages 02 and Oo." We are indebted to A. C. MeClurg & Co., for the 
 use of these cnts. 
 
AXLUAL WOR.^IIIP AND sex WORSHIP. 
 
 123 
 
 There were different kinds of suns and different animals to 
 tvpity those suns. The points of compass were also typified b^'- 
 difl'erent animals and different colors were "iven to the animals 
 to signify the parts of the sky over which they ruled. There 
 were different districts and different animal divinities which pre- 
 sided over those districts, the same as in Egypt and Assyria. 
 
 III. We are to consider next the significance of the animal 
 lorms which are found in the symbols of the east and west. It 
 has been maintained that the animal heads and other parts 
 of the animal form which are associated with human bodies 
 and faces in the gods of Egypt, Assyria and Farther India 
 were but the symbols of divine attributes. This ma}- be 
 so, and vet there is another view which may be taken 
 
 Fig. ■'. Tree and Oi'oss as Si/mhoLi of (he Sun. 
 
 of them. In America animal worship preceded sun worship 
 ana was perpetuated after sun worship came into vogue, and so 
 we have the means of interpreting the system, which others do 
 not have. 
 
 We do not, however, learn that the animal forms which 
 are combined with human semblances in America had anything 
 to do with the attributes of the divinity, but we do learn that 
 they were, in a measure, Totemic, that is, they s^-mbolized the 
 relation of guardian which was contained in divinity and at the 
 same time expressed the personification of nature powers. 
 
 I. It is noticeable that the different parts of the human form in 
 America symbolized nature powers. The eye of Tlaloc, the 
 Mexican god, shows that he was a ram god, the tongue and face 
 of Quetzacoatl show that he was a sun god, while the dress and 
 ornaments of Huitzapochtli show that he was the god of war 
 and death. This use of ornaments and the parts of the costume 
 
124 NA Tl VE A ME RICA N S YMBOLISM. 
 
 and head-dress to symbolize the elements over which a divinity 
 ruled was very common. It is well known that the serpent and 
 the cross were symbols in Mexico and in Central America. 
 There were, however, weather symbols, the one si^nifyin^; the 
 lightning and the other the winds or the points ot" the 
 compass. There is evidence that the tree is used as a sym- 
 bol in America, but singularly enough the branches of the tree 
 are frequently made to represent the cross, and so the tree 
 becomes a weather symbol. The cross and the tree is generall}^ 
 surmounted by the thunder bird and is sometimes decorated with 
 a mask and medallion, and with spiral ornaments, each part of 
 the cross and its decoration having a significance and the whole 
 being symbolic of the sun and ot nature worship. See Fig. 5. 
 
 None of the American symbols represent personal attributes, 
 but they do represent the office of the divinity, and in this 
 they differ from the Egyptian and Asiatic symbols. In Egypt 
 the animals symbolized ihe attributes ol the divinity, in America 
 they symbolized the office. In Asia they symbolized the per- 
 son, but in America the elements or nature power. This 
 distinction is worthy of notice, because it shows that in America 
 the religion was mere nature worship and was less advanced 
 than in Egypt. 
 
 We give a cut to illustrate this point, Plate III. It is a pic- 
 ture of the bas relief on the inside of the adoratorio discovered 
 by J. L. Stephens at Copan. This adoratorio was a shrine or altar 
 devoted to the worship of the sun. Inside of the shrine a mask, 
 which represented the face of the sun, was suspended upon two 
 cross sticks or poles, while beneath the cross was an elabo- 
 rately carved beam supported by crouching human figures. 
 The whole temple or shrine symbolized sun worship, each 
 separate part and article of furniture and ornament having a 
 significance. The sun was symboHzed by the face, the eye, 
 tongue and lips of the face being distorted to make it expressive. 
 It was situated in front of the door of the shrine, so that it 
 might catch the rays of the sun, and was supported by the cross 
 bars, which symbolized the points of the compass. It was 
 suspended above the heavy beam, on which was the skull, 
 which symbolized the rain, and that was supported by figures 
 which also sj^mbolized the different nature powers. On the 
 facade of the shrine were two figures, one of which is repre- 
 sented in Plate IV. This was Tlaloc, the god of rain. It will be 
 noticed that this god has a peculiarly bulging eye resembling 
 a huge rain drop; that he has on his head a head dress made up 
 in part of the beak of a bird, in part of a branch of leaves and 
 cones, and in part of spiral fines or vine stalks ; that he is blow- 
 ing through a tube, and that spiral lines issue from the tube. A 
 crooked serpent is intertwined between his legs, but with the 
 tail and head both bent upward, while tassels hang from the 
 neck of the serpent. Thus the divinity is surrounded by the 
 
ANIMAL WORSHIP AND SUX WORSHIP. 
 
 125 
 
 J'la/c IV. T)ic God Tlaloc. 
 
120 iV.l Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 symbols of his power — the eye to signify the rain, the serpent 
 to represent the lightning, the spiral lines to signify the winds, 
 the thunder bird to signify the sky, the leaves to signify 
 the vegetation, and other ornaments, to signify the nature 
 powers, over which he ruled. The picture is sugges- 
 tive. It is not certain whether the form represents the god 
 Tlaloc, or his priest, for priests were frequently clothed 
 with the same kind of garments on their person and had in 
 their faces the same symbols that the god himself did. It 
 will be noticed that the figure has a tiger skin resting upon 
 his shoulders. This was in Egypt ihe official dress of the 
 Driest of the sun, and the fashion seems to have prevailed in 
 America. We do not find in the adoratorio many figures of 
 animals, but the tiger skin, the thunder bird, and the serpent 
 are animal symbols. We have also plants represented, and so 
 the three kingdoms were drawn upon for symbols. Nature 
 worship in America combined the solar symbol with animal 
 symbols, and made many of the elements symbolic. 
 
 2. Another point is brought out by this comparison of the 
 symbols. In the old world the animals which were worshiped 
 were domestic, while in America they were wild. This shows 
 that the symbolism in America either originated among the 
 races when they were in the wild state or was borrowed from 
 civilized people and accommodated to a wild condition. Animal 
 worship in Asia continued long after the people reached a civil- 
 ized condition and was evidently modified by civilization. Animal 
 worship in America found its highest development among the 
 wild hunter tribes, but it remained among the civilized races. 
 Sun worship was incorporated with animal worship among the 
 American Indians. The Mound-builders had a kind of nature 
 worship. It was rude and primitive, and yet it was attended 
 with sun symbols. Some of the mound relics evidently 
 present the tokens of a combined animal and sun worship, and 
 some even of combined sun worship and idol worship. The 
 thought contained within these systems we are not familiar 
 with, but we judge from the symbols. The progress in America 
 was from shamanism to fetichism, and from fetichism to 
 animal worship, and from animal worship to sun worship, and 
 from sun worship to anthropomorphic figures. The symbols, 
 however, represented the elements and were symbols of the 
 nature powers 
 
 In Asiatic countries local animals were used for symbols 
 and represented the attributes of the divinity. The animals 
 differed in different countries, but they were the animals which 
 abounded in those countries. In Egypt the animals used for 
 symbols were the ox and the cat and dog ; in Assyria, the 
 ox, the eagle, the lion ; in India, the ov, the elephant, and the 
 horse ; in Arabia, the ass, the ostrich, and the elan ; in America, 
 the wolf, the bear, the panther. There are also certain animals 
 
ANIMAL WORSHIP AND SCX WOnSIHP. 
 
 127 
 
 which are everywhere found, as the hare, the deer, the stag, 
 the eagle, and the hawk, but this is because these aninr.als 
 abound in all countries. In the same countr}' the animals difler 
 according to locality; the crocodile and hippopotamus in Egypt ; 
 the lion and the deer in Syria among the Hittites ; the fish and 
 the hawk in Assyria ; the elephant in India. This is the case 
 in America : on the northwest coast the whale ; on the south- 
 west coast the monkey; on the gulf coast the crocodile ; in the 
 interior the panther. 
 
 3. The use of compound figures is significant. Composite 
 animals are discovered among the emblematic mounds of 
 Wisconsin. The ancestor posts of the northwest coast are 
 
 Fi(/. 6. The Water Spider, u-'Uh S/jniboLs of the Sun on i/.v back. 
 
 remarkable specimens of composite figures. They are made 
 up of the beaks of hawks, the bodies of bears, human faces and 
 many other shapes, each part being significant of the ancestry 
 and of the divinities which the family regarded as sacred, the 
 totems of the family for many generations being carved into a 
 single pillar. Compound figures were common among the 
 mounds. 
 
 There are gorgets taken from mounds in Missouri, which 
 contain the figures of a spider (which was the divinity of water) 
 with a circle (the symbol of the sun) upon its back, and a cross 
 within this circle to symbolize the points of the compass. This 
 reminds us of the beetle in Egypt whose claws symbolized the 
 days of the month and was a symbol of the sun. It is quite 
 wonderful that the Mound-builders should reach so high a stage 
 of symbolic development. See fig. 6. 
 
1 28 NA TIVE A M ERIC A N S YMB OLISM. 
 
 There is a temple built on the banks of the Ganges in Casi, 
 Hindoostan, the body of which is built in the shape of St. 
 Andrew's cross, with a very high cupola in the center. At the 
 extremity of every one of the four arms of the cross is a tower, 
 probably a symbol of the sun. Inside the temple is an altar, 
 and on the right side of the altar is a strange figure, a com- 
 pound of the different parts of an elephant, a horse and a mule. 
 This shows that the elements or the attributes were symbolized 
 by domestic animals. 
 
 4. The use of masks is significant. It is noticeable that 
 masks are worn in all parts of the world, in America, Africa 
 and in Asia. A hideous mask is worn by the priest of Thibet. 
 It represents a human face with horns and other animal parts 
 attached to it. Huge masks are carried by the Chinese in the 
 feast of lanterns. Masks are very common on the northwest 
 coast of America. They are worn in the dances and symbolize 
 the mythical history of the dances and of the divinities in whose 
 honor the dances are held. We do not know as any of the masks 
 referred to have any connection with sun worship, but they are 
 suggestive as they convey a thought in reference to mythology 
 and^history. The heads of animals which appear on the bodies 
 of men in "Egypt and Assyria symbolize animal divinities and 
 the ornaments upon them symbolize the sun divinity, but they 
 resemble masks. 
 
 It is probable that the attributes of the divinity were repre- 
 sented by these animal head. In America the animals them- 
 selves were regarded as divinities. 
 
 IV. The progress of the people in prehistoric times in religious 
 culture is our next point. The transition of animal worship into 
 sun worship and from sun worship into a reverence for the 
 personal attributes is the thought now before us. The figures 
 of wild animals are found among the emblematic mounds of 
 Wisconsin protecting villages, guarding caches, forming game 
 drives, marking burial places, and showing where the clans and 
 tribes lived, and to what points their tribal bounds extended. 
 
 We have here the first stage, that is, the totem system, 
 which consisted in fhe worship of animals. We have second, 
 the sun worship, which prevailed extensively among the 
 Mound-builders and the Pueblos of Central America. We 
 have also the ancestor worship, which prevailed on the north- 
 west coasts with about as much force as it does now in China. 
 We have also the anthropomorphic system, which prevailed m 
 Mexico and Central America with almost the force it prevailed 
 in Egypt, Greece and Assyria. 
 
 Allthe systems are exhibited by the symbolism of America. 
 We have also mysteries and magic arts, and secret societies 
 which remind us of the east. The progress of the totem sys- 
 tem into the magic arts was manifest in the new world as wel 
 as the old. The "magician" and the "medicine man" were 
 
ANIMAL WORSHIP AND SUN WORSHIP. r2!» 
 
 similar or had similar offices. The Eleusinian mysteries and 
 the mysteries of the Priesthood of the Bow have many points 
 of resemblance. Both came out of an elaborate system ot sun 
 worship, and both were expressive of the operations of nature. 
 
 We take sun worship everywhere as the keystone of an 
 arcn, the animal fi^^fures ibund in America to represent totems 
 formincT one side of the arch and animal figures in Egypt to 
 represent attributes forming the other side. We learn a lesson 
 from the comparison. In the first place it is probable that ani- 
 mal worship preceded sun worship in all parts of the world. 
 Second, the progress of religion from a low stage lo a high and 
 still higher stage is manifest by this comparison. Animal wor- 
 ship, sun worship and the worship of idols bearing human names 
 and having human attributes, were the different grades in the 
 progress. Third, the personification of nature powers led to 
 much of the symbolism of the civilized races, the sun being often 
 represented as a person having personal attributes. Fourth, the 
 question is as to monotheism. Here scholars divide. Some of 
 them maintain that this is the latest product of a continuous 
 series of advancing thought, while others maintain that the 
 thought of God is latent in all minds and it is the earliest of all 
 religions. Fifth, the point which we set out to illustrate is that 
 totemisni and animal worship were the sources of very much of 
 the symbolism in the old world as well as in the new. We do 
 not know as we have proved it, but the subject is certainly sug- 
 gestive. 
 
 We begin in America, far back in the superstitions about ani- 
 mals, but we end in a very high stage of symbolism in which 
 personal attributes are represented b}- the combined figures. A 
 system almost equal to the heraldry of the East prevailed here. 
 
 The primitive heraldry and the introduction of magic are 
 known in America. The totem system is nothing but a modified 
 heraldry. Shamanism was the beginning of magic. These 
 are anterior to sun worship and various degrees of religious 
 culture intervene between them. Sun worship is the first stage 
 apparent in Egypt ; after that there is an anthropomorphic ten- 
 denc}'. There is an esoteric significance to the gods in Egypt. 
 Isis and Osiris and Horus present an esoteric system. They 
 were different from Ra and Set and Neph, as different as the 
 intellectual is from the physical. The story of Isis, Osiris and 
 Horus is allegorical. 
 
 This cult prevailed in the palmy days of Egypt ; still there 
 was a progress in religion, even though there was a decline in 
 power. The hieroglyphics, tablets and disks, which belong to 
 a later stage of history, show that there was a progress ; still 
 animal forms and sun symbols were perpetuated in Egypt not- 
 withstanding the changes that came over history. This is 
 seen in the Hypocephali ; an animal-headed divinity stands in 
 the boat in which the soul is ferried over to the land of spirits ; 
 
130 NA TI VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 the boat contains an ark which reminds us of the ark in Jeru- 
 salem. The boat or ark is always in the center of the sphere 
 or disk. The soul is conveyed in the ark to the land of the 
 setting sun. Here is a psychological idea, and yet the sx'mbolism 
 of the old m3'thology is perpetuated. We might speak of the 
 survivals of the symbols of the old mythologic system. The 
 form of the disk and its divisions and hemispheres are survivals 
 from sun worship. The animal heads upon human forms in the 
 divinities are survivals of animal worship. 
 
 Another illustration of progress and perpetuity may be found 
 in the animal myths which prevail throughout the whole 
 world. It is remarkable that the hare and the owl are every- 
 where regarded as mythologic creatures. Some make these 
 animals to be symbolic of the various movements of the sun. 
 We read in the proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archteol- 
 ogy that "this was owing to the ambiguous use of the word 
 hare." We doubt whether this is the case. The Egyptian 
 word for hare may have several different significations: to "start 
 up ;" to "open ;" to "transgress," "overleap," etc. ; but what has the 
 Egyptian word to do with American symbolism ? The historic 
 connection between different countries is not sufficient to account 
 for the universality of this myth about the rabbit or the hare. 
 It is only because this animal is everywhere found and is taken 
 as either a tribal totem in all countries or because it fitly S3'm- 
 bolizes or represents a nature power. The progress of thought 
 may be recognized in the history of this single animal myth, for 
 the hare itself has passed through all the stages from the simple 
 totemism up to the psychological symbolism, and is the best in- 
 stance of a "survival of the fittest" which we have on record. 
 
 If wetake the seals and cylinders discovered at Babylonia by 
 Dr. W. H. Ward and compare them with the Hypocephali 
 discovered in Egypt recently we shall see the contrasts. Many 
 of the seals and cylinders are very ancient, but the Hypocephali 
 are comparatively recent ; the first dating back as far as 220a 
 B. C; the last having dates as recent as the twenty-sixth dynas- 
 ty. The interpretations of the cylinders given by Dr. W. H. 
 Ward and Prof. A. L. Frothingham in the yoiirnal of Archceol- 
 ooy and in Scribner's Magazine., as well as in The Sunday 
 School Times, are verv interesting. The interpretation of the 
 Hypocephali are found in the "Proceedings of the Society of 
 Biblical Archaeology" for 1885 and 1886. As connecting links 
 between these two extremes we have also the S3'mbols and in- 
 scribed animal figures which have been found at Jerabis and at 
 Sindjirli. These are supposed to be Hittite and stand between 
 the Assyrian and Egyptian symbols. Two things are noticea- 
 ble in all of these symbols, whether ancient or comparativelv 
 modern, viz.: the sun S3'mbol is ever3' where present, but it is 
 attended by animal figures. This is the main point of our 
 paper. Sun worship and animal worship appear at the very 
 
ANIMAL WORSHIP AND SUN WORSHIP. 131 
 
 introduction of histor} in a combined capacity, and the symbol- 
 ism of both is prominent in the most ancient tokens. Sun 
 worship and animal worsiiip continued long after the early em- 
 pires had run their race. History and mytholog}^ make a record 
 of these, but not so complete a record as archteology does. We 
 are discovering more about the symbolism of the east and tinding 
 that these two systems of worship were very powerful. There 
 are several stages of progress which might be marked out, but 
 we have not time to dwell upon them. 
 
 We have then first the Totem system with animals as the 
 symbols ; second, sun worship, with rude figures of the sun for 
 symbols ; third, we have the combination of the two, animal 
 figures and sun symbols being combined ; fourth, we have the 
 nature powers introduced as an adjunct to sun worship, the 
 nature powers being symbolized by animals ; fifth, we have the 
 personification of the sun, the sun being symbolized by an idol 
 in human shape, but tha nature powers surrounding the human 
 form symbolized in various ways. These views in reference to 
 the growth of idolatry in America are not altogether speculative. 
 We regard them as suggestive of the source of idolatiy in all 
 countries. The Totem system was the first source in all coun- 
 tries. The Totem S3'stem in America was generally limited to 
 the hunter races, and did not go beyond the stage of savagery 
 and barbarism. We would not expect to find the Totem system 
 in historic countries. Still there are hints of it even there. 
 Lenormant says that "the cherubim of the scriptures and the 
 flaming sword in the garden of Eden were symbols derived 
 from prehistoric times. They are the remains of the primitive 
 sun worship. There are those who ascribe the symbols which 
 were placed on the escutcheons of the tribes of Israel to a prim- 
 itive animal worship. The lion was the animal symbol for 
 Judah, the ass for Issachar, the wolf for Benjamin, the serpent 
 for Dan, the hind for Gad. Certain writers think that the word 
 Elohim originally represented nature powers, and that the word 
 Jehovah represented the personal god or national divinity. They 
 would thus make the Jewish worship to originally have sprung 
 from sun worship, being the result of the last stage of 
 development. The idea of one God, however, appears in the 
 very first chapter of Genesis, and it is probable that this was as 
 ^arly as sun worship. 
 
 V. Some would argue from this a possible development upon 
 the two continents. There is considerable plausibility to it, but 
 we call attention to the resemblances in detail. The case of the 
 Peruvians is cited as proof. They thought that there was not 
 a beast or bird on the earth whose shape or image did not shine 
 in the sky. They seem to transfer the animals to the sky 
 and worshiped them there, making constellations of them which 
 remind us of the constellations which originated in the east. 
 They considered that the luminaries and the constellations were 
 
J 31' NA TI VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 guardian divinities. The sons ot the moon and the sons of the 
 panther stood in a similar relation. This is significant. 
 
 They worshiped both beings and regarded them both as an- 
 cestors and put the symbols of both into one divinity. The 
 signs of the Zodiac came in this way. The stars were com- 
 bined into constellations which represented animals. In Asia 
 animals were mere m3'thologic creatures, f^ibled monsters. 
 And yet, it is probable that they were originally nature powders 
 and possibly ma}' have symbolized Totems. There are myths 
 concerning the Pleiades in America, and we believe that othei 
 myths will be found which were derived from the old world, 
 but we in America may learn how these myths and constella 
 tions and astronomical divinities arose. 
 
 The serpent is to be considered in this connection. Serpent 
 worship and sun worship are everywhere associated. In 
 America the serpent is a very common symbol, and a symbol 
 very frequently connected with sun worship. The serpent was 
 a sign of kingly power as well as a symbol of the sun. In 
 Egypt the head of the serpent issues from the orb, which is 
 worn upon the head of certain divinities. In Assyria the ser- 
 pent forms a circle in which the king or the divinity seems to 
 stand. The king has a crown upon his head, while he holds a 
 small serpent circle in his hand. In some ot these figures the 
 wings of a bird issue from either side of the circle and the tail 
 of the bird is below the circle. The caduceus, or emblem of 
 Mercury was a double serpent twined around a stafi. The 
 caduceus with two wings at the head of the stafi' overshadow- 
 ing the serpents was a symbol of royalty with the Romans 
 Thus we have the survival of the serpent symbol late in his- 
 tory. 
 
 The winged globe is another symbol which shows a sys- 
 tem of progression. The winged globe in Egypt was a 
 symbol of the sun. The winged globe is found in America. 
 In Eg3'pt the winged orb was a symbol of the kingly office 
 and was frequently placed over the head of the king. In As- 
 syria the king was placed in the circle of the sun with a crown 
 where the head of the bird should be, but below him is the 
 spread fan-shaped tail of the bird. In America there is no king 
 in the circle, but the bow is seen spread across the face of the 
 circle just beneath the spread wings and so made significant of 
 the warrior office. The golden *i:gg is to be considered in con- 
 nection with this S3'mbol of the globe. Mr. Renouf says that 
 "the golden ^t^g has undergone considerable change, but in its 
 earliest form the god of the golden egg is only a name for Sa- 
 vatri, the sun," and here the Hindoo and the Egyptian myths 
 agree. We do not know whether the cosmogonic &gg was 
 ever introduced as a symbol into America. 
 
 We will refer next to the bird on a Proto-Ionic capital found in 
 Messopotamia. Prof. Frothingham says: "This bird is evi- 
 
ANIMAL WORSHIP AND SUN WORSHIP. 
 
 133 
 
134 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 dently the symbol of the seated divinity. Toward these ap- 
 proach two worshipers, each with a hand raised in adoration. 
 Behind them are two animals, a hare and a kangaroo (we should 
 say ibex). The seated divinity in dress and type takes us back 
 to the Babylonian cylinders of 2000 and 3000 B. C." Notice 
 the dates ascribed to this cylinder and the figures upon it. 
 Prof. Frothingham says "kangaroo." It looks to us more like 
 a mountain goat or ibex. We have taken the position tliac 
 some of the earliest inscriptions indicate that animal worship 
 prevailed before the first ancestors migrated from their early 
 home among the mountains of Thibet to the plains of Shinar; 
 that they had a Totem system similar to that of the North 
 American Indians before they migrated. The hare and the 
 ibex on this cylinder seem to confirm our position. The bird re- 
 minds us of the thunder bird of the Thlinkits and of the Aztecs; 
 but it may have been a mere sign of royalty. The question is 
 whether the symbols on these early seals and cylinders had 
 reached the stage where heraldry was adopted and under- 
 stood. We think that the Totem system would account for 
 them and yet they may be ascribed to a system of heraldry. 
 There is another seal or cylinder in the De Clerq collection in 
 which a bird with spread wings is represented as in the air 
 three times repeated with the symbols of the sun and moon be- 
 neath, and seated divinities facing these symbols. Here we 
 have heraldry, for the bird with the spread wings may have 
 been the ensigns of power, and yet we have mythology, for the 
 sun and moon are there, and evidently were objects of worship. 
 Layard says that "sacred birds belong to the Babylonian and 
 Assyrian religion and were connected with sun worship." 
 
 Itwould seem from these facts that there had been a progress 
 from a primitive animal worship and sun worship to the various 
 systems of heraldry and a formal religious symbolism in all 
 countries. We may say that the Totem system was the begin- 
 ning, or at least an early stage in the progress. Even the as- 
 trology of the old world may be traced back to the primitive 
 animal worship. 
 
 VI. We now turn to consider the correspondence between 
 these symbols of the east and west, especially those found in 
 Asiatic countries, and the American continent. This is an im- 
 portant point. How came America to have symbols so resem- 
 bling those in the eastern hemisphere? They resemble them 
 not only in generic lines but in specific points; the details of the 
 symbols being as suggestive as the symbols themselves. In 
 Asiatic countries this correspondence has been ascribed to an in- 
 terchange of thought and intercourse between the nations. Is 
 it possible that the same transmission of thought has extended as 
 far as America, and shall we ascribe it to an intercourse between 
 the two continents? We take up the point because it is an in- 
 teresting and important one. The figures in which correspond- 
 
AXI^fAL WORSHIP AXD SUN WORSHIP. 135 
 
 encc are to be found are generally composite figures, but as we 
 analyze the different parts we find remarkable resemblances. 
 
 1. We shall take up the symbol which represents the sun as a cir- 
 cle or disk or orb with wings issuing from it. This is called the 
 S(jlar orb, or the winged circle. I'his is a very significant figure. 
 We call attention to the resemblances in detail of this figure. 
 There is a striking resemblance between the American and the 
 Egyptian symbol. The main difference is, that in America the 
 feathers of the wings are turned upward, while in Egypt they are 
 turned downward. In America there is a bow which extends 
 across the face of the semi-circle. In Egypt there is no such 
 bow, and yet in Egypt the moon is sometimes represented as a 
 bow, and the myth is that the sun was shot from the bow. 
 
 There are two specimens of the winged circle in America. 
 Both of them are imperfect, but the one supplements the other, 
 and so we have the perfect figure. They were found by J. L. 
 Stephens. They were both placed over the adoratorios, in which 
 were tablets containing symbols of the sun, and were evidently 
 intended to symbolize sun-worship. See Plate V. In Assyria 
 there is a winged circle which has the crowned head of a king 
 issuing from the circle. In America we have no such figure of 
 the king, but we have the figure of the winged orb or circle, re- 
 sembling that in Egypt, with this difference: that the feathers are 
 turned up instead of down. This is seen from the fragment pre- 
 served on the corner of the adoratorio at Copan. In the other 
 specimen discovered by Stephens there is a large circle in the 
 center and a bow stretched across from one end of the wings to 
 the other; there is no bow on the Egyptian or Assyrian symbol, 
 but instead the crescent of the moon is seen. The conception is 
 the same. The sun seems to have been shot out from the 
 moon as from a bow. There is a bow and a bow-string 
 stretched across the wings, but there is no bow in the Assyrian 
 symbol. The history of the winged orb is not known, but the 
 earliest and most primitive form of the figure of overshadowing 
 wings is found in the northwest coast of America. We give a 
 cut to illustrate it. It was probably a totem and yet was a 
 thunder bird. See Fig. 4. 
 
 2. The sun symbol in nearly all countries is a disk or circle or 
 globe. Disks are found in the mounds in America. These disks 
 or shell gorgets are inscribed with figures of the sun in the shape 
 of circles; symbols of the moon in the shape of crescents, and 
 symbols of the stars in the shape of dots. There is nothing very 
 remarkable about this. There are disks among the Pueblos in 
 which the sun is represented as a human figure, crowned with a 
 turreted helmet and with a many colored bow above the figure. 
 These are acknowledged to be symbols. 
 
 There are disks in Egypt. Sometimes the disks arerepresented 
 with faces, sometimes vvith arms issuing from them and with 
 
136 
 
 NATIVK AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 hands at the ends of the arms. There are disks in Assj-ria and 
 in India. In all these countries the sun is symbolized by the 
 disk. 
 
 The winged orb is a modification of the disk. The over- 
 shadowing wings are found in Egypt, in Assyria, in India, 
 and in America. In all these countries there is a circle or a 
 globe with wings issuing from it, and generally some animal 
 head is connected with the circle. In Egypt the asp issues from 
 the circle. In Assyria the head of an eagle is seen above the 
 circle and the tail below. In America the head and wings of an 
 
 Fi(/. 7. Doubl-e Ihronc (tnd Plallic S)imbol. 
 
 eagle are sometimes seen hovering over the circle as we hav^e 
 described above. Sometimes the circle has wings without any 
 animal heads, as at Copan and at Palenque. The serpent is 
 combined with the disk. In Assyria the solar orb or circle is 
 formed by a serpent. The king holds a small serpent circle in 
 his hand. In America the serpent also frequently forms the 
 circle of the sun. We have referred to this already. It is seen 
 in the calendar stones. The caduceus, or emblem of Mercury, 
 was a double serpent twined around a staff and overshadowed by 
 two wings at the head of the staff. There is no caduceus in 
 America. The serpent in the shield of the Priesthood of the 
 Bow reminds us of the Assyrian symbol, but it is in a different 
 position and has no such significance. 
 
NATURE POWER PERSONIFIED. 
 
MOON WORSHIP SYMBOLIZED. 
 
ANIMAL WORSHIP AND SUN WORSHIP, 137 
 
 3. There is another symbol in America which is quite import- 
 ant, because of its resemblance to those common in Egypt and 
 Babylonia, and especially because of its connection with sun 
 worship. We refer to the animal headed throne, three 
 specimens of which have been found in Central America: 
 one at Chichen, and two at Palenque. That at Chichen is a 
 simple seat, rudely cut out of a single block of stone, and yet 
 from its situation in front of the palace and from its form, it has 
 been supposed to be used as a sort of sun symbol. The sun- 
 light may have fallen upon it at certain seasons of the year, 
 and made it suggestive of the kingly power of the sun. The 
 second figure is the one described by Waldeck and Stephens. 
 The principal figure sits cross-legged in an easy attitude, with 
 a calm and benevolent expression. He wears a necklace of 
 pearls, to which is suspended a medallion containing a face, 
 perhaps intended as the face of the s.un. The form of a woman 
 is sitting in front of him, cross-legged on the ground. She is 
 richly dressed and is apparently offering to the king a head- 
 dress, in which is seen a plume of feathers, the headdress of 
 the principal person being deficient of feathers. A third speci- 
 men is the one which was found by Stephens on the tablet 
 within the shrine at Palenque— a shrine which has been called 
 the Temple of the Beau-relief, because of the beautiful figure 
 which was seen in relief on the tablet. This represents a king 
 or warrior seated in a graceful attitude upon a richly-sculptured 
 globe, but wearing a sort of helmet on his head, greaves upon 
 his feet, and gloves upon his hands; pointing with one hand to 
 the hieroglyphs in front of him, and with the other to the sky. 
 The throne itself is apparently a simple heavy bar of wood, 
 supported by the massive feet and claws of two leopards, the 
 heads projecting up on either side of the globe. The whole 
 figure gives the impression of strength and beauty combined, 
 and is suggestive of kingly power, as well as of religious 
 thought. 
 
 The best illustration of sun worship is found at Cosumal- 
 huapa in Central America. Here the system seems to have 
 developed into a stage where the sun and moon and celestial 
 bodies were personified and represented under human figures, 
 especially under human faces, and were worshiped with the 
 same faith apparently that the personal divinity is at the 
 present time. This is illustrated by some remarkable tablets 
 discovered by M. Habel. Very little is known of their origin 
 or history. 
 
 The following is the description of them : The most con- 
 spicuous object is the representation of a human face in a 
 circle, resembling the ordinary pictures of the full moon. The 
 two central staves pass downward, and are differently orna- 
 mented. In the lower part of the sculpture appears an indi- 
 vidual, with face upturned and an elevated hand, imploring the 
 deity. The supplication is indicated by a ciirved vine, knotted 
 
138 
 
 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 on the sides. The breast is adorned with a globe similar to that 
 on the breast of the goddess; around the wrist of the right 
 hand is a plain cuff, while the left hand is covered with a skull. 
 A stiff girdle, with a boar's head ornamenting its back part, 
 surrounds the waist. In front of the adorer is a small altar, 
 and on the altar a head, from the mouth of which issues a 
 curved staff " 
 
 Now this is a very remarkable tablet, for it shows that the 
 moon was personified or worshiped as a personal divinity, and 
 that the symbolism connected with moon worship was very 
 elaborate. 
 
 Another tablet discovered by M. Habel represents the sun, 
 or some other Nature power, as personified under the figure of 
 an old man. The following is a description : " The sole orna- 
 ment of the head consists of staves in different directions, the 
 bearers of the deities' mandates expressed in picture language. 
 
 _■.•;! J -rPT- 
 
 
 Fig.8.--\Vi7iged Circle from Palcnque. 
 
 From the ears depend large rings; the hair hangs down in a 
 braid on either side of the head; a single row of discs adorn 
 the neck; both wrists are covered with bracelets; from them 
 emanate two staves bearing nodes and buds, which divide the 
 staff into triangular spaces. These triangles seem to be mystic 
 signs for a religious expression. On the left shoulder of the 
 deity is a sheaf of the maize from which emblems, we con- 
 clude that this figure is the God of Fertility. 
 
 The head of the person standing beneath, with face upturned, 
 is ornamented with a cap, a kind of helmet, with a disc and 
 three peaks. From the heads of the person the loose hair floats 
 down the back, and to this a skin resembling a tiger is attached. 
 The right wrist is covered with a wristlet, while the skull of a 
 wild animal serves as a gauntlet to the left hand. The waist is 
 encircled by a stiffened girdle, on the back of which appears 
 the head of a wild animal. From the waist ascend curved 
 lines, seeming to indicate the feelings of the individuals, not 
 by language but by inspiration. From the mouth come vines^ 
 
ANIMAL WORSHIP AND SUN WORSHIP. 139 
 
 with nodes which express in cipher the prayer of the indi- 
 viduals. 
 
 Now, it appears from these tablets that the moon, perhaps 
 the sun, and Celestial powers, were regarded as presiding over 
 nature and terrestrial bodies. The human beings were depend- 
 ant upon the sky divinities, and made their wants known by 
 prayer, which was symbolized by the vine. The most singular 
 part of these tablets is represented below. 
 
 An explanation of the cut is that it represents a sick 
 man lying prostrate, though clad in the usual apparel of a well 
 person, but apparently faced by the image of death, toward 
 which he is extending his arm, as if in fear. The body of 
 death shows bones and ribs and joints, and the skull and open 
 mouth; while from the shoulders and head there seem to be 
 rising flames. It is a most remarkable pictograph, and ex- 
 
 Fig. g. — Figure of Death. 
 
 presses more than can be told. There is no evidence of sun 
 worship, other than the circles which appear above the upper 
 part of the picture, but taken in connection with the other 
 tablets, we may conclude that there was the same dread of death 
 prevailing among this unknown people that exists at the present 
 time, but the only object which presented hope was the solar 
 sphere which seemed to roll in the sky and send down its rays 
 upon the living and the dying. 
 
 4. Another representation of sun worship is given by the 
 human sacrifices which were made to the sun in Mexico, and 
 have been described by a writer in Globus.* He says that 
 the bloody rites of the sprmg festivals occurred on the fifth of 
 May while the sun was at its zenith over the city. The demon 
 of winter is overcome by the advancing season. The feast in 
 May resulted in the killing of Tezcatlipoca, identified by the 
 
 * See Globus, Jftnuary, 1904, 
 
140 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 seeds, but was appeased by the blood of the altar. This 
 forms a spring and harvest feast which the Mexicans celebrated 
 at Tlascala. There was a feast of the rising sun. At midnight 
 the priest bored the fire with the fire-drill out of the intestines 
 of the Fire God Mixcoatl, and immediately a prisoner was 
 offered up as a sacrifice to the Sun God, by tearing out his 
 heart. The flesh of the victim was eaten by the priests and by 
 the people, from religious motives. 
 
 There is a pictograph contained in the Borgian Codex, 
 which is explained by this writer, as follows : Quetzalcoatl, the 
 Wind God, bored the new fire out of the vitals of Xiahtecatli; 
 the sunlight was dependent upon the success of the fire-boring. 
 The myth tells us that there were two gods, Nanoatzin and 
 Teciztecatl, who were to become the sun and moon. They 
 were pushed into a great fire upon which they went into the 
 sky as the day and night constellations. Therefore it is, that 
 at the annual feast the old fire is allowed to go out and the new 
 fire is created. 
 
 The winter solstice is an occasion for celebration. Every 
 fourth year, the living prisoners of war, slaves, and among 
 them women, were offered on the sacrificial stone. Four 
 slaves apparently represented the sacredness of the numlaer 
 four, as symbols of the cardinal points. They also showed the 
 sacredness of the colors, for they wore blue, yellow and white 
 colors upon their persons. 
 
 At the end of fifty-two years the fire-boring sacrifices were 
 noteworthy. It was found that the sun would not come up, 
 that night would continue forever, and that men might have a 
 sudden end, except as the spark should result from the fire- 
 drill. The celebration of making the new fire took place when 
 the Pleiades were at the zenith. This writer believes there was 
 a connection between the sacrifices and the volcanic fires. 
 
 The mountains were like altars, and the fires within were 
 like the fires upon the altars. The volcanic fires found their 
 response in the sky above, so the sacrifices which were upon 
 the high places found a response in the heavenly bodies— the 
 sun and moon and stars. 
 
 This is a somewhat fanciful interpretation, and yet it shows 
 that the superstition of the sun worshipers embraced all the 
 powers of nature and made them significant of their own 
 destiny, and so increased the importance of the various 
 religious ceremonies. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 AMERICAN ASTROLOGY OR SKY WORSHIP. 
 
 We now turn from sun-worship to another system which 
 resembled it in some respects, and yet was so different as to 
 involve another series of symbols and another line of customs 
 and traditions. We refer to the Sabaeanism or sky worship, 
 which prevailed in America as well as in the lands of the East. 
 This system existed among the different tribes — the wild tribes 
 of the Mississippi Valley; the various tribes of the Interior, 
 especially the Pueblos and Navajoes, and the civilized tribes of 
 Southwest. There was associated with it a particular regard 
 to the cardinal points and the divinities supposed to dwell at 
 these points. 
 
 I. The arch of the sky is also often represented by the sym- 
 bols. Sky worship seemed to have prevailed among the Mound- 
 Builders, for there are pipes which represent the human form 
 seated, with the face turned up 
 towards the sky, and holding 
 in the hands the bowl, as if 
 suggesting the idea that the 
 tobacco smoke was offered as 
 incense to the sun. There are 
 also many pieces of pottery 
 ornamented with spiral lines, 
 and many shell gorgets which 
 suggest the revolution of the 
 sky. ^ 
 
 I. The same system existed 
 among the Pueblos. This is 
 illustrated by their various 
 ceremonies, as well as by their 
 pictographs and relics. One 
 of the most interesting speci- 
 mens is a bowl (See Fig. 2), 
 which has a very graceful form 
 and is decorated upon the out- 
 side by figures of arches, be- „. . ^ ,^^ , .^ 
 neath which is seen the figure ^'^- '•'^'^ Sun- Worshiper. 
 of a stag, the heart of the stag being visible, as well as the 
 mouth, which s3mbolized the passage ot life. There are many 
 other symbols which indicate the prevalence of sky worship. 
 
 Various writers have described this system, but the earliest 
 and in some respects the best description, was that given by 
 Catlin, the celebrated painter, and was illustrated by four paint- 
 ings, of which two are still in existence and are represented 
 in the plates. 
 
i4- 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM, 
 
 It appears that there was a ceremony, which took place at 
 the time of the initiation of the young men as warriors into 
 the Sacred Lodge. In this ceremony a peculiar lodge, which 
 is called the " Big Canoe," forms the central object. Around it 
 are gathered the eight men, divided into pairs, who take their 
 position on four sides, representing the four cardinal points; 
 four of the men having buffalo horns on their head, a bunch 
 of green willow boughs on their back, and each having a staff 
 in his hand. Four other men engaged in the same dance; two 
 of them painted black with white spots, the black to symbolize 
 the sky at night, the white to repiesent the stars. Beside the 
 big canoe were men with skins of grizzly bears thrown over 
 them. Among the dancers an evil spirit appears, pa'nted 
 black; strangely clad; white around its mouth and red teeth; 
 having a hideous appearance, This picture dramatizes the 
 
 Fig. 2 --Pottery Orna7nents Representing the Sky. 
 
 Deluge myth and sky divinity; the other picture represents 
 the ceremony in which the warriors undergo a fearful ordeal. 
 The flesh from each shoulder was cut and skewers placed under 
 it, cords lowered from the top of the lodge were fastened to 
 the skewers; the body was raised by these and suspended from 
 the ground, and then was turned faster and faster, until, faint- 
 ing under the agony, the person hung apparently a still and 
 lifeless corpse and the medicine bag drops from his hand, and 
 he is finally let down. 
 
 There was no particular symbolism in this ceremony, but 
 symbols are found in the arrangement of the lodge, as the four 
 sacks were typical of the four divisions of the earth; the four 
 buffalo skulls and the four human skulls fastened to t'ne posts 
 of the lodge were also symbols. The use of four colors in the 
 cloth over the door of the medicine lodge symbolized the divi- 
 sion of the sky. The colors with which the sky was decorated 
 
AMERICAN ASTROLOG Y OR SKY WORSHIP. J 45 
 
 bodies were decorated symbolized the colors of the sky; other 
 objects symbolize the different elements, and the whole ceremony 
 was a dramatization under the lead of a secret society, not only 
 of the creation and the deluge, but also of the traditions about 
 the astrological myths and the supernatural divinities which ruled 
 the earth and the sky. 
 
 2. We notice that the same superstitions prevailed among the 
 Eskimos and the Ojibwas. In the belief of the Ojibwas there is 
 a place of shadows, a hereafter, and a shadowy spirit; each per- 
 son also had a guardian spirit, or tutelar demon, who appears, 
 after a fast of a number of days, in a dream, generally in the 
 shape of a bird or animal. The future course of life is marked 
 out by the dream, exactly as in the ancient world it was marked 
 out by the horoscope, or the situation of the stars. Schoolcraft 
 has given a chart which represents this sky worship. In this 
 we find the mida tree, which symbolized the spiritual power, 
 the wabeno tree, the charmed arrow, the sacred dish, the stuffed 
 crane, the ghost lodge, the great spirit filling all space with his 
 beams and lighting the world by the halo of his head. The 
 hawk is the guardian spirit. The great spirit begins and ends 
 the chant. This first figure was that of a bird in the lodge, the 
 last is a figure of the face, or sun, under the arch of the sky.* 
 
 3. The tribes situated in the Gulf States also had a system of 
 symbolism which was based upon sky worship, and which intro- 
 duced a symbolical geography into their villages and influenced 
 even their architecture and the arrangements of their houses, 
 tribal organizations, and their feasts and dances. The following is 
 the description given by Bartram of their public square and 
 council house: "The public square is the highest part of the 
 town. It consists of four square buildings ol one story, so as to 
 form an exact rectangle, covering half an acre. One of these is 
 the council house, where the chief or Mico decides cases and 
 receives ambassadors. This building is divided into two parts, 
 the back part perfectly dark, with three small arched apertures 
 opening into it. This is a sanctuary, where they deposit all the 
 sacred things, the imperial standard, calumet, and rattles. The 
 front of the building is divided into three apartments. The 
 pillars supporting the front are formed in the likeness of speckled 
 serpents climbing upwards. The other buildings which compose 
 the square are decorated with paintings, sculptures and hiero- 
 glyphics, men having heads of some kind of animals, bear, wolf, 
 fox, turkey, ducks and deer, and again these creatures have 
 human heads. The rotunda is different from the public square; 
 this is built upon a conical mound and has a conical roof. 
 
 ♦Another chart has been furnished by Dr. W. H. Hoffman, which represented the cre- 
 ation by an "orientated" circle, the initiation by four rectangular lodges, also orientated, 
 their entrances guarded by serpents and animals, the "end of lite" by a circle, and the 
 "future life" by a square lodge, and a circle for a "ghost lodge," and the path of the dead 
 between them. 
 
146 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 There is, in the center of it, a post or pillar. Around this post 
 the spiral circle of faggots v\^as placed, the circle of faggots turn- 
 ing from right to left, extending to a distance of ten or twelve 
 feet from the center, rising a foot or eighteen inches from the 
 ground. This spiral circle was lighted at the time of an opening 
 of the council. The blaze creeps around the center pillar, follow- 
 ing the course of the sun, illuminating the entire chamber. 
 When the fire burns out the council ceases. After the illumina- 
 tion takes place the warriors are seated on their sofas in three 
 ranks, the king in front and the young warriors to the rear. 
 The great war chief's seat is to the left hand of the king, the 
 elders and head men to the right. The king smokes the great 
 pipe, puffing the whiff to the four cardinal points. It is then 
 carried to the different persons and smoked by them in turn."* 
 
 The account which Bartrarti has given of one of the dances is 
 very suggestive. The dance was held in the rotunda. "In this 
 dance the musicians were seated near the great pillar, where was 
 the central fire, but around the building was a row of seats, one 
 above the other, like an amphitheater. A company of girls, hand 
 in hand, dressed in clean, white robes, and ornamented with beads, 
 began to sing their responses in a gentle, low, sweet voice, and 
 formed themselves in a semicircular file or line in two ranks, back 
 to back, facing the spectators and musicians, moving slowly 
 round and round. Afterward a company of young braves, painted 
 and ornamented with silver bracelets, gorgets and wampum, 
 moccasins and high waving plumes in their diadems, formed 
 themselves in a semi-circle or rank. There was something sin- 
 gular and diverting in their step and motion. The motion began 
 in one end of the semi-circle, the dancers rising up and down^ 
 and continued to the other end. At the same time, and in the 
 same motion, the dancers moved obliquely, so that a revolving 
 circle was formed by the complex movement. At stated times 
 a grand or universal movement instantly occurred, each rank 
 turning to right and left, taking each other's places, accompanied 
 with a sudden and universal elevation of the voice in a shrill, 
 sharp whoop." Whether the motion of the heavenly bodies was 
 symbolized by this dance or not. it was a very significant cere- 
 mony and one which was carried out with great exactness and 
 managed with inconceivable alertness and address. Bartram 
 gives no interpretation of the dance or of the arrangement of 
 the houses or villages, or of the other customs which he observed, 
 but we imagine that all of these buildings were orientated and 
 arranged after the model of the celestial spaces, that the rotunda 
 symbolized the dome of the sky and the spiral fire symbolized 
 the motion of the sky, that the dances even symbolized the 
 opening and the shutting of the day, and that the system of sky 
 
 *See p. 365, Bartram's Travels. See also the spiral path on the Ohio mound, Fig. 6. 
 
AMERICAN ASTROLOGY OR SKY WORSHIP. 147 
 
 worship will account for all these customs and ceremonies. We 
 have no record that there were secret societies and sacred mys- 
 teries among these tribes, but a natural inference is that all of 
 these ceremonies were under the direction of such a society. 
 There is no doubt that there was an esoteric significance to all 
 these customs and that they embodied the myths and traditions 
 which had regard to the sky divinities, myths which resemble 
 those held by the Cherokees. 
 
 II. We next turn to the ancient Mound-builders. We have 
 already referred to different religious systems which prevailed 
 among them.* We have shown that animal worship or totemism 
 prevailed in one district; fire worship in another; the water cult 
 in another; the moon cult in another, and the solar cult in still 
 another. The thought now before us is that sky worship was 
 the predominant religion of the Mound-builders and these local 
 cults were associated with 
 it or were the component 
 parts of it. i. As evidence of 
 this we would refer to the 
 relics which have been dis- 
 covered in the mounds, es- 
 pecially those situated in 
 the Ohio Valley and the 
 Gulf States, a region which 
 was occupied by the sun 
 worshipers. Among these 
 relics we notice many shell 
 gorgets in which there are 
 circles, and in the circles, 
 discs and dots and cres- 
 cents, the arrangement of Fiff-s.-Mound-buUders^ Mapo/ theSky. 
 
 the figures on the concave shell gorgets suggesting the thought 
 that there was an attempt to make them represent a map of the 
 sky, with the sun, moon and stars filling the four celestial spaces. 
 See Fig. 3. There are coiled serpents with the bodies divided 
 into four parts by concentric circles, other concentric circles 
 forming the eye, the concave filled with various arches (see 
 Fig. 4) suggesting that there was a hidden astrology contained 
 in them. There are also spider gorgets which have circles and 
 crosses and bars upon the back, zigzag lines between the mandi- 
 bles, all of them symbols of the nature powers, the number four 
 being preserved, and the whole arrangement making them sug- 
 gestive of a chart. The same may be said of the bird gorgets, 
 though in these the spaces are rectangles rather than circles. They 
 are all suggestive of a symbolical geography which had to do 
 with the sky as well as the earth. 
 
 Our supposition is that they represent the motion of the 
 
 *See book on Mound-builders; also chapter on Serpent Worship, especially the plates. 
 
148 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 heavenly bodies, the order of the seasons, the points o^ the 
 compass, the division of the sky, the four elements — fire, earth, 
 air and water, the celestial spaces, the nature powers, and possi- 
 bly a calendar system. These symbols are rude and present the 
 subject in a primitive stage, but they are constantly suggesting 
 thoughts of the customs of the more advanced races and remind 
 us of the marvelous things contained in eastern mythology. We 
 have already shown that they contain the same symbols which 
 are embodied in the various calendar wheels and sacrificial stones 
 of Mexico, as well as those which are found upon the inscribed 
 tablets of the ancient cities of Central America, for the crosses, 
 circles, serpents, figures of the tree, birds, masks, human figures, 
 which are tound rudely drawn upon the disks and gorgets and 
 tablets, apparently have the same significance as those contained 
 in the more advanced works of art, and represent the same 
 general system. The temptation is to read into these lines, the 
 
 symbols which developed with 
 such great variety in the east, 
 and to imagine that the serpent 
 whose folds surrounded the 
 earth and formed the ocean 
 was symbolized in the serpent 
 gorget; that the Nile key 
 or Egyptian tau was symbol- 
 ized in the spider gorget; the 
 triskelis or revolving wheel, 
 which symbolized the revolu- 
 tion of the sky, and the fire 
 generator or suastika, which 
 is also an oriental symbol, 
 were contained in other gor- 
 Ficj. u.-serpent of the Horizon. g^^^ We Can Say, at least, 
 
 that there is such a correspondence between these symbols and 
 the oriental myths as to lead us to trace out a "map of the heavens" 
 in these rude disks and gorgets, for we recognize in these figures 
 of serpents and spiders analogies to the dragons, beetles, and 
 tortoises which are seen in the maps of the heavens elsewhere, 
 while the arrangement of the circles, crescents and crosses are 
 almost identical, and suggest the same myths. 
 
 An astronomical significance may be given to the winged and 
 masked creatures which are engraved upon the copper plates. 
 These resemble, in some respects, the winged figures common 
 among the Cliff-dwellers and Pueblos of the west, and at the 
 same time remind us of the winged creatures which were found 
 by M. Habel engraved upon the sculptured stones of Gautemala. 
 There was the same combination of birds' claws and beaks, with 
 human bodies and limbs (see Fig. 5), the symbol of the sun 
 being as plain upon the shell gorgets as upon the sculptured 
 
AMERICAN AS7R0L0GY OR SKY WORSHIP. 
 
 149 
 
 Stones, though the flames are absent. It is probable that these 
 represented the sky divinities, the wings filled with arches sym- 
 bolizing the spaces above and the clouds, the birds' beaks and 
 claws symbolizing the bird of the sky, the human form perhaps 
 symbolizing the personal divinities. The same may be said of 
 the dancing figures, for there are zigzag lines upon some of the 
 faces, and there are masks in their hands, and there are circles 
 surrounding them, showing that the lightning and the operations 
 of the sky were symbolized by them, for masks are the signs of 
 transformation ; the dancers are transformed into birds and ani- 
 mals, and again into men and warriors, and yet they personate 
 the divinities as well as the nature powers. 
 
 The same interpretation may be given to the human figures, 
 whose limbs are so strangely contorted and end in birds' claws, 
 bodies divided into links and circles, head in the shape of an 
 arch, a concentric circle for an eye, a large mouth, ears formed 
 by perforated loops, arms curi- 
 ously doubled and jointed (see 
 Fig. 5), the space in the shell 
 being filled with loops and 
 other figures. These symbol- 
 ize the sky divinities. The 
 presence of shell masks with 
 the tattooed human face upon 
 them in the mounds conveys 
 the idea that there was an as- 
 sociation of the burial of the 
 dead with the system of sky 
 and sun worship, for the cus- 
 tom prevailed among the 
 Aleuts to put a mask over the 
 face of a dead person when it 
 was laid away, as it was sup- 
 posed to be going on a journey 
 to the land of the spirits. A 
 similar interpretation has been 
 mouths. These faces are attended with sun symbols, sun circles, 
 birds' heads, symbols of the cardinal points, suggesting that the 
 soul had departed to the celestial spaces. The fact that shells and 
 disks on which were inscribed symbols of the sonl were deposited 
 with the body at the time of burial shows that there was a con- 
 nection between the native astrology and the future state. The 
 soul which was so surrounded by the nature powers and the 
 solar universe was to be introduced to the celestial spaces after 
 death. Hence the symbol must be placed near the body, that 
 the soul might take these as the doors or the patterns of the 
 supernatural realm. This was the underlying thought with the 
 sacred mysteries and the secret societies 
 
 Fiff. 5. — Arched Heavens Personified. 
 
 given to the faces with open 
 
150 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 2. Another evidence is found in the shape of the mounds, espe- 
 cially those upon the Ohio, for these contain many astrological 
 symbols, singly and in combination, the same as the relics do. 
 We find in them circles, crescents, squares, concentric circles, 
 crosses, horse-shoes, platforms, altars, avenues, so related to one 
 another and to the relics which are contained in them as to con- 
 vince us that they were designed to be symbols of sky worship. 
 The uniformity of the figures and of the areas contained in the 
 sacred enclosures, as well as of the measurements of the walls 
 surrounding them, has been noticed by all the surveyors, for 
 the circles are perfect circles and the squares are perfect squares. 
 It has not been held that this perfection of the figures was 
 anything more than accidental, but the correspondence between 
 the earth-works and the relics convinces us that these were 
 
 Fig. e.—Synibol of the Sun— Spiral Path, Embossed Figure on ifie Ground. 
 
 all directed by symbolical geography; for the sacred enclosures 
 and the platforms within them were orientated. It was on this 
 account the pavements and altars contained in the mounds were 
 constructed in the shape of circles and crescents, and the conical 
 mounds had spiral paths and circular ditches about them. See 
 Fig. 6. The earth-works surrounding their villages, sacrificial 
 and burial places were constructed after the patterns which seem 
 to represent the map of the sky, on a large scale, and everything 
 about them was put under the protection of the sun divinity. 
 In fact, we recognize the circles, crosses and crescents, and ser- 
 pents and birds represented by the earth-works as the different 
 parts of one great system, which might be taken as a "geography 
 of the heavens" built in relief on the earth. 
 
 3. We are led by these figures to draw the comparison between 
 the earth-works here and the standing stones and monuments of 
 Great Britain, for there are many analogies between them, though 
 
 *The crescent pavements made from mica scales surrounded a circular altar, in which 
 offerings had been made to the sun. See book on Mound-builders. 
 
AMERICAN ASTROLOG Y OR SKY WORSHIP. 151 
 
 the identity of the symbols is difficult to prove. Others have 
 noticed the symbolism contained in these different works. Mr. 
 W. F. Maurice has described the circles at Stonehenge and 
 Avebury. See Fig. 9. Speaking of Stonehenge, he says: The 
 number of stones in the outer circle is thirty, and of the inner 
 circle is twelve, and the single stone, or obelisk, in the center. 
 He says that the remarkable numbers one hundred, sixty, thirty, 
 twelve, constantly occurring, unavoidably bring to our recollec- 
 tion great periods of astronomy, the sothic cycle, century, the 
 months, thirty days, twelve signs of the zodiac; five is the multi- 
 ple of most of these numbers. He compares Stonehenge to the 
 circle at Biscawen, a circular temple, consisting of nineteen stones, 
 distant from each other twelve feet, having one in the center 
 
 Fig. 7 .—Mound untU Cwcle utui JJitcn, cii/ 
 
 higher than the rest, thus making a symbolical circle. He says • 
 "All circular monuments, especially those consisting of columns 
 or standing stones, were meant as representatives of the sun, or 
 the revolution of the sun in its orbit. The temple was uncovered, 
 resembling the temples of the ancient Persians. He compares 
 Stonehenge to the circular temple at Rollrich, which is the same 
 size, and which he calls the "Druids' wheel" or circle. The Druids, 
 not less than the Brahmins, adored the sun in a circular dance. 
 The Gauls imitated the sun by turning the body around while 
 engaged in their devotions. The Phoenicians made their chil- 
 dren pass through the fire and worship the sun as a divinity. In 
 Scandinavia the gods were worshiped partly in the ooen air and 
 in groves, or in places encompassed by a circle of big stones. 
 The Druids celebrated their solemnities at the solstices. It is 
 said that they used the stones which cover their dolmens as their 
 altars, and sacrificed human victims upon these. It is noticeable 
 that the modern archaeologists are tracing out a remarkable 
 system of solstitial orientation in the works at Stonehenge, show- 
 ing that the adytum or altar was open in a line with the monolith 
 
152 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 at "Friar's heel," and was so arranged that the light of the solstitial 
 sun at its rising should strike across this monolith and shine 
 into the innermost part of the temple, where the sacrifices took 
 place. 
 
 Mr. A. L. Lewis, the English archaeologist, has compared 
 the standing stones oi Avebury, Stone Henge, Arbor Lowe and 
 Stanton Drew, and has brought out the fact that all of these 
 works contain circles, avenues, horse-shoes, "coves and altars," 
 which were sacred to the sun, the very combination of these 
 being suggestive of the astrological system of the east. The'circles 
 differ from one another in the number and size of the standing 
 stones, in the diameter of the circles, the length of the avenues 
 and the arrangement of the circles, but they are nearly all alike 
 
 ic-f -: '- ' 
 
 Vi^ 
 
 5 
 
 tf SffWr*^ hyS.QSi^mi^ ^^ f^MM 
 
 tig. S —Mace of Sacrifice and Map of the Sky.* 
 
 in that they were solstitially orientated. The circle at Avebury 
 had a diameter of eleven hundred feet, and is the "largest circle 
 of stones in the world." It has associated with it a pyramid 
 mound or cone at Silbury Hill, which is the "largest artificial 
 mound" of Europe. The avenue which Stukeley thought rep- 
 resented a great serpent is about a mile long, and ends in a circle 
 on Beckhampton Hill. Inside of this large circle are two other 
 circles, both three hundred feet in diameter. The "cove" is in 
 the center of the northern circle and faces the sun at its "mid- 
 summer rising." Stone Henge also has a circle surrounded by 
 a ditch and bank, the circle being one hundred feet in diameter 
 and the ditch and bank three hundred feet. Inside of the outer 
 
 ♦Orientation and sky worship are shown by this cut, for the four concentric circles sym- 
 bolize the four celestial spaces, the avenues in the shape of a cross symbolize the cardinal 
 points, the spiral path symbolizes the motion of the sun and the mounds symbolize the 
 sun itself. Thus a place of sacrifice to the sun was in reality surrounded by all the symbols 
 of sky worship, and the earth-works contained the same map of the sky as the shell gor- 
 gets, showing that the same system was embodied in the maps and in the relics. 
 
AMERICAN ASTROLOGY OR SKY WORSHIP. 
 
 153 
 
 circle is another of small stones, and inside of this five triliths 
 arranged in the form of a " horse-shoe," the horse-shoe, forty- 
 four feet wide, opening to the northeast. Inside of the horse- 
 shoe is a flat stone, seventeen feet long, called the "altar stone." 
 The avenue leads in a northeasterly direction eighteen hundred 
 feet, and the stone called the "friar's heel" is inside the avenue, 
 one hundred feet distant from the circle. The circle at Arbor 
 Lowe consists of an oval ring one hundred and twenty-six by 
 one hundred and fifteen feet, surrounded by a ditch and embank- 
 
 Fig. 9.— stone Henge Restored* 
 
 ment, with two entrances, one to the southeast and one to the 
 northwest. Within the oval are the remains of a "cove" formed 
 of standing stones, like those at Avebury and Stone Henge. 
 The avenue which leads toward Gibb Hill was once supposed to 
 give the form of a serpent to the monument, but the entrance 
 resembles that at the Kennet avenue at Avebury, and is in the 
 same direction. The works at Stanton Drew consist of three 
 separate circles, arranged in line with a "cove" or trilith like 
 those at Avebury and Arbor Lowe, arranged in such a way that 
 a line in the direction ot the northeast would pass through the 
 center of the great circle. Here there is also a great single 
 stone like the "friar's heel" at Stone Henge. The conclusion 
 
 *The four circles, including the five triliths, can be seen in the cut. 
 
154 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 which Mr. Lewis draws from the study of all these works is that 
 the stone circles, which are more numerous and larger in Britain 
 than in any other part of Europe, were devoted to the worship 
 of the sun and "perhaps of the stars." They were erected on a 
 plan and were placed so that the circle would have a position 
 with regard to some massive stone, or some prominent hill, or 
 group of three hills, that the sun would shine over these into 
 the circle and strike upon the altar inside of the "cove" at the 
 time of its rising at the summer solstice. Now whether these 
 circles can be regarded as furnishing any "map of the sky," or 
 any "symbolical geography," the resemblance between them and 
 the circles, horse-shoes, crosses and other symbols contained in 
 the earth-works of Ohio is certainly very striking. 
 
 These show that sky worship was contained in the works of 
 Great Britain and that symbolical geography has left a map of 
 itself on that soil. We have in this country very few standing 
 stones, though the dolmens, stone circles and other symbolic 
 works of Peru resemble very much those of Great Britain, and 
 are supposed to represent the same system. The earth-works of 
 the Ohio Valley have many features that are analogous, yet as 
 they are constructed entirely of earth, no standing stones and 
 no system of solstitial orientation has been discovered, we must 
 leave it as an open question whether they are to be traced to the 
 influence of a transmitted cult, or were the result of an aborig- 
 inal religion which developed in parallel lines. The resemblances 
 are certainly very striking. 
 
 III. Sky worship existed among the Pueblos and Cliff-dwell- 
 ers and their descendants the Zunis and Moquis. There was 
 associated with it a system of orientation and an extensive cal- 
 endar system, also secret societies and many sacred ceremonies 
 and a symbohcal geography which is very surprising. It is 
 very interesting to follow out the system as it existed here. 
 Various authors have been engaged in the study of it and they 
 have brought out manv interesting facts. Among these may 
 be mentioned Mr. Frank Gushing, Mr. James Stevenson, Mrs. 
 Matilda C. Stevenson, Mr. Walter Fewkes and Dr. Washing- 
 ton Matthews. 
 
 I, Mr. Frank Gushing has given us many facts which illustrate 
 this. He says, the chief point in the horizon was the east and 
 all other points were arranged with reference to this. The 
 points were arranged leftwardly and counted around the hori- 
 zon on the fingers, the east the land of day, the west, the land 
 of night, the north, the home of the master of gods. The zen- 
 ith and the nadir were also worlds peopled by great gods; the 
 middle was also a world by itself, thus making seven divisions 
 of the sky and the earth. The middle was occupied by animals 
 and men. The gods of the several regions were represented 
 by the elders of clans, the elders of the north being in special 
 
AMERICAN ASTROLOGY OR SKY WORSHIP. 
 
 155 
 
 favor with the gods, and so the first in rank. Next to these 
 were the elders of the west. The divinities or fetiches of the dif- 
 ferent clans had their rank according to the points of the com- 
 pass, those of the north being first. 
 
 2. The order of all the dances must accord with this arrange- 
 ment. Each region must be represented by appropriate lead- 
 ers, clan elders, the north, west, south, east, upper and lower, 
 each region having a house for the gods. The dances were 
 celebrated at the different seasons and by the different clans, 
 their order being fixed by the precedence which the gods of the 
 region above had over each other, the rank of the gods and the 
 order of the dances following the cardinal points from right to 
 
 Fig. 10— Circle, Crescents and Square at Hope/on, showing the Symbolism of the Region 
 
 left. The Zunis also had kivas which were consecrated to these 
 gods. In each of the cities or pueblos in the Gila valleys were 
 temple kivas in which the chambers were arranged in a circuit, 
 the doorways leading around from the east to the center, the 
 northern and southern chambers being twice as large as the 
 others to represent the upper and lower regions. 
 
 "These temple kivas were strongholds, storehouses and homes 
 of the priest rulers of each of the pueblos, as well as a place of 
 sacred assembly, but embodied in themselves the six houses of 
 the gods with the center making seven. The temple of Vira- 
 Cocha, Peru, was built on the same plan and probably owed its 
 origin to the sequence of the cardinal points, similar to that of 
 the Zunis. The ceremonial diagram in the prayer meal of the 
 seven ancient spaces shows a four-fold circuit of entrance. Seven 
 chambers in the diagram. The first entrance is at the north 
 
156 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 and the last at the seventh or middle. The consecration of the 
 field of the Zunis, the corn hills have a similar distribution, the 
 yellow corn at the north, blue corn for the west, red corn for 
 the south, white for the east, speckled for the zenith, black for 
 the nadir and variegated for the middle. This location accord- 
 ing to the cardinal points, of corn hills, kivas, sacred chambers 
 and the sacred spaces was very ancient and prevailed among 
 the Zunis more sensibly than any other tribe. The seven cities 
 
 i IG. 566 
 
 Fig. 567 
 
 fl]i)59 
 
 Mg. 11,— Sky Divinities of the Zunis. 
 
 of Cibola are supposed to have been built according to the same 
 arrangement, for in these the totems of the north dwelt in a vil- 
 lage by themselves, those of the west in another, of the south 
 in another, and so of the eastern, upper and lower, whilst those 
 of the middle dwelt in another town apart from all the rest, 
 itself subdivided into wards or septs (as in modern Zuni), having 
 also the tribal head — ceremonially ruling all the rest, yet ruling 
 through proto-priestl}' representatives of and from all the rest 
 in due order of precedence; only, here in the midmost place, 
 these were under the Sun or Father-Proto-priest, and the Seed 
 or Mother-Proto-priestess in at least all religious and cere- 
 monial concerns." 
 
 The idols of the Zunis exhibit the same symbolism as do the 
 
AMERICAN ASIROLOGY OR SKY WORSHIP. 157 
 
 sacred ceremonies. In these we see the arches of the sk}^ the 
 turrets of the clouds, the feathers of the wind, the colors, the 
 signs of the different quarters of the sky, the crosses of the car- 
 dinal points, the pictures of the celestial houses, the male and 
 female divinities who presided over the houses and were the 
 creators and ancestors of the people, each line and color of each 
 idol having a hidden significance. See Fig. ii. 
 
 The following "creation" myth has been given by Mrs. Steven- 
 son: "When the people first came to this world they passed 
 through four worlds, all in the interior, the passageway from 
 darkness to light being through a large reed. They were pre- 
 ceded by two local divinities who dwelt upon the mountains, the 
 one a hideous looking creature, the other a being with snow 
 white hair, probably the personifications of the rain and snow, 
 or the black cloud and white cloud. One of these descended 
 the mountain and drew his foot through the sands. Immedi- 
 ately a river flowed and a lake formed, and in the depths of 
 the lake a group of white houses, constituting a village. There 
 was a belief that the spirits of the dead went to the beautiful 
 village, and that there was a passageway through the moun- 
 tains to the depths of the lake with four chambers, where the 
 priests of the divinities rest in their journey to the sacred waters. 
 This myth is dramatized in a peculiar way in the kivas at the- 
 initiation of the children. 
 
 The superstition is that no male child can after death enter 
 the spirit lake or have access to the sacred village in its depths 
 unless he receives the sacred breath of the spiritual divinities, 
 the Sootike. There are accordingly persons appointed who 
 are to appear at the ceremony of initiation of the children and 
 represent the different parts of the sky. The first ceremony 
 takes place in the open air by day. The priest of the sun enters 
 the sacred plaza, draws the sacred square with the sacred meal, 
 a yellow line in the east, a blue line in the west, a red line in 
 the south. Along these lines the god-fathers pass, each one 
 holding the god-child on his back. As he passes the line the 
 "Sootike" strikes the child with a large bunch of Spanish bay- 
 onets with such force at times as to draw tears to the eyes. 
 These Sootike are persons appointed who are endowed with 
 the breath and represent the "different parts of the sky." The 
 next ceremony takes place at night. In this the figure of a plumed 
 serpent is introduced as a symbol of the rain god and carried 
 by messengers of the "sky divinities." They wear masks ; those 
 for the north, yellow; those for the west, blue; those for the 
 south, red; those for the east, white; those for the heavens, all 
 colors; those for the earth, black. These come to the village 
 after sundown. They carry a serpent made of hide, about 
 twelve feet long and eighteen inches through, the abdomen 
 painted white, the back black with white stars. They pass 
 through the town, visit each kiva and put the head of the ser- 
 
158 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 pent through the hatchway. This signifies the rain cloud pass- 
 ing over the mountains and occasionally descending into the 
 valleys, bringing water and rain to the villages. This cere- 
 mony was a sacred drama which represents the "divinities of 
 the sky," and takes place in the sacred kivas once in four years. 
 An old priest stands and blows through the body of the serpent 
 with a pecuhar noise resembUng that of a sea monster. The 
 arrangement within the kiva is peculiar. The father of the sun 
 sits upon a throne at the west end of the room. The high 
 priest and priestess on either side of the throne. The war god 
 sits at the left of the fire altar and feeds the sacred flames. The 
 god-parents sit upon a stone ledge, which represents the third 
 stage of the creation, each with a boy by his side on the ledge. 
 Inside of the kiva are mounds of sand, on which are wands of 
 feathers. Messengers of the north, east, south and west take 
 these feathers, and go to each child and blow the sacred breath 
 over the plumes into the mouth of the child. After this the 
 feathered serpent appears. The high priest of the bow, of the 
 sky, the priestess of the earth, ascend to the hatchway, holding 
 a large earthen bowl to catch the water poured from the mouth 
 of the serpent, Ko-lo-o-owit-si. Each god-father carries the 
 holy water to the boys to drink, and makes a gift of the bowl 
 to the boy. After this the priests catch the seed which is sent 
 from the abdomen of the serpent, in their blankets, and distrib- 
 ute the seeds to all present. In the morning the boys are taken 
 from their homes to a distance from the village where they plant 
 prayer plumes and make prayers to the sky divinities, the child 
 repeating the prayers after the god-father. Here, then, we 
 have sky worship, as among the eastern tribes, and it has 
 the same elements, a belief in the future, a dependence upon 
 the powers of nature, the presence of divmities, the necessity of 
 initiation into sacred rites in order to take the benefits of the 
 nature powers. The imagery is all drawn from the mountains, 
 lakes, and rivers, and the personification of the rain clouds and 
 the snow, but the symbolical geography is complete. 
 
THE PYRAMID IN AMERICA. 159 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 THE PYRAMID IX AMERICA. 
 
 The pyramid as a religious s} mbol, is the subject of this 
 paper. We are first to inquire about the origin, growth 
 and early use of the pyramid, and ascertain by this means, if 
 possible, how the pyramid came to be a symbol. We shall, 
 however, consider the pyramid as it is found in America, rather 
 than Oriental countries, for we have here the earliest lorms and 
 the successive stages, and the primitive uses, and reasoning 
 from analogy, we judge, that these will give us the real 
 explanation. We go on the supposition that America is the 
 home of the pyramid, at least one of the homes, and that here 
 we have a history of its growth and development. 
 
 I. Our first point is as to the prevalence of the pyramid in 
 America. It is well known that there are many pyramidal 
 structures on the continent ; they may not be perfect pyramids 
 like those of Egypt, nor are many of them as massive as those 
 upon the banks of the Nile, yet they are very interesting and 
 numerous, and are worthy of study. 
 
 I. Let us consider the different classes of the pyramids on the 
 continent. The pyramids of America differ from those in Asia 
 and Egypt, in that they embrace a series of structures which are 
 more or less in the pyramidal form, but which vary in size and 
 shape, and are scattered over all parts of the continent. Under 
 this head may be mentioned the rude and primitive mounds 
 which are scattered through the Gulf States, but which have 
 the pyramidal form. This would constitute the first class. Sim- 
 ilar to these, but differing in geographical location and in size, 
 are the massive pyramids of Mexico, many of which such as 
 Cholula and Xochicalco, were natural eminences on which artifi- 
 cial structures were erected. This constitutes a second class. Next 
 to these the terraced pyramids of Mexico and of Central Amer- 
 ica. These are wholly artificial ; and were, for the most part, 
 erected for religious purposes, and yet there is little difference 
 between them and the palaces found in the same region. This 
 constitutes the third class. Under the fourth class we should 
 embrace those structures which are found associated with palaces, 
 but which were pj'ramidal in form and were undoubtedly used 
 for the sacred purposes of worship. This would leave for the 
 fifth class the few perfect pyramids, such as are found at Teoti- 
 huacan in Mexco, and at certain places in Peru. It will be seen 
 from this that the p"ramids of America are quite numerous. 
 
160 
 
 XATIVE A.VERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 and that they form a very important feature in the prehistoric 
 architecture of the country. 
 
 We give a series of cuts to illustrate these points: First, a 
 view of the pyramidal mounds in Yazoo Pass, Miss., Fig. i ; 
 second, a view of the pyramid of Cholula, Mexico, Fig. 2; third, 
 the terraced palace called "the'Governor's House, "at Uxmal, Fig. 
 3; fourth, the jjyramid and palace at Palenque, Fig. 4; fifth, the 
 pyramid at Teotihuacan, Fig. 5. These represent the different 
 
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 Fi(j. 1 — Pyramidal Mounds in Jlinst-s.^tppi. 
 
 classes of pyramids in America. We call attention to the variety 
 of types in these figures. 
 
 It is singular what types of structure rule in the building of 
 pyramids in America. In Egypt every pyramid seemed to 
 have been built after the same pattern. In America every pyra- 
 mid was erected after its own pattern ; scarcely two being found 
 anywhere upon the continent which were alike, and few which 
 resemble those of Egypt. Resemblances have been drawn 
 between the terraced pyramids of America and those of Assyria, 
 
THE PYRAMID IX AMERICA. 
 
 161 
 
 and some have supposed that we have an Assyrian instead of an 
 Egyptian type; but the so-called terraced pyramids in America 
 constitute only one class, and others differ so much from this 
 class that we cannot say that the Assyrian type rules. A re- 
 semblance has been traced betwen the stone structures of Mexico 
 and the pyramidal mounds of the Mississippi Valley, and some 
 have undertaken to trace aii American type of pyramid. This 
 seems more plausible than either of the preceding conjectures ; 
 and yet the pyramids of Mexico differ so much from one an- 
 other, and the mounds also differ, that it is difficult to trace any 
 one type in them. 
 
 i'V(/. -' — Pi/rainUI of Cholu/a. 
 
 2. The size of the pyramid is to be considered. A compari- 
 son has been drawn between the pyramids of America and of 
 Egypt. It has been said that the pyramid of Cahokia and of 
 Cholula are fully equal to those of Ghizeh and of Mycerinus. 
 We must, however, distinguish between the horizontal extension 
 of a natural or artificial heap of earth, and the elaborate layers 
 of stone, and grant to the Egyptians the more elaborate struc- 
 tures. Cahokia covers twelve acres; but was only ninet}- feet 
 high, and it is uncertain whether it was natural or artificial. 
 Cholula is larger at the base than any one of the Old World 
 
i(;2 
 
 XI 77 17-; AMEIIICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 Y^" 
 
 .■:}^^^~ 
 
 WM' 
 
 ,ii=^r 
 
 *■- J 
 
 pyramids, over twice as large 
 as that of Cheops, but only 
 slightly higher than that of 
 Mycerinus. Many visitors have 
 believed that the pyramid is 
 only partly artificial, the "brick 
 work" having been added to a 
 smaller natural hill. Humboldt 
 says: "The construction of the 
 teocalli recallstheoldest mon- 
 uments which the history of 
 our civilization reaches. The 
 temple Jupiter Belus, the pyr- 
 amids of ?»Ieidoum, and Dag- 
 hour, and several of the group 
 of Sakkahra were also im- 
 mense heaps of bricks, the re- 
 mains of which have been pre- 
 served during a period of 30 
 centuries down to our day." A 
 distinction must be, however, 
 drawn between the ruins of 
 artificial structures and the im- 
 mense earth-heaps; and the 
 imagination is to be restrained 
 in its efforts to draw the com- 
 parison. T here h no pyramid 
 in America which ever reached 
 the height of the Egyptian, 
 and no palace which was ever 
 as elaborate as those in As- 
 syria. 
 
 3. The geographical distri- 
 bution. It has already been 
 noticed that the pyramids of 
 America are scattered over a 
 large part of the continent. 
 They seem, however, to be 
 confined to certain belts of lat- 
 itude. In a general way their 
 location resembles that ot the 
 pyramids in the Eastern hem- 
 isphere. The pyramid seems 
 to be a structure peculiar to 
 the warm climate. It is prob- 
 able that they were all devot- 
 ed to sun-worship, and this 
 will account for their haviner 
 
THE PYRAMID IN AMERICA. 
 
 163 
 
 been confined to the torrid regions, sun-worship being the rehg- 
 ion which prevails in those regions. 
 
 In order to understand the number and sizes of the pyramids 
 of America the reader is requested to examine the appended ta- 
 ble, which gives the various structures, with their location and 
 character and dimensions : 
 
 COUNTRY 
 
 
 
 C 
 
 
 AND 
 
 CLASS OF STRUC- 
 
 PART OF STRUC- 
 
 p 
 
 oT 
 
 PLACE. 
 
 TURE. 
 
 TURE. 
 
 "i 
 
 5 
 
 GUATEMALA. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Zalvuleu 
 
 Pyramid. 
 
 Base. 
 
 102 feet sq. 
 
 28 feet 
 
 I'awinal 
 
 Palace. 
 
 Two stories. 
 
 
 40 feet 
 
 Yacha 
 
 Pyi-aniid. 
 Pvianiid. 
 Palace. 
 
 Five stories. 
 Two stories. 
 Three terraces. 
 
 66 feet sq. 
 
 72x24 ft. ' q. 
 
 1100x2200 
 
 45 feet 
 
 Tikal 
 
 86 feet 
 
 Utatlan 
 
 120 feet 
 
 Utatlan 
 
 Fortress. 
 
 First terrace. 
 
 
 
 Utatlan 
 
 Altar. 
 
 Base. 
 
 66 feet sq. 
 
 33 feet 
 
 Honduras.— 
 
 
 
 
 
 *Copan 
 
 Temple or place. 
 
 
 624x809 ft. 
 
 70 feet 
 
 Yucatan.— 
 
 
 
 
 tUxraal 
 
 Governor's House. 
 
 Second terrace. 
 
 545 feet sq. 
 
 20 feet 
 
 JUxmal 
 
 Governor's House. 
 
 Third terrace. 
 
 100x360 
 
 40 feet 
 
 Uxmal 
 
 Governor's Hou-^e. 
 Governor's House. 
 
 Tower. 
 Pyramid E. 
 
 200x300 
 
 50 feet 
 
 Uxnial 
 
 65 feet 
 
 Chiapas.- 
 
 
 isPalenciae ... 
 
 Palace I. 
 
 First terrace. 
 
 260x310 
 
 40 feet 
 
 PalerKjue 
 
 Palace 1. 
 
 Summit. 
 
 180x228 
 
 30 feet 
 
 Palenque 
 
 Palace I. 
 
 Tower G. 
 
 30 feet sq. 
 
 50 feet 
 
 Palenque 
 
 Palace I. 
 
 Corridor. 
 
 20x150 long. 
 
 20 feet 
 
 Palenque 
 
 Temple of 8 Tablets. 
 
 Base. 
 
 110 feet. 
 
 
 (Palenque.... 
 
 Temple of 3 Tablets. 
 
 Shrine. 
 
 25x76 
 
 35 feet 
 
 Palenque 
 
 Temple of the Cross. 
 
 Base, 
 
 134 feet. 
 
 
 Palenque 
 
 Temple of the Cross. 
 
 Shrine. 
 
 50x30 
 
 40 feet 
 
 Palenciue 
 
 Temple of the Cros.s. 
 
 Roof. 
 
 3x35 
 
 15 feet 
 
 Palenque 
 
 Palace C. 
 
 First terrace. 
 
 350 feet sq. 
 
 19 feet 
 
 Palenque 
 
 
 Second terrace. 
 
 258x214 
 
 28 feet 
 
 Palrnque 
 
 Pyramid F. 
 
 Third terrace. 
 
 200x120 
 
 50 feet 
 
 Palenque 
 
 Pyramid I). 
 
 Base. 
 
 155x235 
 
 88 feet 
 
 Palenque 
 
 Teni|ile of the Sun. 
 
 Shrine. 
 
 28x30 
 
 
 Ococingo 
 
 Five Terraces. 
 
 Shrine. 
 
 35x40 
 
 
 Oa.iaca.— 
 
 
 
 55x120 
 
 50 feet 
 
 Tehuant'pec 
 
 Pyramid. 
 
 Base. 
 
 12x12 
 
 3 feet 
 
 Tehuant'pec 
 
 Altar. 
 
 Base. 
 
 120x120 
 
 
 Mitla 
 
 Palace. 
 Palace. 
 
 Court. 
 Buildings. 
 
 .36x130 
 120x265 
 
 18 feet 
 
 Milla 
 
 
 Yucatan.— 
 
 
 Zayi 
 
 Palace. 
 Palace. 
 Palace. 
 Nunnery. 
 
 First terrace. 
 Second terrace. 
 Third terrace. 
 
 60x220 
 
 18x150 
 
 112x160 
 
 140x202 
 
 
 Zavi 
 
 
 Zayi 
 
 32 feet 
 
 Chicheniza.. 
 
 
 Kabacli 
 
 Palace. 
 
 Base. 
 
 
 
 Veka Ckuz.— 
 
 
 
 90 feet 
 
 54 feet 
 
 Papantla 
 
 Seven-storied Pyramid 
 
 
 33 feet 
 
 17 feet 
 
 Misantla 
 
 Pyramid. 
 
 
 30 feet 
 
 
 Tu.sapan 
 
 Pyramid and Shrine. 
 
 Base. 
 
 
 
 Mexico.— 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cholula 
 
 Pyramid. 
 
 Base. 
 
 1440 feet sq. 
 
 200 feet 
 
 Xochicalco.. 
 
 Natural Hill. 
 
 Base. 
 
 2 miles. 
 
 
 Xochicalco.. 
 
 Natural Hill. 
 
 Summit. 
 
 285x328 
 
 400 feet 
 
 Xochicalco.. 
 
 Natural Hill. 
 
 Pyramid. 
 
 55x50 
 
 16 feet 
 
 Teotih'acan 
 
 House of the Moon. 
 
 Base. 
 
 426x511 
 
 
 Teotili'acan 
 
 House of the Moon. 
 
 Summit. 
 
 36x60 
 
 
 Teotriiacan 
 
 House of the Sun. 
 
 
 733 feet sq. 
 
 203 feet 
 
 Teoti'liacan 
 
 House of the Sun. 
 
 Citadel. 
 
 1246x1338 
 
 33 feet 
 
 Teoli'hacan 
 
 House of the Sun. 
 
 Circle of Mounds. 
 
 600 feet 
 
 
 *See Fig. 8. 
 +See Fig. 3. 
 tSee Frontispiece, 
 jiSee Fig. 4. 
 liSee Fig. 13. 
 
164 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 II. We are next to consider the question how came the pyr- 
 amid to be in America. There are three theories in reference to 
 this, namely: ist. The autochthonous theory. 2d. The theory of 
 a transmitted cultus. 3rd. That of a common traditionary ori- 
 gin. 
 
 We are to consider these theories in their order : 
 
 I. In favor of the first theory, we give the opinions of various 
 authors. Mr. H. H. Bancroft has written considerably concern- 
 ing the origin of sun worship on the continent of America. The 
 following may be said to be an epitome of his views :* 
 
 The forcis which minister to the requirements ot man's phy- 
 sical nature may be said also to aid his intellectual progress. 
 These forces are the configurations of the surface, the peculi- 
 arities of soil, stimulus furnished by climate, and the character 
 and supply of food. If color and race are dependent upon 
 climate, why might not the tinge of thought and the peculiari- 
 ties of religion also. There are zoological zones in which the 
 elephant, the hippopotamus, the rhinoceros, the lion and the 
 tiger abound. There are other zones in which the wolf, the fox, 
 the bear, and other hardy creatures are numerous. The char- 
 acter of the animals seems to partake of the nature of the sur- 
 roundings. It is so with man, his habits, disposition, character, 
 seem to be affected by climate and surroundings, and so was his 
 religion. Sua worship prevailed in Egypt, in Babylonia, and 
 on the banks of the Ganges, even when the civilization of those 
 regions had reached its height. The religions of the people in- 
 habiting these lands were naturallv sensuous. Sun worship was 
 a sensuous system. It always appeared among a self-indulgent 
 and luxurious people, and was always atttended with sensuous 
 rites. It differed from animal worship in this respect. Some 
 would regard it as the result of a sedentary life, and as attend- 
 ant upon agricultural pursuits, but it was more owing to the 
 subtle influence of the climate and the physical surroundings, 
 than the employment. Agriculture might lead to a sense of 
 dependence upon the great luminary, and so the thoughts 
 would be directed to it as to a divinity. The blazing heat of 
 the sun would suggest to the inhabitants of the torrid regions 
 many traits of a personal character, and the different phases of 
 the sun would be interpreted as the varied moods of a divinity. 
 There vvas a combination of the nature powers in the torrid 
 regions which made them seem like divinities to the people. 
 Storm and sunshine, clouds and darkness, night and day, light- 
 ning and thunder, rain and wind, were all divinities. Some of 
 them symbolized war and death, others symbolized wine and 
 self indulgence. There was a strange mingling of personal 
 gods and the powers of nature in all these regions." 
 
 It was so among the Greeks, as well as well as among the 
 
 *Sec Bancroft, Native Races, \o\. Ill, page 292. 
 
THE PYRAMID IX AMEIUCA. 165 
 
 Hindoos. The religions of these well-known people are sup- 
 posed to be the result of climate and of physical surroundintrs. 
 They can all be traced back to an ori^^inal nature worship. Nature 
 powers were personified and at last were worshiped as personal 
 bein<rs, the material form havincr dropped out from the popular 
 conception. Dionysius, the god of wine, Venus, the goddess of 
 lust, Apollo, the god of manly beauty, Mercury, the god of let- 
 ters, Mars, the god of war, were originally planets which 
 attended the great sun divinity. Zeus himself was the son of 
 the sun. His father, Saturn, was a sun-god, the father of all 
 the gods. We might go on. Such are the views which have 
 become very fashionable. According to these views, the arch- 
 itectural structures of this country, such as the animal mounds, 
 the earth circles, pyramidal mounds, terraced pyramids, and 
 the sun temples, were all the result of a natural development. 
 
 The theory of the autochthonous origin of the pyramid 
 has many advocates. Still, there are several difficulties in 
 the case. (i). We are not sure that the conical mounds 
 grew into the pyramidal earthworks or that the pyr- 
 amidal earthworks have anything to do with the stone 
 pyramids of Mexico, or that the stone pyramids of Mexico 
 and Central America had their development on the Amer- 
 ican soil, as they are widely scattered, and no one race 
 can be said to have built them. (2). The traditions which have 
 prevailed among the different tribes and races, among which 
 these various structures are found, point to a diverse origin, for 
 each of them, and come in as a conflicting and rebutting evi- 
 dence; at least there are cross lines which must be reconciled 
 before the theory is complete. The northern tribes migrated 
 from the northwest and erected their tumu4 and remained in 
 their savage condition, and never developed beyond the rude 
 animal worship. The tribes in the Gulf States also migrated 
 from the west, but found the pyramids in the region and only 
 adopted them as suitable to their modes of worship. The civi- 
 lized tribes of Mexico also migrated from the north, but they 
 found a culture which preceded them and so the whole subject 
 is wrapped in a mystery and it is only conjecture when we say 
 that one stage developed out of the other and one structure 
 gave rise to another, for the people were diverse and their ori- 
 gin seemed to have been also diverse. 
 
 2. The second theory is to be considered. It is that the 
 pyramid was introduced into America. Religion might be 
 transported as well as developed. Of course there would be 
 a transformation as it was transported. It would naturally come 
 to be accommodated to its surroundings. In this way we may 
 account for the pyramid, the circle, the serpent, and other sym- 
 bols in America. Mythologists acknowledge that there was a 
 tradiiionarv religion in Asia and other countries of the east. 
 And much of the symbolism in those countries is owinc- to 
 
166 X. I 77 \'E A ME J! K A X SYMBOL ISM. 
 
 tradition. The two lines are to be recognized. The tradition- 
 ary faith and the natural development of thought. This is 
 illustrated in the case of the pyramid. This is supposed by 
 some to have sprung up on Egyptian soil as a structure devoted 
 to sun worship; by others to have been a mere adaptation of a 
 structure to the purpose. It was originally an imitation of the 
 traditionary mountain from which the first ancestors migrated, 
 and this mountain was the type after which the pyramid was 
 built. This we may see in the mythology of the Greeks. 
 
 The theory of a transmitted symbolism is one which cannot 
 be altogether rejected, for it has too many things in its favor 
 for that. It is noticeable that this theory which the celebrated 
 Max Miiller advocates, though his views have more regard to 
 the languages, myths than to symbolism, and more to the 
 Indo-European race than to any of the Allophyllian tribes or 
 peoples. 
 
 "^*i4. ' 
 
 J^ig. !,^Pij)ximtcl at Palenque. 
 
 3. The third theory is, however, the one which just now 
 is the most interesting, and the most novel. It is that the pyra- 
 mid was patterned after a tradition, the tradition of the moun- 
 tains of the North. This brings us to the main point. Dr. Warren 
 has spoken of the mountain which was the pivot of the world, and 
 would make the pyramid to b^ in imitation of the mountain of 
 the north. According to this theory the pyramid of Egypt 
 would be the pivot of the earth, a theory which Dr. J. H. Seiss 
 has carried out to an alarming extent. According to this theory 
 the symbolism of the east and the west, especially that which 
 embraced traditions and astronomical signs, was derived from the 
 early tradition of the mountain of the north. The following 
 may be regarded as a summary of these views : 
 
 Tne Greeks had no pyramids, and we rarely recognize even 
 h e circular tower, and yet there was a latent symbolism in the 
 
THE pyRAMII> IX AMERICA. 
 
 1(37 
 
 Greek mythology, which reminds us of the traditionary mount- 
 ains. Zeus had his abode upon Mt. Olympus, and Juno was his 
 consort. The temples to Saturn and to Jupiier were mere 
 shrines. They did not admit the worshipers but were only the 
 abode of the divinity, the same as the shrines upon the summit 
 of the p3-ramids of Chaldea. They were also placed upon 
 high rocks to t3'pify the mountain. This conception of the 
 mountain being the primitive place of worship, the abode of the 
 gods, and the center of creation was common among all the 
 Asiatic races. The Mount of Meru or Harmoezd was the pil- 
 lar of the sky and the navel of the earth It was situated in 
 Thibet, the primitive home o' the human race. Olympus, 
 Parnassus, Ida, were reproductions of it. This same world 
 
 F'ig. 5. — Pijrumid of Tcotihuacun. 
 
 mountain was, however, known to the Egyptians. The famous 
 oracle of Jupiter-Ammon was at Meroe, which possibly was 
 named after Mt. Meroe or Meru. The Hindoos maintain that 
 Mt. Meru is the navel of the earth. The Chinese terrestrial 
 paradise was at the center of the earth — the palace of the center. 
 Dr. Wm F. Warren maintains that the ancient Mexicans con- 
 ceived the cradle of the human race to be situated in the farthest 
 north, upon the highest mountains surrounded by clouds, the 
 residence of Tlaloc, the god of rain. We recognize in these 
 traditions the prevalence of a primitive nature worship, as well 
 as to the original abode of the human race. The question 
 arises whether the pyramid was the outgrowth of this primitive 
 tradition and the result of a transmittt-d faith. Dr. Warren 
 
1 (iS X. 1 77 1 'E A MERK : I .V x Y.MBOMISM. 
 
 says, "ihe stupendous terraced pyramid of Cholulu was a cop\' 
 and symbol ot the sacred paradise mountain of Aztec tradition, 
 which was described as standing in the center of the middle 
 country. The national temple of Tlaloc stood in the center of 
 the city of Mexico, whence four causeway roads conducted 
 east, west, north and south. In the center of the temple was a 
 richly ornamented pillar of peculiar sanctity."* 
 
 The center and capitol of Peru was Cuzco, (bl., "navel,") 
 whence to the borders of the kingdoms branched oflfour great 
 highways, north, south, east and west, each traversing one of 
 the four provinces into which Peru was divided. Dr. Warren 
 quotes Gerald Massey who holds that the Mound-builders had 
 retained this tradition, "Some of the large mounds left in Mis- 
 sissippi were called navels by the Chickasaws, although the 
 Indians are said not to have had any idea whether these were 
 natural mounds or artificial structures. They thought Missis- 
 sippi was at 'the center of the earth' and the mounds were as 
 the navel in the middle of the human body." 
 
 Dr. W. F. Warren has written a book which, to some, will 
 account for the pyramid in America exactly as it accounts 
 for the pjTamid in Assyria and in Egypt, and prove that 
 there was a common source for the pyramid in both 
 countries. Some might object to this and say that the 
 theory in the book was based upon mere conjecture, and 
 that there is no more plausibility to this than the first the- 
 ory. We are, however, inclined to accept the facts as 
 brought out by this book and to say that the tradition of the 
 "mountain of the north," the "holy mountain," the "primitive 
 abode of the gods," the "starting place of the human race," is 
 to be discovered on this continent as well as in the historic re- 
 gions of the east. Dr. Warren has referred to the tradition 
 among the Choctaws, that at the time of the creation, a supe- 
 rior being came down from above and alighting near the cen- 
 ter of the Choctaw town, threw up a large mound or hill called 
 the "sloping hill." Then he caused the red people to come out 
 of it, and when he supposed a sufficient number had come out 
 he stamped on the ground with his foot. When this signal of 
 his power was given, some were partly formed, others were just 
 raising their heads above the mud, emerging into life and 
 struggling for life. We have no doubt that many other tradi- 
 tions and customs might be ascribed to the same source. Of 
 course the theory of the local origin of these myths will be off- 
 set to this one of the common origin, and yet we have the fact 
 before us and are to keep our minds open to the suggestions 
 whether overthrowing a theory of our own or not. 
 
 III. Our third inquiry is as to the development of the p3Tamid 
 on the American continent, i. There are writers who maintain 
 
 *-'Paraclise Found," by Dr. W. F. Warren. Boston: Houghton d- Mifflin. 
 
THE PYRAMID IN AMERICA. 169 
 
 that the mounds or tumuli found in the Mississippi valley, aie 
 the primordial forms of the pyramid, and that there is an un- 
 broken succession of structures on the American continent, 
 from which the pyramid was developed. The theory is, that 
 this succession ot pyramidal works lurnishes to us a view of 
 the various stages through which the pyramids in Egypt and 
 Assyria passed before they reached their perfection. This is a 
 very plausible theory and one that needs to be considered. It 
 makes the prehistoric works of America, all the more inter- 
 esting if we are to regard them as the forerunners of such 
 remarkable historic works as the pyramids were. If it was 
 the same continent that produced this series, we should cer- 
 tainly conclude that we had learned the history of the pyramid. 
 But, as the prehistoric series has disappeared from Asiatic 
 countries, we are glad to recognize this succession of steps on 
 the American continent even if we have to span a wide gulf to make 
 the early historic and the prehistoric to connect. There are types 
 here which seem to have anticipated the more advanced pyramids 
 elsewhere, and we might imag- _-=--^ - 
 
 ine that these were the types 
 from which the historic pyra- 
 mids grew. There are also 
 various structure which seem to ^ 
 furnish different stages of the - 
 growth of the pyramid, and it i^ - 
 very easy for us to make out a 7 
 plausible and interesting theory ~ 
 and imagine that we have a per- 
 fect picture of what the pyra- _^ -^ -I _ 
 mids in the East were before " -^■^^^^^^^^-'^"'^ 
 the historic structures were ... , ^ . ^ ,r 
 
 , -,. . , Fig. 6. — Truncated Mound from the 
 
 erected. We might con- omo vaiiey. 
 
 jecture many things and say that there was a gradual devel- 
 opment from the one to the other. These different earthworks 
 found in the Mississippi valle}', show the stages through which 
 the Mexican pyramid passed on its wav to completion. We 
 might imagine that the large conical mounds and so-called 
 haystack mounds form connecting links between the tumuli 
 and the truncated pyramids, and that the terraced platform 
 houses of the Pueblos formed the connecting links between 
 the inhabited earthworks of the Mississippi Valley and tiie 
 lofty teocalli found near the City of Mexico, and conclude that 
 we had proven a succession of structures and a sure line of 
 growth or development. These three links or steps in the order 
 of progress which are found in the burial mounds, pyramidal 
 earthworks, and the sacred teocalli would to some prove that 
 the pyramid had its origin and growth on this continent. We 
 might reJer to the correlation of these different structures, to 
 the state of society and to the different modes of worship, and 
 
170 
 
 XATIVE AMERICAX SYMBOLISM. 
 
 say that the tumuli were built by a savaf^e people and devoted 
 to the rude primitive animal wort-hip. And that the truncated 
 pyramids were erected by an at^ricultural people, and devoted 
 to sun worship, and that the teocalli belonged to a civilized 
 people and were devoted to the highest form of nature worship 
 possible. This view has a great deal ot plausibility about it, 
 and yet great caution is needed in reference to it. 
 
 2. We illustrate these points by a series of figures. First, by 
 an ordinary truncated mound from the Ohio valley. Fig. 6. 
 Second, by the view ol the mound at Cahokia. Fig. 7. Third, 
 by the cluster of platforms and pyramids which are found at 
 Copan in Central America. Fig. 8. 
 
 It will be noticed that there is a complete series here, and 
 that there are some remarkable resemblances between these 
 structures and those of Oriental countries, especially in the 
 grouping of the mounds near together, and in the arrangement 
 of the terraces along with the pyramids. It will be noticed 
 that these structures are scattered and situated in dift'erent 
 
 Firj. 7 — Mound at Cahokia. 
 
 parts of ihe continent, but this only illustrates how numerous 
 pyramids are on the continent. The subject is suggestive, and 
 we might dwell upon the analogies and resemblances, but we 
 use the figures only to illustrate the point. 
 
 It will be noMced that there are great resemblances between 
 the American pyramids. 
 
 These resemblances are found, first, in the location of the pyra- 
 mids among a sedentary people, the Mound-builders and the 
 Mexicans both being partiallycivilized; second, the shape of the 
 structures are very similar. They are platforms on which, form- 
 erly, temporary structures were erected. If they were temples, 
 they were temples which were inhabited ; third, the probable use 
 of these structures. The pyramidal mounds of the Mississippi 
 Valley and the platform pyramids of Central America, were un- 
 doubtedly devoted to the form of worship. There were shrines 
 on all these pyramids which were dedicated to the sun. The re- 
 semblances between all the pyramids in America are very strik- 
 
THE PYRAMID IX AMERICA. 
 
 ing. This constitutes the strongest argument for an autoch- 
 thonous origin. 
 
 3. We are to consider what may be safe ground as to the de- 
 velopment of the pyramid in America. Tne following are sug- 
 gestive points : 
 
 (I.) The primordial forms of the pyramid may be discovered 
 here, the mounds generally being regarded as the germ of 
 the pyramid. (2.) The successive stages through which the 
 pyramid passed, are exhibited in the different kinds of mounds. 
 (3.) The typical pyramid with its terraces and shrines is found 
 in Mexico and Central America. (4.) The use of the 
 pyramid as a sacred structure and as a symbol of nature wor- 
 ship is learned here. The perfect pyramid is not discovered, 
 and yet the earlier forms are very coinmon. 
 
 Fi<j. s.—P/d/f.trni.f (tnd Pr/ramicl.i at Copan. 
 
 The Mound-builder's pyramid certainly shows uniformity. 
 The Aztec pyramid may also be recognized in Mexico. The 
 Maya architecture may also be recognized in the pyramids of 
 Yucatan. The Peruvian style of architecture may also be recog- 
 nized in the pyramids of Peru. It is possible that we shall yet 
 trace a common type in all the pyramids ; but that is as far as 
 we may go. The race quality, or the ethnic quality may be rec- 
 ognized in the type of the pyramids. Some have undertaken to 
 show a connection between mounds and Mexican structures. 
 Others have undertaken to trace a resemblance between Aztec 
 and Toltec, and between the Nahua and the Maya ; but this is 
 a difficult task. The variety of types baffle every investigation of 
 the kind. Prof Short says: "Maya architecture furnishes 
 evidences of growth, and maybe classified into the Chiapan or 
 ancient, and the Wicatan or modern styles. It is a question, 
 
172 
 
 .Y.177I7'; AMERICAN SYMBOLISM 
 
 however, whether the distinction between the ancient and the 
 modern type of pyramid can be clearly established." The Chi- 
 apan or ancient style is exhibited in the imposing remains of 
 Palenque ; but the pyramids of Uxmal diffc;r materially from 
 those at Palenque, and we have so diverse types in the same 
 region, that we are at a loss to determine which is the earlier 
 and which later. 
 
 IV. This brings us to the question of the object of the pyra- 
 mid and the law of the parallel development. The parallel 
 lines are very manifest. It is in accord with the general law of 
 progress. The architecture of the east seems to have devel- 
 oped in about the same order that it did in the west. If we 
 take any of the departments of architecture, its earliest use and 
 form, its ordinary ornamentation, the religious symbolism, 
 which embodied itself in it and the technic arts which found 
 their scope there, we shall find a parallel in each. 
 
 /( / 1/ I ' St I 
 
 I. For instance, the idea of utility. Ferguson says: "The wig- 
 wam grew into a hut, the hut into a house, the house into pal- 
 ace, the palace into a temple, by well defined and easily traced 
 graduations." And yet he says "those styles which are admired 
 through all time are in the original, the products of ethnical 
 taste." According to this theory we might say that burial was 
 the purpose for which the pyramid was erected, and that the 
 law of utility as well as of ethnical taste, would account for it. 
 Utility and worship were combined in many of these prehis- 
 toric pyramids. We can hardly account for the earthworks, 
 or for the platforms of the pyramids, unless they were used 
 for habitation as well as for purposes of worship. It is prob- 
 able that they were the foundations for the houses of the 
 chiefs, and that the worship of ihe people was led by the chief 
 
THE PYRAMID IN AMERICA. 173 
 
 or by the priest who belongs to his household. It has been 
 known that many of the large pyramidal mounds were used as 
 burial places; this would show that utility and worship were 
 combined. The great mound at St. Louis contained a burial 
 chamber 75 feet long, 12 feet wide, 8 feet high, and several 
 bodies were contained in it, which were covered with beads, 
 and other paraphernalia of royalty. We give a cut to illus- 
 trate this: Fig. 9. The pyramid of Cahokia is another spe- 
 cnnen which proves that utility and worship were combined. 
 It will be seen that there were platforms and terraces in this 
 pyramid, and it arose in successive stages to a very consider- 
 able height. The size of this earthwork shows that it was 
 used for habitation. It covers nearly twelve acres, and was 
 six hundred feet in diameter at the base, but only about 90 
 feet high. It is possible that it was built for a refuge in high 
 water, or it may have been like the other structures in the 
 South, designed as a platform on which the caciques might 
 build their houses. The terraces, however, show a diverse use 
 and it is very probable that on the summit there were fires 
 kept lighted as sacred to the sun. This structure reminds us 
 of the sacred mountains of the North, and has striking analo- 
 gies to the pyramids of Mexico, as well as to those in Assyria. 
 There were three uses to this earthwork. It was a burial place 
 and abode for the people and a massive temple to the sun, and 
 illustrates the point. See Fig. 7. 
 
 2. The law of ethnic development is an important point and 
 illustrates the case. There are several elements which consti- 
 tute the basis for architectural progress, or the source of archi- 
 tectural growth. The advance of art and architecture was 
 as follows : First, the hemispherical mounds ; second, the 
 pyramidal platforms; third, the terraced pyramids; fourth, the 
 massive and finished pyramids, with its simple and silent shape 
 impressing one with an air of mystery. Subsequent to this, 
 the mechanical principles came in. The arch, the pier and 
 lintel, and other parts of the building. But for the purposes of 
 worship, the simple pyramid seems to have been the most 
 effective, and the effect may have been owing to the propor- 
 tions. It seems strange that these pyramids in America 
 should have assumed proportions which are so true to nature 
 and so expressive of grandeur. The towers at Mugheir and 
 Birs, Nimroud in Assyria, are not more correct in their pro- 
 portions than are these. The pyramids of Cheops and IVIy- 
 colenus and others upon the Nile are, to be sure, higher than 
 are any of the pyramdial mounds of America. And yet the 
 universal testimony of travelers is, that these mounds are very 
 impressive. Such is the case with the great mound at Caho- 
 kia, and It is true, to a certain extent, even of the conical 
 mounds. Their size, their proportions and their situation com- 
 bining to produce a very singular impression upon the mind. 
 
1 74 NA TI \ 'E A MERWA N S YMB OLISM. 
 
 This is one of the most remarkable features of the prehistoric 
 works of this country. They were designed as religious 
 structures, and the sense of awe and fear existed in the minds 
 of the builders to a wonderful extent. (3.) The impressibility 
 of the human mind is another point. Architectural grandeur is 
 often found in primitive structures, giving the impression that 
 this sense was strong in the primitive mind. The pyramids 
 of Egypt, the topes of the Buddhists, the mounds of the 
 Etruscans, depend almost wholly for their effect upon their di- 
 mensions. This is the case in America: pyramids were made 
 massive to impress the minds of the people. There are, to be 
 sure, a few places where high art and elaborate ornamentation 
 were made to gratify the sense of beauty and the more delicate 
 emotions, but mass was mainly depended upon. The mounds 
 are often impressive on account of their size. They are placed 
 upon high hills and by this means they are made impressive. 
 Their outlines when thrown against the sky give an impression 
 of grandeur, which is irresistible. At times the gateways to 
 the sacred enclosures are erected in the pyramidal shape, and 
 have a massiveness about them which give the same impres- 
 sion. The simplicity of these structures add to the impressive- 
 ness. It may seem strange that the mounds and earthworks of 
 the Mississippi Valley should be compared to the pyramids of 
 Egypt; and yet we are convinced that many of the elements of 
 grandeur were embodied in both classes of structures. We 
 may say the same impression was made upon a rude people by 
 these massive earthworks that were made upon a more culti- 
 vated people by the more finished stone structures. Simplicity 
 and grandeur, solidity and the sense of the sublime were 
 combined in them all. The propylee before the temples at 
 Carnac, in Egypt, are scarcely more impressive than are the 
 rude massive walls which form the gateway to the sacred en- 
 closure at Newark. 
 
 The pyramids of Cheops are scarcely more impressive, 
 notwithstanding their size, than are the massive pyramidal 
 mounds which lift their heads above the high blufis which 
 overlook the valley and the city of Vincennes. The pyramidal 
 mound at Cahokia gives the same impression, although this 
 was erected upon the level plain and not upon an eminence. 
 The sense of grandeur is exhibited by many of the pre-historic 
 works of America. The pyramid form seems to have favored 
 this. The pyramid of Cholulu in Mexico, the great teocalli at 
 Uxmal, were impressive works of architecture; their very 
 simplicity and massiveness, giving a sense of stability, and 
 it may be that type of structure was adopted as much for its 
 effect as for any other reason. The solid works were first 
 given to sun worship. 
 
 We find there striking analogies between the pyramids in the 
 west and the east. The three uses to which the pyramidal 
 
THE PYRAMID IN AMERICA. 175 
 
 mounds were subject are very suggestive. In the first place 
 the fact that they were burial places reminds us of the pyra- 
 mids of Egypt. The earliest kings of Egv^pt utilized the pyra- 
 mid for this purpose, and it is said that the "mastaba" or square 
 built tomb found in Egypt was the structure which there an- 
 ticipated the pyramid. Second, the fact that the terraces and 
 summits of these pyramidal mounds were used as the places 
 from which the morning salutation was given to the rising sun 
 is suggestive of the use of the terraced pyramid in Assyria. 
 The terraces there were devoted to the different planets and on 
 the summit of the pyramid in Mexico, there was a shrine. 
 Three of the pyramidal mounds were inhabited and so were the 
 elevated platforms of Assyria and Babylonia. This analogy 
 between the structures of the east and the west is most remark- 
 ble. The question arises, however, whether these p3^ramidal 
 mounds were symbolic structures. They were devoted to sun 
 worship and may have been symbols. It has been conjectured 
 that they were oriented, as the pyramids of Egypt were, yet this 
 is doubtful. They were sometimes surrounded by circular walls 
 and enclosures, giving the idea that ihe sun symbol was in- 
 tended. The terraces with which the pyramids abound have 
 been explained in the same way. There are certain pyramidal 
 mounds which have very high conical tumuli on the summit, as 
 if the purpose was to light fires upon them which should be 
 sacred to the sun. The fact that they were used by the na- 
 tives, subsequent to the discovery of America, for the purpose 
 of sun worship, is another proof The fact also, that they were 
 in the territory of the agricultural races and that they belonged 
 to the stage or grade of civilization in which sun worship pre- 
 vailed. We should say then that the rudimentary and primi- 
 tive forms of worship were exhibited here and that we have in 
 the pyramid a prehistoric structure which was anticipated of 
 the historic pyramid. Primitive Sabeanism prevailed here as 
 well as among the Chaldeans, so that we may examine the 
 structures in America and ascertain what that system was in 
 prehistoric times elsewhere. 
 
 V. This brings us to the subject of the pyramid as a re- 
 ligious structure. Were we to study the pyramids of Mexico 
 and of Central America and ascertain their religious significance 
 we might learn from these how the pyramids of the east, came 
 to be used as they were. One perhaps will throw light upon 
 the other. There is no doubt that the pyramid was primarily 
 devoted to sun worship. This was one of the uses to which 
 the pyramids in America were subjected; it was the chief use 
 to which the stone pyramids were consecrated. The historical 
 and traditional records show this. There may be exaggerations 
 in some of these accounts, and yet it is evident that the pyra- 
 mids were devoted to sun worship and that many bloody sacri- 
 fices were offered. The tocalli reeked with human core. The 
 
176 
 
 NATIVE AMIJIilCAX SYMBOLISM. 
 
 victims were taken to the summits, were prostrated upon the 
 sacrificial stone, their bodies laid open by the priests, their 
 hearts torn out, while still quiverincr, and thrown into the face 
 of the sun, while the forms were hurled down the steps of the 
 pyramid to the bottom. It was a bloody and cruel scene. 
 Long lines of victims were said to stand waiting to be sacri- 
 ficed. There is no doubt that long processions marched around 
 the terraces and approached the shrine on the summit. It was 
 a cruel divinity which they worshipped — the sun divinity — not- 
 withstanding the beneficence which was ascribed to him. The 
 sacrificial stones, both covered with symbols of sun worship, 
 but in the midst of the symbols was the channel which would 
 carry oft' the flood from the face of the sun. The symbol was 
 covered with the blood of human victims and this was called 
 washing the face of the sun. The pyramid in Mexico was de- 
 
 Fiji. 10. — Palace and Piiramid at Palenque.* 
 
 voted to the most cruel practices. We do not learn that human 
 sacrifices were oftered on the pyramids of the east, and yet we 
 are not sure but that they may have been practiced in prehis- 
 toric times. The instrument of sacrifice, the stone knife, is seen 
 depicted among the hieroglyphs of Egypt and a few are sup- 
 posed to have survived the earliest times. The sacrifices by 
 Abraham of his son Isaac on the mountain would indicate that 
 the practice had prevailed in that region. 
 
 * Banfroft says: "The basis of the foundation structures are usually rectangular, 
 the Inrji^ist diuicnsiods lioing 1500 feet scjuare, as at Zoyi ; while niany'have sides of 
 from M(X) to :iO0 feet. Most of them have two or more terrace jilaf forms, from 20 to 50 
 feet high. Most of them have stairways, some of them 100 feet wide. All the pyra- 
 mids are truncated, none forming points at the top. The edifices are usually built 
 on a summit platform; one building on a summit, but in some of them enclosing a 
 courtyard. The buildings are long, low and narrow, the greatest height 31 feet, great- 
 est width 39 feet, greatest length 322 feet." 
 
THE PYRAMID IN AMERICA. 
 
 17: 
 
 The association of the pyramids with temples, shrines and 
 palaces is to be considered in this connection. In some of 
 the localities, as at Copan, the structures are crowded to- 
 gether in close proximity and a strange combination of 
 pyramids, platforms, temples and shrines is apparent See 
 Fig. 8. It would seem from this that worship was as 
 much an object as habitation. If fires were lighted upon 
 the summit of the pyramids, then the number of them sur- 
 rounding one massive platform would be exceedingly impres- 
 sive. It was a strange superstition which should crowd the 
 temples and the palaces so near together and then cover them 
 all with a glare of sacrificial fires. The stairways were steep, 
 the platforms elevated, the shrines were some of them in the 
 
 Fi<j. 11 — IVic I\i/r<t/nid of Quentada.* 
 
 most mysterious shapes, while obelisks and idol pillars stood 
 about the foot of the stair-cases. Everything that could make 
 the place impressive and cover it with the air of mystery, was 
 devised. In Mexico the stair-cases were guarded by immense 
 serpents' heads, the bodies of which formed the balustrades or 
 rails to the stair-cases. The shrines on the summit were some 
 of them in the shape of serpents' mouths held wide open, and 
 
 * Bancroft says of this pyramid : " Here we have a square enclosure; its sides 150 
 fcot, bounded by a terrace 3 feet higli, 12 feet wide. Back of tlie terrace, on three 
 sides, stand walls 20 feet liigh. Tlie north side of tlie square is bounded by the steep 
 sides of a central clitl'. In the centre of tliis enclosure is a Irincated pyramid with a 
 base of:Wx:i5 feet, 19 feet hiKh, divided ihto several stories. In front of the iiyraniid, 
 and nearly in the centre of the square, stands a kind of altar, 7 feet square and 5 I'eet 
 higli. A very clear idea of this square is given in the following cut and presents an 
 interior view. The pyramid, the central altar, the eastern terrace with its steps, 
 standing walls, and the natural cliff, are all clearly portrayed : 
 
178 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 the fires that were burning within made them fearful to look 
 upon, showing that cruelty was the spirit which prevailed here. 
 In Yucatan the worship was more peaceful, but the archi- 
 tecture was more elaborate. Our supposition is that the pyra- 
 mids were temples sacred to sun-worship and were symbolic 
 structures. 
 
 We give a cut of the so-called palace and pyramid at Palenque. 
 and the pyramid accompanying it to show that there may have 
 been a combination of palaces and of temples (Fig. lo) in the 
 same structure or in close proximity There is no doubt that one 
 these buildings was a palace and occupied by the cacique of the 
 village or city, but that the temple was in close proximity to it on 
 the pyramid, which is in the background. The view of Char- 
 nay is "that these ancient cities were occupied by a people among 
 whom the ranks and grades of society were very distinct, and 
 that the buildings in ruins are the remains of palaces and tem- 
 ples. The huts of the common people have perished." This is 
 in opposition to the theory advanced by Mr. L. H. Morgan that 
 they were the communistic houses, and that the common peo- 
 ple dwelt in these as well as the chiefs. The illustration, we 
 think, refutes the theory. Mr. H. H. Bancroft has undertaken 
 to restore one of these palaces and its accompanying pyramid 
 and shrine— the one at Palenque. Whether the restoration is 
 correct or not we conclude that the explanation is a good one. 
 Fig. lo. 
 
 Still there are those who deny this and who would make the 
 pyramid a place of habitation or a fortress. Mr. Ad. F. Bande- 
 lier, has made a study of this pyramid of Cholula. He calls it a 
 fortified pueblo, and says: "If we imagine the plateaus and 
 aprons around it, covered with houses, possibly of large size, like 
 those at Uxmal and Palenque, or on a scale intermediate between 
 them and the Pecos communal dwellings, and many other places 
 in New Mexico, we have then, on the mound of Cholula, 
 as it then was, room for a large aboriginal population." This, 
 how ever, reduces the sacred structures of Mexico and Yucatan 
 to a very common-place condition, and would do away with the 
 religious sentiment which was so powerful. The historical an- 
 nal^of the aborigines prove that the chief object of this pyra- 
 mid was to support a temple. At the time of the conquest 
 there was a stairway which led up the slope to the temple. 
 The Spaniards under Hernando de Cortez had a fierce hand to 
 hand conflict on the slopes and notwithstanding the desperate 
 resistance of the natives, they burned the magnificent structure 
 on the top. 
 
 The number and variety of the pyramids would prove that 
 they were all used for religious purpose. Writers have specu- 
 lated as to who were the builders of the pyramids in Mexico, 
 Yucatan and Honduras, and have endeavored to trace a reseni- 
 blance between the Nahua and the Maya religions. There is 
 
TIIK PYRAMID IN AMERICA. 179 
 
 no doubt that the two were very similar, and that the same cult 
 which prevailed in Mexico during the time of the Conquest, 
 prevailed in Uxmal and Palenque in prehistoric times. The 
 study of the ruins in all of these localities, reveals a remarkable 
 resemblance in the structures. There are pyramids at Tusapan, 
 Papantla, at Misantla, at Centla, in Vera Cruz, which formeriy 
 had shrines upon the summit and which were ascended by wide 
 flights of steps. They show that the pyramidal type was the 
 structure which was devoted to worship. The ruins of Oajaca, 
 of Mitla, and the pyramid at Tehuantepec show the same thing. 
 Mitla was a palace, and yet there are pyramids here. The pyra- 
 mid of Tehuantepec was erected with stair-cases on the four 
 sides and plastered, hemispherical walls forming the corners. 
 A highly ornamented platform and shrines on the summit. 
 
 VI. We are to consider the analogies which exist between 
 the symbolisms of the two continents, especially that which is 
 found in the pyramidal structures. These analogies have never 
 that we are aware of, been traced out, and yet they are many 
 and interesting. We shall first take up the pyramids of Egypt 
 and their uses and see what structures in America resembled 
 them ; next, consider the terraced pyramids of Assyria and 
 Chaldea, and lastly speak of the traditionary views which have 
 embodied themselves in many structures both in the Oriental 
 continent and the American continent, (r.) Let us consider the 
 pyramids of Egypt. In Egypt the pyramids are so-called perfect 
 pyramids, that is, their sides are smooth inclined planes, the 
 steps having been filled in and the whole veneered. No such 
 pyramids are found in America, though there are occasionally 
 structures whose face seemed to have been built up smoothly 
 and covered with plaster. In one respect the pyramids of Egypt 
 resemble the pyramids of America, especially the pyramidal 
 mounds. They were devoted to burial purposes. There are 
 sixty-six pyramids in Egypt. The oldest is supposed to be that 
 of Senefru, of the fourth dynasty. It was prior to that of 
 Cheops. The latest are supposed to be those of the twelfth 
 dynasty, those of Lake Meros. All of these were sepulchers. 
 It is a question which antedated the other, the Assyrian or the 
 Egyptian. Lenormant says that " temples in the form of pyra- 
 mids (that is, pyramidal or terraced temples) must be considered 
 quite a recent institution in Chaldea, as compared with what they 
 were in the country of Shinar or Sumar, where national tradition, 
 like that in the Bible, placed the construction of the first of them 
 side by side with the confusion of tongues." No one dared to 
 attribute the foundation of the original pyramids of Babylon and 
 Borsippa to any historical king; for they were said to be the 
 work of a " very ancient king," or perhaps even more correctly 
 of " the most ancient king" or "first king." This is an interest- 
 ing inquiry. In America burial mounds probably preceded 
 
ISO XI TIVJC AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 pyramidal earth-works, at least in the order of succession, if not 
 in date. The question is whether the pyramid as a burial place 
 antedated that which was used as a temple devoted to sun-wor- 
 ship. It is maintained by some that the tope and the tumulus 
 gave rise to the pyramid, and that the platform temples were a 
 later invention. Others, however, maintain that the pyramids 
 were originally devoted to sun worship, and that their use as a 
 burial place was feter. That it originated in the ambition of the 
 kings to perpetuate their names and the religious idea about the 
 necessity of the preservation of the body. It is possible, how- 
 ever, that the two grew onparellel lines, the terraced pyramids of 
 Assyria on one, and the perfect pyramid of Egypt on the other. 
 The earliest known structure in Egypt was a quadrangular 
 building, in the shape of a truncated pyramid, called the"mastaba." 
 It was used as a tomb. It reminds us of the truncated pyramid 
 or pyramidal earthworks of the Mississippi Valley. Many 
 mastabas are from 30 to 40 feet in height, 150 feet in length, and 
 80 feet in width, and are veneered with hewn stone. The mastabas 
 are arranged in regular streets in Ghizeh, and in this respect they 
 resemble the pyramids of the Gulf States, which were often 
 arranged in rows and around a square. See Fig. 2. 
 
 The pyramidal mounds were used as burial places ; this is the 
 case of the great mound at St. Louis, also with that at Etowah, 
 Ga., and is supposed to be the case with that at Cahokia. There 
 is another analogy between the mastabas and the burial mounds. 
 A superstition prevailed that the mummy or the statute was a 
 double of the soul. The corpse received visits from the soul, 
 which from time to time quitted the celestial regions.* 
 
 A narrow aperture was left to the " serdab" in the center of 
 the mastaba. A similar superstitution prevailed among the 
 Mound-builders. There was a double to the soul, and frequently 
 the skull was trephined so that the soul might go in and out, and 
 claim the body for its own. The same superstition is supposed 
 to have prevailed in prehistoric times in Europe. The "dolmens," 
 Avhich were the abodes of the dead, had holes in the stone at the 
 door, which were supposed to be for the passage of the soul in 
 and out of its abode. 
 
 There is another parallel found in the offerings made to the 
 friends. In Egypt each mastaba was composed of a receptacle 
 for the dead and a chapel for the living. The chapel was the 
 Eeception room of the "double," for the idea was that a double 
 belonged to the dead, a soul and body. The relations, friends, 
 and priests celebrate funerary sacrifices at the commencement of 
 fche seasons. They placed offerings at the exact spot leading to 
 the entrance to the chamber, or eternal home of the dead. Pro- 
 vision was made for a perpetual ob.servance of the feast. Painted 
 
 *Sec Maspero's Eg5-ptian Archf^-ology, page 110. 
 
THE PYRAMID IN AMERICA. 181 
 
 or sculptured reproductions of persons and things were placed 
 upon the walls of the chapel, so that in years to come the "double" 
 might see himself depicted upon the walls in the act of eating 
 and drinking, and so he ate and drank. Here then we have the 
 animistic conception, the same conception which prevails among 
 the Ojibwas, who to this day build houses over graves. They 
 leave the sides and ends of the house open, the roof being sup- 
 ported by corner posts, but on the floor they place the provisions 
 which are offered to the spirits ot the dead. They believed in 
 the double as much as did ever the Egyptians. 
 
 (2.) The American pyramids were devoted to sun-worship. 
 There is no doubt about the prevalence of sun-worship on this 
 continent, or the devotion of the pyramid to that cult. In Assyria 
 and Babylonia the pyramid was consecrated to the sun, moon and 
 stars, the number of the terraces being either three, after "the triad 
 of gods of the three worlds," or five, after the five planets, or seven, 
 as at Borsippa, after the sun and moon and the five planets. The 
 terraces were, as at Ecbatana, of different colors, according to 
 the sacred colors of the planets, the upper gold, the second silver, 
 next red, blue, yellow, white, the lowest black, according to the 
 hues ascribed to the sun, moon. Mercury, Jupiter, Mars, Venus 
 and Saturn. 
 
 The great temple of the sun at Pekin was called the Temple 
 of Heaven. It was also built in terraces, like the pyramids of 
 Chaldea. It was surrounded by a wide pavement, and in the 
 pavement were nine circles of standing stones, the circles repre- 
 senting the nine heavens, the stones increasing in nines until 
 the last circle was composed of eighty-one stones. In the center 
 of these circles was the altar at which the emperor knelt on their 
 New Year's Day, the twenty-first of December, at the winter 
 solstice, and acknowledged himself inferior to the heavens, and 
 offered sacrifices to secure a prosperous season. The twenty-eight 
 constellations of the Chinese zodiac were contained in this Temple 
 of Heaven. Tablets were erected to the sun, moon and stars. 
 
 The pyramids in Mexico and Central America were also built 
 in terraces and had shrines on their summits, and in the shrines 
 were tablets which were sacred to the sun and to the nature 
 powers. A few of these pyramids present massive serpents, 
 which remind us of the dragon of the east, their gigantic forms 
 forming balustrades, their monstrous jaws guarding the approach 
 to the stairways which led to their summits. 
 
 There are many places where these analogies can be traced. 
 We give cuts to illustrate this. We refer first to the temples at 
 Palenque; one of them called the "temple of the cross" (Fig. 
 12); another the "temple of the three tablets" (Fig. 13); a third 
 the "temple of the sun;" names given them from the tablets they 
 contained. These shrines were standing on pyramids, but were 
 near buildings which have been called palaces. The temple of 
 
182 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 the cross was on a pyramid and faced the east. The "temple 
 of the tablets" was also upon a pyramid, and facing the 
 east. Each of the four central piers on this front has bas-reliefs 
 in stucco, representing human figures, and each bearing in its 
 arms an infant. The "temple of the sun" was also on the sum- 
 mit of a massive pyramid, and was furnished with double corri- 
 dors and an open door, through which the sun might shine at 
 its rising. This temple also had a bas-relief in its interior, on 
 which the face of the sun could be seen peering out from the 
 midst of many other symbols of the nature powers. 
 
 II. This brings us to the subject of the orientation of the pyr- 
 amids. First, let us say that a book has recently appeared in 
 England called "The Dawn of Astronomy." This book treats 
 
 wm^mm^ 
 
 Fig. 12. — Temple of the Cross. 
 
 mainly of the mythology and early astronomy ot Egypt, but it 
 enables us to draw a comparison and is of great importance in 
 understanding the subject of astrology in America. It shows 
 the different stages through which ancient astronomy passed, 
 and reveals the views which were held in the east and the differ- 
 ent elements which were brought together by the history of sky 
 worship. The author divides the observation of the heavenly 
 bodies into three stages — the first for wonder and worship ; the 
 second for utility, the observation of the seasons, the direction 
 of religious feasts and the processes of agriculture ; the third for 
 the knowledge of astronomical principles; the first two stages 
 being associated with mythology. 
 
 According to ivlr. Lockyer, the temples and the pyramids 
 were all of them oriented. Some of them were oriented toward 
 the sun while on the equator, others were oriented to the rising 
 and setting sun at the solstices, and still others toward the stars. 
 
THE PYRAMID IN AMERICA. 
 
 183 
 
 The author thinks that the pyramids of ^Memphis, Tanis, Sais, 
 Bubastis were equatorially oriented, that the temples of Abydos 
 and Amen-Ra were solsticially oriented. The alignment of the 
 temples is the most interesting feature. There are temples which 
 are so aligned that the sun at the summer solstice shines through 
 the whole length, 6oo yards, and shines upon the shrine in the 
 deep interior, causing it to shine with a "resplendent light." This 
 was the case with the temple at Amen-Ra, as well as the more 
 modern temple Edfu. The entrance to this latter temple was 
 guarded by a massive exterior pylon. This reduced the light 
 so that it should shine into the temple itself. Further, the arches 
 from the entrance to the end, were covered so that within the 
 penetralia, there was only a dim religious light, but the sun 
 shone through the entire temple and struck upon the wall of the 
 shrine at the back. The temple was directed toward the place 
 
 Fig. 13.— Temple of the Tablets. 
 
 of the sun's setting, and the narrowing doors were so contrived that 
 the temple should prove a great astronomical telescope. The 
 narrow shaft of light was directed and concentrated until it 
 reached the shrine, which answered as the eye piece. We have 
 here the true origin of our present method ot measuring time. 
 The magnificent burst of light at sunset into the sanctuary would 
 show that a new true solar year was beginning. The summer 
 solstice was the time when the Nile began to rise. The priests 
 were enabled to determine not only the length of the year, but 
 the exact time of its commencement. This, however, they kept 
 to themselves. The year in common use, called the vague year, 
 began at different times of the true year through a long cycle. 
 Here we find the analogy between the Egyptian and the American 
 systems very startling. 
 
 There seems to have been also two systems of orientation in 
 Central America — one for the temples, the other for the palaces. 
 The temples were oriented to the solstitial sun and the palaces 
 to the cardinal points. We find, at least, that the shrines were 
 so placed upon the pyramids that the sun would shine through 
 the double door- way and strike upon the tablets upon the back 
 of the inner sanctuary, where were the various symbols of the 
 
184 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 cross, tree, bird and sun. The light would cause these symbols 
 to stand out clearly. The offerings were presented to these as 
 if they were divinities. There was a difference between the pyra- 
 mids of the different cities. Those of Palenque were all oriented 
 to the cardinal points, but those of Uxmal and Chichen-Itza and 
 others seemed to have been oriented to the solstices, or at least 
 were out of the regular line. Here the alignment of the walls 
 of the temples formed an angle with the walls of the palace and 
 its courts, showing that there was a regard to the solstitial sun in 
 the temples, but an orienting to the cardinal points in the palaces. 
 
 In reterence to this subject ot orientation, the Tusayan Indians 
 place their sacred or world divisions on an angle ot from forty- 
 five to fifty degrees west of north, and construct their kivas^ 
 accordingly, resembling the well-known placement of the Baby- 
 lonian and Assyrian temples, obliquely to the cardinal points, the 
 angles instead of the sides facing north, west, south and east. 
 The arbitrary placing of the world quarters was carried further 
 by the ancient Incas, as shown by the orientation of Cuzco than 
 by any other people, except the Chinese. The sun was the all- 
 important factor in the universe, the maker of day and the 
 renewer of light. 
 
 The seven ancient spaces were sometimes symbolized in the 
 ceremonial diagrams, which were made on the floor with prayer 
 meal, six chambers or houses being arranged around a central 
 one. What is most singular, the ground plan of the ruins of 
 Casa Grande shows a similar arrangement around a central room. 
 This conveys the idea that there may have been a knowledge 
 of the solstitial sun and an arrangement of the chambers or 
 rooms in the villages so as to catch the rays of the rising sun. 
 
 It is the opinion of Mr. Stephens and Walter Fewkes that the 
 four cardinal points of the Moquis are determined by the sum- 
 mer and winter solstices. The first point toward the north is 
 determined by the notch on the horizon from which the sun sets 
 at the summer solstice, the second west by its setting in the 
 winter, the third by its rising in winter, and the fourth by its 
 rising in the summer. 
 
THE CROSS IN AMERICA 185 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE CROSS IN AMERICA. 
 
 Among the many surprises which the conquerors of Mexico 
 experienced, the greatest was when they discovered the cross in 
 the midst of the heathen temples of this far-off land. Their 
 first explanation was that St. Thomas the Apostle, who was re- 
 puted to have been a missionary to India, had also made his 
 way to America, to here introduce the Christian symbol. As 
 they continued to notice it and learned of the human sacrifices 
 which were offered and other cruelties which were practiced, they 
 concluded that it was the work of the devil ; that he had taken 
 this symbol of peace and had made it sanction the most cruel 
 atrocities, and thus had deluded the people and led them to their 
 own destruction. We do not wonder at the indignation of the 
 priests when they discovered this symbol associated with so cruel 
 practices, for they were ignorant of the real history of the cross. 
 The cross is a pre-Christian symbol, and had existed in Asia long 
 before the history of Europe began. It was an instrument of 
 punishment in the days of Christ, and it was only because so 
 innocent and holy a being as our Savior was crucified upon it 
 that it became sacred to Europeans. Were we to look upon it 
 as it existed in Asia before the days of Christ and as it existed 
 in America before the time of the discovery, we should better 
 understand it as a symbol. We shall in this paper consider it 
 in that light. We shall endeavor to disassociate it from pre-con- 
 ceived ideas and to place it before ourselves as any common 
 symbol, having no more sacredness in our eyes than the earth 
 circles, the stone relics, the Mexican pyramids, but an object of 
 study like them. We must acknowledge its prevalence through- 
 out the continent, and shall probably be led to the conclusion 
 that it was a symbol of nature worship, very much as the circle, 
 the crescent, the square and other figures were. 
 
 The cross as a sun symbol^ or weather symbol is the subject 
 of this paper. We are to show that it was so used. It was one 
 of the symbols of sun worship, 
 
 I. Our first point is, the cross was used by the aboriginal 
 tribes as a sun symbol. These tribes were in the habit of using 
 symbols to express astronomical facts ; they in fact had sym- 
 bols which were so extensive and were so similar that they 
 could be understood by the different tribes. Their symbolic 
 and sign language corresponded in this respect ; both were 
 
186 NA Tl VE A MERICA N S YMBOLISM. 
 
 mediums of communication between the tribes, even when the 
 language was a barrier. The symbohsm differed, however, from 
 the sign language, in that it had to do mainly with religious 
 thoughts and with mythologic ideas; while the sign language 
 dealt with the common affairs of life. There was a common 
 mythology among all the tribes, at least a common astronomy 
 and for this reason the symbols were easily understood. The 
 study of the sign language has revealed this, and the familiarity 
 with their mythology is bringing the fact out more and more. 
 The means by which this symbolism has become known are 
 varied. Certain books, such as the Walum Olum, contain cer- 
 
 Fig. 1. Fl(j. -J. Fig. 
 
 tain symbols ; the pictured records, such as the Dakota calendar, 
 contain others ; the various pictograghs which have been 
 preserved contain still other symbols ; the rock inscriptions 
 contain others. On these the cross is occasionally seen, though 
 the circle and the crescent are more common. In these various 
 records the circle was the symbol of the sun, the cross was the 
 symbol of the winds, the square was the symbol of the four 
 quarters of the sky, and the crescent the symbol of the moon. 
 The following are a few of the symbolic figures common among 
 the wild Indians. In the Walum Olum of the Delawares we 
 find the extended land and sky symbolized by a square with 
 diagonal lines, which resemble an ordinary envelope, with circles 
 to signify the sun and moon and stars in the separate divisions. 
 See Fig. i. The earth was symbolized by a dome or hemisphere^ 
 
 Fig. U. Fig. S. Fig. 6. 
 
 sometimes the dome was surmounted by a crescent, to symbolize 
 the moon as ruling over the earth. See Figs. 2 and 3. 
 
 The points of the compass were symbolized by a cross with 
 straight bars. Fig. 4. The winds with arrows placed at right 
 angles to the ends of the bars, to signify the direction of the 
 winds.* The Moquis have signs of the sun which consists of 
 circles with rays shooting out from them, the circles having either 
 faces or eyes and mouth on the inside. Fig. 5 and 6. Mr. C. K. 
 Gilbert has given figures taken from rock etchings in Arizona, in 
 which the fece of the sun is placed at the intersection of the 
 
 *See Brinton's "Tho; Lenape and their Legends," p. 182. 
 
THE CROSS IN AMERICA. 
 
 187 
 
 bars ot the cross. These symbolized the four quarters of the 
 sky, with the sun in the zenith. Circles similarly placed at the 
 intersection of the cross-bars, but without dots in the center, 
 symbolized the stars. 
 
 Morning and sunrise were symbolized by the Moquis by a 
 dome, with a face in the dome and lines or rays streaming out 
 from the dome. In the Ojibwa pictograph, as reported by 
 Schoolcraft, the sky was symbolized by a simple arc composed 
 of two curved lines, but in the Moqui etchings it was symbolized 
 by two curved lines or by a curved line with a turretted figure 
 above the line. Rain was sym- 
 bolized by lines drawn below 
 the curves or arcs, to signify 
 the drops as falling from the 
 clouds. Lightnings were sig- 
 nified by a crooked line ema- 
 nating from the arcs or by a 
 crooked line surmounted by 
 a turretted figure.* Among 
 the Zunis there are statuettes 
 which probably were designed 
 to represent the same facts. 
 See Fig. 7. In these the im- 
 age probably represented the 
 sun divinity. On the head of 
 the man was a turretted head- 
 dress representing the nature 
 powers, with arcs to represent 
 the sky, turrets to represent 
 the lightnings, and feathers 
 above the turrets to represent 
 the clouds, and projections at 
 the side to represent the winds 
 or the points of the compass. 
 We do not discover in these 
 
 the symbol of the cross, and Fig.7-Zuni Head Dress. 
 
 yet the same nature powers were represented, but with different 
 symbolic figures. f The turretted figures may, however, signify 
 the houses of the sky and the habitations of the divinities of the 
 sky. At least we have in these, imitations of the terraced houses 
 of the Pueblos. 
 
 II. Our next point is that the cross is a common object in 
 pictographs and rock descriptions. There are many inscribed 
 rocks which contain figures of the cross. In some of these 
 the cross is associated with the circle and in some, though rarely, 
 with animal and bird figures. 
 
 *See Mallery's Sign Language, Vol, I., Bureau of Ethnology, p. 371. 
 tSee Second Annual Report, p. 395. Zunis and Wolpis. 
 
188 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 We give here a few cuts to illustrate this point. Mr. William 
 McAdams has described the figures which he discovered on the 
 bluffs at Alton, 111., aud caves at St. Genevieve, Mo., and has 
 kindly loaned us the cuts. The following is his description : 
 
 " Some three or four miles above the city (of Alton), high up 
 beneath the over-hanging cliff, which forms a sort of cave shelter, 
 on the smooth face of a thick ledge of rock, is a series of paint- 
 
 i^((/. A'. — Hock Inscriptions in Illinoif 
 
 ings, twelve in number." They are painted or stained in the 
 rock with a reddish-brown pigment which seems to defy the 
 tooth of time. It may be said, however, that their position is so 
 sheltered that they remain almost perfectly dry. Their appear- 
 ance denotes great age. They doubtless have been there for 
 centuries. * * " Half the figures of the group are circles of 
 various kinds, probably each having a different meaning." See 
 Fig. 8. " On the left are two large birds apparently having a 
 combat; to the right of the birds is a large circle enclosing a 
 globe, and before this is the representation of the human form. 
 
 ©0 ^ 
 O © 
 
 '^°?r 
 
 ffi® 
 
 F'ig. 9. — Rock Inscriptions in Missouri. 
 
 with bowed head and inclined body, as if in the act of offering 
 to the great circle something triangular in shape, not unlike a 
 basket with a handle. Among all the ancient pictographs seen 
 this is the only one where the human form is depicted as if in 
 adoration to the sun. * * Counting from the left, the eighth 
 figure seems to represent some carniverous animal with a long 
 tail. The next figure of the series is a large bird with extended 
 wings, which seem to come from the base of the neck. This 
 
THE CROSS IX AMERICA. 189 
 
 curious winged creature seems to be having a combat with a 
 circle with two horns, at some Httle distance there follows the 
 representation of an owl, the whole ending with a small red 
 circle. * * There is another very interesting group of picto- 
 graphs to be seen in a small cavern on the banks of the Saline 
 river, near where it empties into tne Missssiippi. The figures 
 are eighteen in number, and are carved or cut in the smooth face 
 of the limestone walls. See Fig. 9. There are two lines of the 
 series, one on each wall of the cave. The relative position of 
 the figures on the wail is shown in the cut. The size of the 
 figures may be inferred from the representation of the human 
 foot in the upper line: this measures 14 inches from the extrem- 
 ity of the great toe to the heel." * * The following are Mr. 
 McAdams observations : " These circular figures are not uncom- 
 mon among the pictographs of the Mississippi and are of great 
 interest, more especially those having the cross enclosed. The 
 illustrations of the human footprints with those of birds and 
 other creatures are found in many places. The representation 
 of birds, however, as it in combat over a circle or planet is more 
 rare, and we are not aware that it has been found except along 
 the banks of the Mississippi, where it occurs a number of times, 
 * * It will be remembered that somewhat similar figures are 
 shown in the pictographs on the bluffs above Alton ; the same 
 figure is repeatedly shown on both sides of the cave (at this 
 place). Along the Illinois river, some twenty-five or thirty miles 
 from its mouth, is another cave situated in a limestone bluft, in 
 which is another series of carvings. * * The figures are 
 nineteen in number; three of them representations of the human 
 foot; seven of them bird-tracks; nine of them circles with dots 
 or rings in the center."* 
 
 Mr. McAdams speaks of the mounds ; a number of them were 
 on the bluff above the pictograph at Alton, many of them near 
 the salt springs on the Saline river, and others near the carved 
 rock on the Illinois river. He gives a cut of a cave in a lime- 
 stone cliff at Grafton, 111., above which is a mound and a circle 
 inscribed on the cliff between the mound and the mouth of the 
 cave. 
 
 Mr. McAdams has called attention to certain water vases now 
 in possession of the St. Louis Academy of Science, on which 
 are painted various ornamental figures. These figures are com- 
 posed of circles with spots, circles with crosses, circles with 
 pointed rays, and are supposed to be sun symbols as well as 
 ornaments, and he makes the important remark that the fig- 
 ure of the circle with serrated edge is not an uncommon one 
 among the pictographs. This comparison between the pottery 
 ornamentation and the rock inscription is an important one, and 
 
 *See Records of Ancient Races, McAdams, pp. 22, 25 and 28i 
 
190 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 we quote Mr. McAdams because of his opportunity in studying 
 the inscriptions. His extensive collection of Mound-builders' 
 pottery enables him to speak somewhat authoritatively on the 
 subject of ornamentation. Of the crosses found in the pottery 
 he says : " The peculiar cross with the curved arms in the 
 center, is a very common one on the pottery from Illinois, Mis- 
 souri and Arkansas, and some of the most beautiful burial vases 
 are decorated with it in some form." He says, " It is very in- 
 teresting to learn that figures very much like these are 
 among the oldest of symbolic forms known. We have taken 
 scores of burial vases from the mounds of Illinois, almost exactly 
 duplicating the most peculiar shapes of many from Egypt." 
 He then gives a cut of a vase from a tomb at Thebes, in Egypt, 
 The comparison is not a very close one and yet it is suggestive, 
 for we find the circle and the spots on both vases. A better 
 illuctration is the one which is given by the same author, by 
 which the analogy between the suastika of the East and the bent 
 cross in these pottery ornamentations is brought out. Of this, 
 however, we shall speak hereafter. From this point to the Gulf 
 of Mexico, and from there to the Isthmus of Panama it was the 
 prevailing cult. The fact, however, that in this same region 
 there were monstrous animals depicted upon the rocks, and that 
 these animals represented the mythological creatures which 
 were worshipped by the so-called animal tribes, would indicate 
 that it was the border line, and that sun worship and animal 
 worship met at this point. 
 
 III. The cross as a symbol among the mounds will next 
 engage our attention. We have already spoken of the circle 
 and the cross contained in the earthwork near Portsmouth, 
 Ohio ; these were evidently symbolic of sun worship. Squier 
 and Davis have spoken of this. " It consists of four concentric 
 circles placed at irregular intervals with respect to each other, 
 and cut at right angles by four broad avenues which conform in 
 bearing, very nearly to the cardinal points. A large mound is 
 placed in the center; it is truncated and terraced, and has a 
 graded way leading to its summit." On the supposition that 
 this work was in some way connected with religious rites, this 
 mound must have furnished a most conspicuous place for their 
 observance and celebration.* 
 
 There is another structure which shows that the Mound-build- 
 ers were familiar with the figure of the cross and that they 
 embodied it in their earth-works. It has been described by 
 Squier and Davis in their "Ancient Monuments'". The work here 
 figured is found near the little town of Tarlton, Pickaway county, 
 Ohio, in the narrow valley of " Salt Creek," a tributary of the 
 Scioto river, eighteen miles northeast from Chillicothe, on 
 
 *See Ancient Monuments, p. 81. 
 
THE CROSS IN AMERICA. 
 
 191 
 
 the great road to Zanesville. See Fig. lo. In position it cor- 
 responds generally with the remarkable work last described 
 though wholly unlike it in form. It occupies a narrow spur of 
 land at a prominent point of the valley ; its form is that of a 
 Greek cross, ninety feet between the ends, and elevated three 
 feet above the adjacent surface. It is surrounded by a slight 
 ditch, corresponding to the outhne of the elevation ; in the cen- 
 ter is a circular depression, twenty feet across and twenty inches 
 deep. The sides of the cross correspond very nearly with the 
 cardinal points. Immediately back of it is a small circular ele- 
 vation of stone and earth, resembling that in connection with 
 the Granville effigy and denominated an altar in the description 
 of that work. Several small mounds occur near by; and upon 
 the high hill, a spur of which is occupied by the cross, are sev- 
 eral larsre mounds."* 
 
 Fig. 10 — Cross in Pickaway County, Ohio. 
 
 IV. The relics which exhibit the symbols of sun worship will 
 next engage our attention. There are many such in all parts of 
 the country. We shall at present speak of those which are found 
 only among the mounds. Mound-builders' relics may be divided, 
 according to the material of which they are composed, into 
 several classes. First, the inscribed shells ; second, the orna- 
 mented pottery ; third, the carved stone specimens. We shall 
 dwell mainly upon the shell gorgets or inscribed shells. 
 
 (i) First- among these are the shell gorgets which contain 
 circles. Descriptions of these have been given by various 
 authors, but all agree in making the figures upon them 
 symbols of the sun. The figures represent a single dotted 
 circle in the center, around which are placed three crescent-shaped 
 figures arranged in the form of a wheel ; outside of these are 
 several dotted circles arranged in a band, which surrounds the 
 
 *See Ancient Monuments, page ! 
 
192 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 crescent wheel, the number of the circles varying from four to 
 six. Outside of these is still another band, which is filled with 
 dotted circles, varying in number from twelve to fifteen. Scat- 
 tered over the whole field there are small dots which have been 
 punctured into the shell. Here then we have a complicated 
 sun symbol. A central sun, three moons, which are supposed 
 to rule the year; next, the suns, which represent the seasons or 
 the divisions of the year; next, the suns or circles, which repre- 
 sent the months or divisions of the seasons; next, the stars or 
 dots, which possibly represent days. We are reminded by these 
 gorgets of the sun circles of Mexico, which always have the sun 
 symbol in the center and the symbols for the season arranged in 
 circle around the center. How it should happen that these rude 
 sheirgorgets should have symbols so similar to the circles and 
 
 i'7</. 11 — Bird Gorget. 
 
 symbols on the highly ornamented calendar stones of Mexico is 
 a mystery. The fact gives rise to many conjectures, {a) Either 
 the Mound builders were a degenerate race from the same stock, 
 or {b) they borrowed ideas from the Mexicans and embodied 
 them in this rude way on shells, or [c] there was a transmission 
 of thought from a primitive time when all were together ; the 
 Mexicans having added to the simple rudiments all the elaborate 
 and complicated symbols which have have grown up with their 
 increased culture and civilization. There is one lesson to be 
 learned from the analogy. Sun worship existed in different 
 stages throughout the country. The symbols on the gorgets 
 marks the lowest stage, while those on the calendar stone marks 
 one of the higher stages. 
 
 (2) The shells which contain quadrangular figures and birds' 
 
THE CROSS IN AMERICA. 193 
 
 heads. These we place among the sun symbols, for we can ex- 
 plain them in no other way. Mr. W. 11. Holmes has described 
 these. See Fig. ii. The following is the description: "In the 
 center is a nearly symmetrical cross of the Greek type, enclosed 
 in a circle ; outside of the circle are eight star-like rays, orna- 
 mented with transverse lines, the whole representing a remarkable 
 combination of the two symbols, the cross and the sun. Sur- 
 rounding this symbol is another of a somewhat mysterious 
 nature. A square frame-work of four continuous parallel lines 
 looped at the corner, the inner line touching the tips of the star- 
 like rays Outside of this are the four symbolic birds, placed 
 against the side of the square opposite the arms of the cross. 
 These birds' heads are carefully drawn. The mouth is open, the 
 mandibles are long, the eyes represented by a circle, and a crest 
 springs from the back of the head and neck. The bird resembles 
 the ivory-billed woodpecker more than any other species." 
 
 These gorgets are evidently sun symbols, the rays of the sun 
 being indicated by the points and the beams by the radiating 
 lines. The cross in the center of the circle may be intended as 
 a weather symbol, either indicating the points of the compass or 
 the four quarters of the sky. The quadrangular figure may 
 have reference to the same fact, or possibly may symbolize the 
 four seasons of the year. The birds' heads may also have refer- 
 ence to the nature powers, a substitute for the the thunder bird. 
 Six of these shell gorgets were discovered among the mounds 
 mainly in Tennessee and Georgia. They have been ascribed to 
 the Cherokees, though they may have belonged to the Natchez. 
 The Natchez were sun worshippers and possessed an elaborate 
 symbolism. There is no doubt but that the Mound-builders of 
 this region were sun worshippers, and these symbols would in- 
 dicate that they had a mythology resembling that of the Zunis 
 and other tribes among which sun worship prevailed. The 
 Zunis divided the sky into four parts, and made an animal divinity 
 to preside over each one of the parts. The astronomy of the 
 Mound-builders is unknown, but these are undoubtedly astro- 
 nomical symbols. 
 
 (3) The spider gorget, A very interesting series of shell gorgets 
 is the one which contains images of the spider. Several of these 
 are in the possession of the Academy of Science of St. Louis, 
 Mo.; they have been described by Mr. W. H. Holmes. He 
 says: "The spider occurs but rarely in aboriginal American art. 
 Occasionally it seems to have reached the dignity of religious 
 consideration, and to have been adopted as a totemic device. 
 Four examples have come to my notice: two from Illinois, one 
 from Missouri and one from Tennessee. The spider is drawn 
 with considerable fidelity to nature. It covers nearly the entire 
 disk, legs, mandibles and abdomen reaching to the outer marginal 
 line. The thorax is placed in the centre of the disk, and is rep- 
 
194 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 resented by a circle. Within this a cross has been engraved, and 
 on one specimen the ends of the cross have been enlarged, pro- 
 ducing a form much used in heraldry, but one very rarely met 
 with in aboriginal American art. The head is heart-shaped, is 
 armed with mandibles, the latter being ornamented with a zigzag 
 line. The eyes are represented by small circles with central 
 dots ; the legs are correctly placed in four pairs upon the thorax; 
 the abdomen is heart-shaped and is ornamented with a number 
 of lines and dots, which represent the natural markings of the 
 spider. In reference to the cross, it has been suggested that it 
 may have been derived from the markings upon the backs of 
 some species. The cross here shown has, however, a very 
 
 F'iff. 12— Spider Gorget. 
 
 highly conventionalized character, and what is still more decisive 
 it is still more identical with figures found upon other objects. 
 The conclusion is here as elewhere that the cross has a purely 
 symbolic character."* 
 
 The spider gorget was evidently symbolic. It contains all of 
 the symbols which were commonly used in the astronomy of the 
 sun worshippers. The circle will first be noticed. 
 
 The body of the spider, and in fact the whole disk of the shell, 
 is covered with circles. There are circles upon the head of the 
 spider; there are circles enclosing the spider ; also a circle in 
 the center of the spider upon the body; in one case there are 
 circles enclosing the spider, two circles surrounding the rim of 
 
 *See Figs. 2, 3 and 4, Plate Ixi, Second Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, p. 288 
 
THE CROSS IN AMERICA. 
 
 195 
 
 J^iff. 13— Spider ivith Ci'oss. 
 
 the gorget, a scalloped circle making the edge of the gorget, and 
 perforations dividing the circles from one another within the 
 gorget. These were evidently symbolic of the sun. 
 
 The cross is, however, 
 the most remarkable fea- 
 ture of these spider gor- 
 gets. It is, to be sure, 
 varied in shape, but is 
 evidently a symbol. The 
 peculiarities of the cross 
 are to be noticed. In one 
 it is a common plain 
 cross enclosed in other 
 circle, see Fig. 13; in 
 another the cross is in 
 the form of the suastika 
 or fire-generator of the 
 east, its arms are bent, see 
 Fig. 14; in another there 
 is a cross in the center 
 on the body of the spider 
 and two peculiar crosses 
 in the shape of the Greek tau on the abdomen of the spider 
 See above. The question arises how came the Mound-builders 
 by these symbols ; is it a mere coincidence, or was there a trans- 
 mitted symbolism? 
 The spider was a 
 wa ter divinity 
 among the Zunis. 
 We can trace the 
 symbol so far, but 
 we go no farther 
 It is possible that 
 the creature was 
 used to represent 
 the sun divinity. In 
 that case we should 
 say that the differ- 
 ent parts represent- 
 ed the different 
 parts of the sky, the 
 four legs symbol- 
 izing the fourquar - 
 ters, the head and 
 abdomen the upper ^''■'- ^^--^i"""'- ^"''■f^'''- 
 
 and nether regions, the body the central sun, the cross on the body 
 the points of the compass, the bars and rings on the abdomen 
 the seasons, the zigzag lines on the mandibles the lightning, the 
 
196 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM 
 
 tau some one of the nature powers. This may be a mere conjec- 
 ture, and yet the figure is very suggestive. It would seem from 
 this as if the Mound-builders were familiar with these astronom- 
 ical facts, and that they were able to symbolize them in this 
 way. The symbolism of the Zunis has been studied and some 
 remarkable points brought out. The mythologies of the Indians 
 would indicate that a similar symbolism might have prevailed 
 among them or their ancestors. We do not know where this 
 mythology came from, whether it was transmitted from the east 
 or whether it grew up on American soil, yet the myth of the 
 " four brothers," who represented the four winds and the four 
 points of the compass, was a very common one. 
 
 (4.) The serpent symbol is to be mentioned in this connec- 
 tion. We have already spoken of this. See Fig. 15. Thirty 
 
 or forty specimens of gorgets 
 engraved with the serpent 
 symbol have been found The 
 great uniformity of the design 
 is a matter of much surprise. 
 (a) The engravings are al- 
 ways placed upon the concave 
 side of the disk. (/;) The ser- 
 pent is always coiled, the head 
 occupying the center of the 
 disk. {c) The head is so 
 placed that when the gorget is 
 suspended it has an erect posi- 
 tion, the mouth opening to- 
 ward the right hand, (d) The 
 eye of the serpent is always 
 near the center of the figure 
 and surrounded by a var3'ing 
 number of circles, (c) The 
 mouth of the serpent is 
 sometimes represented in profile, and sometimes as if project- 
 ing forward, the nose and mouth being visible. (/") In most of 
 the specimens there are joints in the body of the serpent, the 
 joints being represented by a number of circles with a dot in the 
 center. In a few cases the serpent seems to have legs, though 
 the marks which resemble legs may be intended for the joints of 
 the body, {g') Every one is represented with rattles. 
 
 (5) We come now to a very interesting series of gorgets, 
 namely those which contain the figure of the cross without any 
 other symbol. It seems singular that this figure should be found 
 as a separate symbol among the mounds, but so it is. Mr. W. 
 H. Holmes speaks of this fact. He says : " It should not be 
 forgotten that the cross was undoubtedly used as a symbol by the 
 prehistoric nations of the nations of the south and consequently 
 
 Fig. IS—Serxie it Oorc/et. 
 
THE CROSS IN AMERICA. 
 
 197 
 
 JFi,g. is—Cross on Shell Girr/et. 
 
 that it was probably also known in the north. A great majority 
 of the relics associated with it in ancient mounds and various 
 places are undoubtedly aboriginal. We find at rare intervals 
 
 designs that are 
 characteristically 
 foreign; these 
 whether Mexican 
 or European are 
 objects of special 
 intere.'5t,and merit 
 the closest exam- 
 ination. That the 
 design under con- 
 sideration as well 
 as any other en- 
 graved upon these 
 tablets is symbol- 
 ic or otherwise 
 significant I do 
 not for a moment 
 doubt; but the 
 probabilities as to 
 the European or American origin of the symbol of the cross 
 found in this region are pretty evenly balanced." He, however, 
 says: "I have not seen a single example of engraving upon shell 
 that suggested a 
 foreign hand or a 
 design with the ex- 
 ception of this one, 
 that could claim a 
 European deriva- 
 tion. Some very 
 ingenious theories 
 have been elabor- 
 ated in attempting 
 to account for the 
 presence of the 
 cross among Amer- 
 ican symbols." 
 Brinton believes 
 that the great im- 
 portance attached 
 to the points of the 
 compass, the four 
 quarters of the heavens, by savage peoples has given rise to this 
 symbol of the cross. With others the cross is a phallic symbol, 
 derived by some obscure process of evolution from the venera- 
 tion accorded to the reciprocal principal in nature. It is, how- 
 
 Fig. 17 — Cross on Copper Disk. 
 
198 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 ever, frequently associated with sun worship and is recognized 
 as a symbol of the sun. Such delineations of the cross as we 
 find embodied in ancient aborig^inal art represent only the final 
 stages of its evolution (degeneration?) and it is not to be expected 
 that its origin can be 
 traced through them. In 
 one instance a direct deri- 
 vation from nature is sug- 
 gested. "The ancient 
 Mexican pictographic 
 manuscripts abound in 
 representations of trees, 
 conventionalized in such 
 a manner as to resemble 
 crosses." By comparison 
 of these curious trees 
 with the remarkable cross 
 in the Palenque Tablet, I 
 have been led to the belief 
 that they must have a 
 common significance and 
 origin. The analogies are 
 indeed remarkable. The 
 
 Fig. 18—Suastiku on Shell. 
 
 branches of these cross-shaped trees 
 terminate in clusters of symbolic fruit, and the arms of the cross 
 are loaded down with symbols, which, although highly conven- 
 tionalized, have not yet entirely lost their vegetable character. 
 
 The most remarable fea- 
 ture, however, is that 
 these crosses perform like 
 functions in giving sup- 
 port to a symbolic bird, 
 which is perched upon the 
 summit. This bird appears 
 to be the important feature 
 of the group, and to it, or 
 the deity which it repre- 
 sents, the homage is of- 
 fered. 
 
 We turn now to the 
 shell gorgets. It will be 
 noticed that a great varie- 
 ty of crosses are contained 
 
 Fig. 19-Crox.s on Shell. j j^ thcSC. FigS. 1 6, I 7, I 8, 
 
 and 19. Some of them are very rude, consisting of mere 
 cross lines with an attempt at circles and dots; some of 
 them have cross-bars, the bars being cut out in such a way as to 
 bring out the shape of the cross. This particular specimen 
 given in the cut (Fig. 17) is a piece of copper and not shell; 
 
THE CROSS IN AMERICA. 199 
 
 others consist of cross-bars with several parallel lines traversing 
 the bars, the space between the bars being filled with cross 
 hatchings; still others containing figures of the cross, with the 
 bars bent at right angles, forming a sort of wheel around a cen- 
 tral point. These gorgets were all taken from mounds in 
 Tennessee. They show that a great variety of symbolism pre- 
 vailed there. We call attention to the different peculiarities of 
 the cross. There are fifteen different figures of the cross. All 
 but three of them are contained within circles. The crosses are 
 nearly all of the same kind, namely the Greek cross. Only two 
 variations from this is apparent, namely the cross with the arms 
 bent at right angles and the cross with the arms in the shape of 
 scrolls. See Plate I, 
 
 The cross has about the same shape, whether found in the 
 spider gorgets, the bird gorgets, or on a gorget by itself. The 
 most important point is that the cross of America is the Greek 
 cross, occasionally, in the shape of St. Andrew's cross. The 
 one which the missionaries or Spanish explorers carried with 
 them was the Roman cross. If the symbol was borrowed by 
 the Mound-builders from the whites it would have been in the 
 shape of a Roman rather than a Greek cross. Fig. 20. There 
 
 Fig. "20— Shape of the Crosses Found in American Ornamentation. 
 
 are a few Roman crosses found in the mounds, but they are always 
 exceptional. Two figu»res are to be seen on the plate, one of 
 them having a single bar and another a double bar across the 
 upright; these resemble Roman crosses, and may have imitated 
 the silver "catechumen crosses" which were so common. These 
 relics, however, are modern. The crosses with the curved or 
 bent arms are especially worthy of notice. These have b^'- some 
 been called Phoenician. They resemble the figures which are 
 common in the east, and are distributed throughout the whole conti- 
 nent of Asia. They are found in the ancient ruins of Troy and 
 in the modern symbols of Hindostan. They are regarded as 
 fire-generators, but are also symbols of the nature powers. There 
 is one peculiarity about these bent crosses in America ; they all 
 turn to the left. In oriental countries the suastika is generally 
 bent to the right, though in a few cases to the left. How this 
 particular symbol could have reached America and been buried 
 so deeply in the mounds is a mystery. It must have been intro- 
 duced before the times of history, for it is not a form which is 
 
200 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 commonly used by the historic peoples. The Mound-builders 
 must have borrowed it from some other than the white people. 
 It is probably a pre-Christian symbol, having been in'roduced 
 into America in prehistoric times. 
 
 That the cross contained in the relics was a prehistoric sym- 
 bol is evident from the use and repetition of the number four. 
 It will be noticed that there are on all the gorgets, and es- 
 pecially those containing the cross. If we take the regular figure 
 there are four bars and four spaces, and four lines on the bars, 
 and four perforations between the bars. In the figure where 
 there are so many dotted circles there are four suns in the spaces 
 and on each of the arms ; and in the figure where there is a 
 large circle there are four projections beyond the circle. In the 
 figure where the cross has bent arms there is a dotted circle in 
 the center, but four perforations at the angles and four circles in 
 the spaces. So if we take the spider gorgets we find the spider 
 contained within four circles, and that it has upon its abdomen 
 four bands, and in one case a figure resembling the Greek tau, 
 which was a common symbol in Mexico but is strangely out of 
 place here. See Plate I. 
 
 In the biid gorget the number four is repeated. There are 
 four sides to the quadrangle and four loops, formed by four lines. 
 There are four bird's heads with four stripes in the neck, and 
 four lines or bars in the crest. There are four spaces in the center 
 of the figure and four bars to the cross; but in one specimen four 
 holes are substituted for the cross. The repetition of this num- 
 ber four in all the gorgets is significant. 
 
 This uniformity amid diversity can not be the result of acci- 
 dent. Mr. Holmes says: "Were the design ornamental we 
 should expect variations in the parts, resulting from difference 
 of taste of the designers; the zones would not follow each other 
 in exactly the same order; particular figures would not be con- 
 fined to particular zones ; the rays of the volute would not always 
 have a sinistral turn, or the form of the tablet be always circular 
 or scalloped." The Indians had a superstition about the number 
 four. There were four points of the compass, though these were 
 supposed to belong to the four winds. There were four seasons 
 as well as four quarters to the sky. The Mexicans held that 
 there were four periods of creation and four suns. The wild 
 tribes have myths of the four brothers, which express both the 
 cardinal points and the winds that blow from them.* 
 
 The Creeks celebrated a festival to the four winds. They 
 placed four logs in the center of a square, forming a cross, the 
 outer ends pointing to the cardinal points. In the center of the 
 cross the new fire is made. The Blackfeet arrange boulders in 
 
 *When Capt. ArgoU visited the Potomac in 1610, a chief told him, "We have five 
 gods in all. Our chief god appears often to us in the form of a mighty great hare; 
 the other four have no visible shape, but are indeed the four winds which keep the 
 four corners of the eartii." See Brinton's Myths of the New World, p. 181. 
 
THE CROSS IN AMERICA. 201 
 
 the form of a cross, which arc attributed to the " old man in the 
 sun who sends the winds ;" they mark his resting-places; the 
 limbs of the cross representing his body and arms. Among the 
 Delawares the rain-makers would draw upon the earth the figure 
 of a cross, and cry aloud to the spirit of the rains. The Navajoes 
 have an allegory that when the first man came up from the 
 ground, the four spirits of the cardinal points were already there. 
 The Quiche legends tell us that the four men were first created 
 and that they measured the four corners and the four angles of 
 the sky in the earth. There wives were the four mothers of our 
 species. In the Yucatan mythology the four gods were supposed 
 to stand at the four corners of the world supporting the four 
 corners of the firmanent, very much as in Norse mythology four 
 dwarfs held up the skull of Odin to symbolize the sky. 
 
 V. We now turn to consider the position which the cross 
 held in the hieroglyphics of the civilized races. We have so far 
 considered it as found among the uncivilized. The tokens 
 among theseare very primitive ; rock inscriptions, shell gorgets, 
 earth-circles, carved images, and the symbolism seems to be 
 as rude and primitive as the tokens themselves. Among the 
 civilized races the symbolism is much more elaborate, but the 
 ideas are the same. There are many crosses among the writings 
 of these races; they are found not only in the manuscripts and 
 books which have been preserved, but in the hieroglyphics and 
 tablets which have been discovered. 
 
 We shall first consider the manuscripts or codices. We are 
 indebted to Dr. Cyrus Thomas and Dr. D. G. Brinton for our 
 information on this.* The codices are largely symbolic. They 
 contain a kind of picture writing very much as do the 
 rock inscriptions, but are more systematic and are more 
 easily interpreted. They have been studied as well as the 
 alphabets in which they are written, though the study has not 
 yet resulted in anything satisfactory. We shall not undertake 
 to interpret these codices, but only to show their symbolic char- 
 acter and to show that the symbols of the cross and the sun are 
 contained in them. We give several figures or cuts which will 
 illustrate the point. One thing has been secured — the names 
 and symbols for the four cardinal points, and a few of the 
 numerals. 
 
 The names of the codices are as follows : 
 
 First. The Codex Cortesianus, which contains the Tableau 
 des Bacab, or plate of the Bacabs, supposed to be a representa- 
 tion of the gods of the four cardinal points. The Codex Pere- 
 sianus which, contains a kind of tabular arrangement of certain 
 days, with accompanying numbers. Next, the manuscript 
 
 *See manuscript Troano. 
 
 See Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
 
202 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 Troano, which has about the same arrangement. Next, the 
 Dresden Codex, which contains four columns of five days, cor- 
 responding precisely with the Maya days. Next is the Borgian 
 Codex, which is Mexican and not Maya, bnt which gives the 
 calendar in the form of a square, each square surrounded by a 
 serpent; the heads of the four serpents brought near together at 
 the center, which is indicated by a figure of the sun. Next is 
 the Fejervary Codex, which has plates similar to the Tableau 
 des Bacab. From these codices we find that the cardinal points 
 were symbolized, and that colors were given to them — yellow to 
 the east, white to the west, black to the north, and red to the 
 south. From them we also find that there were iour ages, four 
 elements, four seasons, four cardinal points, and four epochs. 
 The years were symbolized — one by the flint, another by the 
 house, another by a rabbit, another by a reed ; and the elements 
 
 i r- < ■ .. ■ 1,11''/ 
 
 WMM 
 
 
 Fifl. 21. 
 
 Fig. 22. 
 
 were also symbolized in the same way. The air by the rabbit, 
 the fire by the flint, the water by the reed, the earth by the house 
 but among the signs on all of these was the cross. The signs 
 for the days are given in several of the manuscripts ; the Codex 
 Troano and Landas Alphabet. See Plate II, at the right hand. 
 It will be noticed that there crosses in all of the columns; crosses 
 with the sun symbol or circle in the center. The day Muluc 
 has this symbol. This is significant, as the names of the days 
 are derived from natural phenomena. The hieroglyphs for the 
 points of the compass contained in the manuscript Troano has 
 also the cross with the circle in the center of them, especially 
 the hieroglyphs for the east and the west. 
 
 First. The order in which the groups and characters are to 
 
 *See Brinton's Books of Chilan Balam, p. 16 and 17. Also a study of the Manuscript 
 Troano, in Contributions to North American Archaeology, p. lU. 
 
THE CROSS IN AMERICA. 
 
 20S 
 
 Fig. 23. 
 
 s lu ^ivc a. 
 
 FU/. 21,. 
 
 be taken is around to the left, opposite the course of the sun. 
 Second. The cross, as has been generally supposed, was 
 used among these nations as a symbol of the cardinal points. 
 
 Third. It tends to confirm the belief that the birds were 
 used to denote the winds. This fact also enables us to give a 
 signification to the birds' heads on the en- ^-^ 
 graved shells found in the mounds. "* * 
 Take for example the birds' heads shown 
 in Fig. 12. Here is in each case the 
 four-looped circle corresponding with 
 the four loops of the Cartesian and 
 Fejervary plates, also with the looped serpent of the Mexican 
 calendar stone, and the four serpents of Plate 48 of the Borgian 
 Codex. The four bird heads on each shell are pointed toward 
 the left, just as on Plate 44 of the Fejervary Codex B., and 
 doubtless have the same signification in the former as in the 
 latter — \.\\q foil?' winds or winds of the four cardinal points. If 
 this supposition be correct, of which there is scarcely room for 
 a doubt, it not only confirms Mr. 
 Holmes' suggestions, but also indi- 
 cates that the Mound-builders fol- 
 lowed the same customs as the Nahua 
 nations and render it quite probable 
 that there was more or less inter- 
 course between the two peoples. 
 
 We give a few cuts to show the 
 symbolism which prevailed in the 
 manuscripts. One of these is the 
 Mexican symbol for the day (Fig. 23), 
 and another is the Mexican symbol 
 for the year (Fig. 24); another is the 
 symbol for the house (Figs. 21 and 
 22); another is the symbol for the 
 temple or shrine (Fig. 25). It will 
 be noticed that the house has a wall 
 composed of blocks, each block 
 marked with a circle, but at the top 
 of the wall is a cross. In the figure 
 for the shrine there appears to be a 
 seat or a throne. On the back of the 
 throne are two crosses and above it 
 another cross. There is another figure 
 of the house contained in the Dresden codex, 
 were from the manuscript Troano. 
 
 VI. We turn now to the carved stone figures and idols to show 
 that the cross is used as a sun symbol. There are many speci- 
 mens of this kind; they are mainly found in Mexico and in the 
 ancient cities of Yucatan. These figures were evidently sym- 
 bolic and were parts of the symbolism of the sun. They are 
 
 Fi,j. 
 
 The former 
 
204 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 sometimes ornamented with human faces, the faces being 
 characterized by a protruding tongue, but more frequent)}^ with 
 the heads and tails of serpents; in some of these the carving is 
 very elaborate and the ornamentation very complicated. We 
 give a few specimens of these carved idols and altars. 
 
 I. First is the cross of Teotihuacan. See Fig. 26. It will be 
 noticed that this is an altar in the shape of a cross, the arms of 
 the cross forming a support for the altar, but the base of it is 
 ornamented with peculiar figures, which may possibly be in- 
 tended to represent the tails of serpents. This altar is supposed 
 by Monsieur Hamy to be sacred to the god Tlaloc, the Mexican 
 
 FU/. '20 — Cross of Teotihuacan. 
 
 god of rain. Very httle can be said of it except to draw atten- 
 tion to the form. Dr. Hamy has described another which is 
 called the " cross of the serpents " It has the same general 
 shape, but the arms are engraved to represent serpents' heads. 
 These altars were found near the pyramids of Teotihuacan, a 
 fact that shows they were associated with the sun worship, as 
 the pyramids were all devoted to that purpose.* 
 
 3. The second specimen isone which resembles this, but which 
 *See LaCroix De Tiotihuacan au Musee Du Trocadero, p. 19. 
 
THE CROSS IN AMERICA. 205 
 
 IS much more elaborate. It is the idol pillar which was discovered 
 in the Plaza Mayor in Mexico in 1790. "It is an immense block 
 of bluish-gray porphry about 10 feet high and 6 wide and thick, 
 sculptured on front, rear, top and bottom, into a complicated and 
 horrible combination of human, animal and ideal forms." Gama 
 first expressed the opinion that the front represents the Aztec 
 goddess of death, whose duty it was to bear the souls ot the dead 
 warriors to the house of the sun. The figure on the rear of 
 the idol represents, according to Gama, Huitzilopochtli, god of 
 war, and husband of the goddess whose emblems are carved 
 on the front. The bottom of the monument bears the sculptured 
 design which is thought to represent the god of the infernal 
 regions, Mictlantecutli, the last of this cheerful trinity — goddess 
 of death, god of war and god of hell, three distinct deities 
 united in one idol."* This idol is in the shape of a cross, a 
 fact which shows that either the cross as known in Christian 
 lands as an emblem of peace has been perverted and made to 
 represent just the opposite qualities, or it is a symbol which 
 grew up under the cruel system of the Aztecs, and was changed 
 from the common weather indicator to be a sign of the nature 
 gods, who became more and more cruel as they became 
 personal. The cruelties which were practiced in con- 
 nection with that system have been described. They were 
 elaborate and studied, but were as severe as these emblems 
 would indicate them to be. The adornments of royalty are 
 surmounted by the fangs and claws of the serpent; the hands, 
 which should indicate mercy, are placed below the cruel fangs 
 of the serpent; in the midst of the cross, which is an emblem 
 of life, is the grinning skull, the emblem of death. The whole 
 idol, which reminds one of the divinities of the air, is covered 
 with emblems of the creatures of the dust; darkness and death 
 are symbolized rather than vital Hfe. Plate III. 
 
 3. Another specimen of the cross is the one described by Mr. 
 H. H. Bancroft. See Fig. 27. It was one of two statues 
 exactly alike which were found on the southern slope of the 
 pyramid of Palenque, which contained the temple of the cross 
 on its summit. They are ten and a half feet high, of which 
 two and a half feet not shown in the cut formed the tenon with 
 which they were embedded in the wall. The figures stand on 
 a hieroglyph which perhaps the name of the individual or god 
 represented. These statues are remarkable as being the only 
 ones found in connection with the Palenque ruins and even 
 these are not statues in the "round", since the back is of rough 
 stone, and was likely embedded in the wall. The resemblance 
 of this figure to some Egyptian statues is remarked by all. 
 This statue is evidently in the shape of a cross, though the 
 «Trms of the cross are near the summit and are formed by pro- 
 jections of the head-dress. The emblems on the statue are 
 
 ♦Bancroft's Native Races, Vol. IV, p. 544. 
 
20G 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 peculiar. An object resembling the Nile key is held in one of 
 the hands, a medallion which may be taken as a sun symbol is 
 
 held in the other hand; below 
 this are objects which may per- 
 haps be phallic symbols. 
 
 4. Perhaps the best known spe- 
 cimen of the cross is the one 
 which is contained on the Pa- 
 lenqe tablet (see plate IV,) in 
 the temple at Palenque, the 
 same temple referred to above, 
 the statue having been found 
 on the sides of the pyramid 
 and the tablet in the shrine 
 on the summit. The following 
 is the description : "Fixed in 
 the wall at the back of the en- 
 closure and covering nearly its 
 whole surface was the tablet of 
 the cross, six feet four inches 
 high, and ten feet eight inches 
 wide, and formed of three stones. 
 The central stone and part of 
 the western, bear the sculptured 
 figure shown in the cut ; the 
 rest of the western and the whole 
 of the eastern were hieroglyph- 
 ics. The subject doubtless pos- 
 sessed religious signification, 
 and the temple or adoritorio may 
 be considered as a sacred shrine 
 or the most Holy Place of 
 the ancient Maya priesthood. 
 Two men, probably priests, clad 
 in the insignia of their office, are 
 making an offering to the cross 
 or to a bird placed on its summit." 
 Of the two priests Stephens 
 says: "They are well drawn, 
 and in symmetry of proportion 
 are perhaps equal to many that 
 are carved on the walls of the 
 ruined temples of Egypt. Their 
 Pig. 27-iaoi Pillar. costume is in a st>le different 
 
 to any heretofore given, and the folds would indicate that they 
 were of a soft or pliable texture like cotton." Stephens and 
 other writers discovered in the object offered a possible likeness 
 to a new-born child. The symbols on this tablet are worthy of 
 study. It will be noticed that the cross itself is formed by a 
 
THE CROSS IN AMERICA. 
 
 207 
 
 Standard in the center of which is a feather headed arrow, point 
 upward; the arms are formed by the common weapon of war, 
 the maxtli, with its crooked head pointing upwards. Fig. 28. The 
 cross is supported by an animal head which probably represented 
 some nature power. The bird reminds one of the thunder- 
 bird of the northwest coast, and yet here we are in doubt about 
 its significance. There is suspended from its tail a medallion 
 which may be regarded as a sun symbol. The head is a circle 
 with a dot in the head, which would ordinarily be called a sun 
 symbol. The emblems on this cross are mainly the emblems 
 of war. In that respect it differs from the one which we have 
 already described in which the emblems are more those of 
 agriculture, taken from the vegetable world. The significance 
 of the emblems in this case, would be that the altar was devoted 
 to the war god. On the exterior wall of 
 this temple were two stone tablets sculp- 
 tured in low relief, representing figures 
 or persons elaborately draped and dec- 
 orated; one of them wears a leopard 
 skin as a cloak. That the cross in this 
 case was intended as a symbol of the 
 nature powers is evident from the fol- 
 lowing fact: "On an adjoining p3^ramid 
 was a temple which contained a tablet, 
 in a similar situation to that of the Tem- 
 ple of the Cross ; but the symbols on the 
 tablet were symbols of the sun. This 
 gave rise to the name, 'the Temple of 
 the Sun'." 
 
 We regard this, then, as another speci- 
 men. The symbols in the Temple of 
 the Sun are suggestive of sun worship. 
 The form of the tablet is similar to that 
 of the one in the Temple of the Cross; 
 hieroglyphics and priestly figures are 
 seen on either side of the central sym- 
 bol. The symbol itself is in the shape 
 of a face with an open mouth, and bulging eye; around 
 the face are circles and knots, and symbols of various 
 kinds; outside of these are figures which resemble bow-knots. 
 This mask is suspended on two staves which cross one another 
 forming a letter X. The head of the staves being decorated 
 with various symbols; below the staves is a heavy beam which 
 also bears a grotesque face at its center, with eyes and lips 
 resembling those in the masks above. This beam is supported 
 by two bent figures, each of them in the same attitude, having 
 eyes and faces, and heads and dresses, resembling one another. 
 These figures may be intended to represent the God Tlaloc, 
 the god of rain, as they have the eye which is characteristic of 
 
 i^(V/. '2S.— Cross of the Tablet. 
 
208 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 that divinity. The mask above was evidently intended to 
 represent the sun, as it has the face which is everywhere recog- 
 nized as a symbol of the sun. The proximity of the two 
 pyramids and the two temples, the Temple of the Cross, and 
 the Temple ot the Sun, would indicate that they were both 
 devoted to the same nature powers, the one to the sun as a 
 peaceful divinity and the other to the nature power as a war- 
 like divinity 
 
 6. The most interesting specimen of the cross is the one which 
 is described by Charnay as found by him 
 on a tablet at Lorillard. This tablet con- 
 tains two figures, both of them clothed in 
 roval apparel, which is covered with sym- 
 bols. The larger person has a cross in 
 either hand, resembling the one given in 
 Fig. 29. The smaller one has also the 
 same kind of cross in his kind. Charnay 
 says of this tablet: "It occupies the central 
 door of the temple, and is 3 feet 9 inches 
 long, by 2 feet 9 inches wide. Two fig- 
 ures vvith retreating foreheads form the 
 main subject, having the usual high head- 
 dress of feathers, cape, collar, medallion, 
 and maxth, like the idol; while their boots 
 are fastened on the instep with leather 
 strings, as similar figures at Palenque. 
 They are of different size, and represent 
 probably a man and a woman performing 
 a religious ceremony; the latter holds in each hand a Latin 
 cross, while the other carries but one in the right hand. Rosettes 
 form the branches of the crosses, a symbolic bird crowns the 
 upper portion, whilst twenty-three katunes are scattered about 
 the bas-relief. We think this a symbolic representation of 
 Tlaloc, whose chief was a cross, which here consists of palms 
 or more probably maize-leaves, intermingled with human fig- 
 ures, recalling to the memory of his devotees the god who 
 presided over harvests.* 
 
 J<'i!/. ,:9. 
 
 *See Ancient Cities of the New World by Desire Charnay, pp. 448 and 449. 
 
SUN WORSHIPPERS AND ATOTARHO, CULTURE HERO OF THE IROQUOIS. 
 
PHALLIC WORSHIP AND FIRE WORSHIP. 209 
 
 chapt?:r IX. 
 PHALLIC WORSHIP AND FIRE WORSHIP IN AMERICA. 
 
 The study of symbolism in America always brings up a great 
 many enquiries, but none more interesting than one which has 
 relation to a contact with Europe in prehistoric times. This is, 
 to be sure, a point which is constantly arising in connection with 
 all departments of archaeology, but in this connection it is 
 especially suggestive. We therefore propose to speak of the 
 phallic symbol as it is found in this country, especially among 
 the Mound builders, and to see if this does not prove a pre- 
 Columbian contact with other countries. We shall not, how- 
 ever, confine ourselves to this one symbol, but shall take it in its 
 combination with other symbols, such as the symbol of fire, of 
 the sun, of the serpent, and other nature powers. 
 
 The description of the dolmens and menhirs of Western 
 Europe, which was given a year or two ago by Mr. Thomas Wil- 
 son, and now againby Prof. A. S. Pakacrd, has brought up the 
 subject afresh. The same is also the result of reading about 
 the remarkable find on the Illinois River. The question is how 
 came the custom of making offerings to fire and water, and other 
 customs in America? Shall we say that the Druids were here 
 during pre-Columbian times, or shall we go farther back and 
 ascribe them to an Asiatic source? 
 
 I. We begin with the cup stones or perforated symbols. It 
 forms one of the standing problems for American archaeologists 
 how to account for these. These cavities have been studied by 
 various parties and have been found in many and widely sep- 
 arated countries. It is because of this extensive distribution 
 that they have been regarded as important. The argument is 
 that the prevalence of them in America proves European con- 
 tact in prehistoric times. The argument is a good one, provided 
 we assign to the cavities a sacred character, and recognize them 
 as the symbols of a widespread faith. This is, however, the 
 point. We imagine that if they were not so widely distributed 
 the thought of their symbol character would never have arisen. 
 The shape of the holes suggests a very simple cause, nothing 
 more nor less than the nut-cracking, which was a natural thing 
 for the natives of this country. The discovery of so many 
 boulders and slabs, filled with these cavities, in Southern Ohio, 
 which is a forest region abounding with all kinds of nuts, natur- 
 ally suggests that this was the source of the cavities. Perhaps 
 we should say that the question is a fai^x pas. It suggests a 
 mystery when no mystery exists. Still, as various authors have 
 
210 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 written upon the subject and European archaeologists, as well as 
 American, have regarded them as symbolic, we take up the 
 subject in all candor. It is noticeable that the matter-of-fact and 
 careful Dr. Charles Rau thought it worth his while to write a 
 book about them, and to recount all the places where such holes 
 have ever been seen. From this book we learn that they are 
 scattered over the continent of America, being very common in 
 the Mound-builders' territory. A few specimens are found in 
 the region of the Pueblos and on the rocks of California, and 
 one specimen has been discovered near Orizaba, Mexico. They 
 are also numerous in France, Brittany, Ireland, Switzerland, 
 Saxony, Sweden, Scandinavia, though in these latter countries 
 they are attended with rings and loops and various grooves and 
 channels, as if a special U3e had been made of them and strange 
 superstitions had been associated with them, making them sacred 
 symbols. We learn, too, that the same works are numerous in 
 India, and that in that country, where everything seems to have 
 a symbolic character, they are regarded with peculiar veneration, 
 and that even phallic worship has been associated with them and 
 the symbol of the Mahedeo is always recognized in them. 
 
 Now the point which we make is this, if we must associate so 
 great a significance with so simple an object as a cavity, which 
 seems to have been used for nut-cracking, then we shall conclude 
 that the evidences of contact with older countries during prehis- 
 toric times are very common. vVe can imagine the practice to 
 have prevailed among a rude people of making a very common 
 thing to seem uncommon. The very tools and weapons and 
 ornaments which they had might become the embodiment of 
 strange superstitions, and even feathers and sticks might be ex- 
 pressive. Perhaps there was the addition of a myth or of a 
 transmitted custom, and this would account for the unusual 
 shapes and combinations by which these cavities are sometimes 
 characterized. Still there are figures on the Bald Friar's Rock, 
 in Pennsylvania which I'esemble serpents, the eyes being cup 
 cavities or perforations, the heads only being visible. In these 
 heads we recognize the jew's-harp pattern, and so we have in 
 America, as in India, not only serpent worship but possibly the 
 phallic symbol, with all of its conventionalities. We are not 
 disposed to minimize the significance of these symbols, and yet we 
 should make a distinction between a practical and a symbolic use. 
 
 We find that the symbols are quite widely distributed in 
 America, as wijdely as they are in Europe, and are sometimes 
 found connected with the cremation of the bodies of the dead, as 
 they are in foreign lands, and are also associated with altar 
 mounds. It is also noticeable that animal figures, human faces 
 and forms, and sun symbols, as well as serpent heads, are 
 associated with the perforated cavities. Dr. Charles Rau has 
 referred to the bird symbol found in the San Pete Valley of 
 
PHALLIC WORSHIP AND FIRE WORSHIP. 211 
 
 Utah and the peculiar figures found among the rock paintings in 
 Lake County, Oregon, and to the human and animal figures on 
 the sculptured boulders in Arizona. These may all have been 
 symbolic, and it is possible that a common symbolism has spread 
 over this entire continent, either from the east or west, and that 
 the connection may be traced even as far away as India. Still 
 we think that a distinction should be drawn, and that the Ameri- 
 can symbols should be left to themselves until it can be proved 
 that they were transmitted from other lands. 
 
 The positions of these cup marks are. to be sure, sometimes 
 significant, and the association with various pictures is sugges- 
 tive. For instance, there is a picture of a Scandinavian boat 
 which reminds us of tne Norse sea-kings, and a picture of battle 
 axes and a pyramidal ste/e in the Kivik monument in Scania, 
 Sweden. So there are many cup cavities in the roofs of dolmens 
 in France, and Prof. A. S. Packard has declared that these must 
 be symbolic. So there are peculiar figures resembling Runic 
 letters on the Bald Friar's Rock in this country. There are re- 
 markable coincidences also in the shapes of the rings surround- 
 ing the cavities which are foimd in Denmark and Sweden and in 
 this country. Some would make them symbols of the sun, and 
 would prove a contact with European nations or else a remarka- 
 ble parallel development. Some would also consider the Dighton 
 Rock as still more conclusive, but this rock Dr. Rau is especially 
 skeptical about, taking the position that it was only fabricated 
 by ordinary Indians. It seems to make a complication with our 
 system if there are resemblances to Old World forms in America. 
 Which shall we do? Shall we take the simple facts and be satisfied 
 with these, or shall we recognize evidence of foreign contact in 
 them ? We have seen these perforations on various stones, but 
 have not recognized anything symbolic in either the shapes or 
 locations or relative positions of the holes. At onetime we dis- 
 covered a small stone slab, burned and smoked, near the altar of 
 the celebrated alligator effigy in Ohio, the proximity suggesting 
 that it was once on the altar. This was perforated with a cup 
 cavity, and may have been designed as a symbol. Still other 
 stones, v/ith similar cup-shaped cavities, are found in many 
 places. We saw one on the banks ot the Ohio at the steamboat 
 landing at Maysville, Ky., a place which was not suggestive ol 
 anything sacred. We also at one time examined the great 
 boulder which was taken from the bank of the Ohio near Iron- 
 ton, and given by Dr. H. H. Hill to the Natural History Society 
 of Cincinnati, and were told that there were one hundred and 
 sixteen of these perforations on this single boulder. Similar 
 stones have been found in Summit County, O., at Portsmouth and 
 Graveport,0.,and at variousplaces in PennsylvaniaandTennessee, 
 and the impression is that they were used for nut-cracking. 
 
 The boulder at Cincinnati has certain grooves on its surface 
 
212 NA TJ\E A MERICA N S YMBOLISM. 
 
 four or five inches long, which have the appearance of being 
 worn by continuous rubbing. But about these we enquire, in 
 what respect do they differ Irom the marks made by arrow sharp- 
 ening, which are so common throughout the country. Beau- 
 champ has described such works as being common in New York 
 and Gen. Thruston in his new book has .spoken of others in 
 Tennessee, and has given a cut representing the same, but they 
 .seem very simple things, and we do not see that any symbolism 
 can possibly be made out of them. 
 
 Col. Charles Whittlesy thought that the perforations were 
 made by spindles, and that they were evidences of the domestic 
 art of spinning and weaving. Others have taken the ground 
 that some of them were used for paint cups, especially as pestle 
 and mortars have been found in New Mexico with the cup mark 
 in the pestle. The explanation is that the paint, which had been 
 ground, was placed in the cavity while the process of grinding 
 other paint went on. How could symbolic significance come to 
 such simple objects? We suggest the following: It is possible 
 that the women, who so frequently have left the marks of their 
 handiwork, may have used the cavities as signs, giving them the 
 hidden significance which would be expressive ol certain sexual 
 desires. We are aware that the bird amulets and other objects of 
 personal decoration were symbols of maternity with the aborigines. 
 The spool ornament was also made symbolic of some more 
 spiritual desire, and the axe, especially when made of jade, was 
 symbolic of the immortality of the soul, superstition requiring 
 that bits of jade should be placed in the mouth of the dead. It 
 is a practice with women in India to take water out of the Ganges 
 and pour over the cavities and the channels surrounding them, 
 as thev believe maternity will be the result. Another explanation 
 is that they were sockets where they placed the end of the fire 
 generator, and so came to consider the cavities as sacred to fire 
 and having a peculiar significance. If they are, then we should 
 say that they form only another link in the chain connecting this 
 country with the far east, proving not only that serpent worship, 
 but phallic worship and fire worship and sun worship were all 
 connected and prevailed on this continent in prehistoric times. 
 
 II. Thispoint has been impressed upon us by recent discoveries. 
 We now refer to the discovery which we made in connection 
 with the great serpent effigy near Quincy, Illinois. This serpent 
 is a massive efifigy, which conforms to the bluff throughout its 
 entire length. Its folds are brought out very forcibly by four 
 conical burial mounds located near the center of the ridge, mid- 
 way between the head and tail of the serpent. The mounds 
 contained many bodies, none of them remarkable except the one 
 which was cremated at the base of the mound. This was a large 
 body. It was lying on its back, and was partially burned. The 
 bones, however, were preserved, and what was the most singular 
 
PHALLIC WORSHIP AND FIRE WORSHIP. 213 
 
 about the case, on the very center of the body, near the secret 
 parts, a skeleton of a serpent was found coiled up, as if there 
 was an intention to make it significant. The hands were folded 
 over the body just below this skeleton. The body had its feet 
 to the east, and its face was turned upward, as if to look toward 
 the sun. Thus we have in this cremation scene both the phallic 
 symbolic and the serpent effigy, and we have at the same time 
 some evidence of sun worship. But there was another feature 
 still more remarkable. It was noticed that there were several 
 bodies lying parallel with the central one, and that these bodies 
 had been burned. The fire-bed was about twelve feet across, and 
 contained the remains of at least four bodies, all of them par- 
 tially burned, all of them cremated and apparently with the faces 
 looking upward. There were also skeletons of snakes found 
 with the bodies, though the position of the snakes was not closely 
 observed. Now the point that we make is, if there was phallic 
 worship at all, it was also attended with the eastern custom of 
 suttee burning. We learn from the early explorers that at the 
 south the fashion was to kill the slaves and wife of a chief when 
 he died and to burn the bodies with the body of the chief. If 
 this was the case among the southern tribes, it may also have 
 been the fashion with this northern tribe. These, we think, are 
 important facts While everything in this Quincy find was 
 very rude — no relics, no paved altar, no elaborate contrivance 
 further than the effigy itself — still the cremation was remarka- 
 ble. We acknowledge that there are many things in connection 
 with all the Mound-builders' burials which are of purely native 
 origin. Yet if the phallic symbol is to be seen in one case it is 
 also in many, and, what is more, it is also almost always con- 
 nected with the serpent symbol. 
 
 It is strange that here in America native superstition seized 
 upon the most familiar objects, such as arrow-heads, spear-heads, 
 leaf-shaped implements, pieces of mica, or even pebbles and 
 round stones, and made of these altars which should be symbolic 
 of sun worship; but it is stranger still that native superstition 
 should at times give evidence of contact with the more advanced 
 fashions and customs of countries which have long been historic 
 and that the two systems of symbols should be so near to one 
 another. The find at V^irginia City, in Illinois, reminds us of 
 similar deposits in Ohio. It was a simple altar or artificial heap 
 formed out ot leaf-shaped relics, the specimens all having come 
 probably from Flint Ridge, but here were used as the resting 
 place of the dead. There was, however, a mica cresent on the 
 breast and copper spools near the head and stone weapons near 
 the hands. Everything about the find showed a very rude state 
 of art, and yet showed a strange and conventional symbolism. 
 The same is true also of the various altar and burial mounds of 
 Ohio. Here in one place were altars composed of similar flint 
 
214 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 relics, chipped into leaf-shape, and deposited in two layers, one 
 above the other, the entire heap having been used as a platform 
 on which immense numbers of relics had been placed, but no 
 other relics. In another place, at Mound City, mica plates are 
 laid like scales, one against the other, the whole deposit having 
 made a remarkable crescent, which might be supposed to have 
 glistened with the silvery radiance of the moon. This crescent 
 was situated at the bottom of the largest mound in the group 
 found at Mound City, and was itself placed above a layer of clay, 
 four layers above it composed of sand, the whole being very 
 hard and compact. The mound itself was 17 feet high and 90 
 feet in diameter, and overtopped all the rest. The symbolism 
 consisted in the crescent, which was 19 down and 19 feet across 
 from horn to horn, the greatest width being about 5 feet. 
 
 Still the two altars — the one formed of leaf-shaped implements 
 and the other containing the crescent — were very large, and it 
 is supposed that both deposits were equally sacred among this 
 mysterious people. In the Ohio mounds were other altars, on 
 which many valuable relics had been placed. At the fort on the 
 north fork of Paint Creek, where the leaf-shaped flints were 
 placed, a large number of pipes had been offered, and among the 
 pipes were some in the shape of serpents, the very symbol of the 
 Mahedeo being suggested by one of them. This coiled snake 
 may indeed have been a mere mythologic object, embodying one 
 of the myths which have survived to modern times. Still the 
 presence of the serpent effigy with the other features would 
 indicate that phallic worship had been observed. The clay was at 
 the bottom of these altars, and sand layers above just as clay 
 was beneath the flint deposit in Illinois. So there was afire-bed 
 of black soil beneath the cremated bodies and white soil above, 
 the evidence of a studied design given in both cases. There 
 are, to be sure, no two altars alike and no conventional or stere- 
 otyped mode of burial in the mounds, yet with the variety the 
 uniformity is apparent, the uniformity being always confined to 
 the symbol, but the diversity coming out in the mode of burial 
 and the articles deposited. This is also one of the strange fea- 
 tures of the Mound-builders' religion. They seem to have been 
 saturated with superstition. It was almost childish in its sim- 
 plicity, for it seized upon the most trifling things to express 
 itself; it was also held under the control of a fixed and formal 
 symbolism, which constantly reminds one of foreign customs. 
 Stately ceremonies resembling those of Druidic worship were 
 associated with the trifling details of a savage people. The in- 
 ference is that human sacrifices were made, and that burials of 
 an extraordinary character were practiced in certain cases, but 
 in other cases the commonest things seem to have been laid 
 away as if with all the care of the most sacred treasure. We 
 are puzzled by these deposits, and yet we recognize a strange 
 
PHALLIC WORSHIP AXD FIRE WORSHIP. 215 
 
 symbolism in them all. The great serpent in Ohio is only such 
 an effigy as perhaps any superstitious savage might possibly de- 
 vise; nothing conventional or foreign about its shape, but when 
 we come to the oval and the altar in the oval, we are at once 
 reminded of the phallic symbol and the offering to the fire divin- 
 ity of the east. So, too, the serpent effigy in Illinois seems like 
 a very rude semblance of a massive snake. Its shape conforms 
 to the bluff in every part. It seems only an effigy, but when we 
 compare its double bend to the curve of the Hindu fire generator 
 and to count the number four in the mounds on its summit, and 
 see the contents as they are, it seems as if the same latent sym- 
 bolism was strangely present, and so it is everywhere. Superstition 
 degenerated or advanced, one of the two. Symbolism, too, was 
 either gradually lost, being merged into the totem system of the 
 hunter races, or it grew up under the same races and became a 
 complicated system, very like the sun symbols of other countries. 
 The resemblance may have been accidental, but the impression 
 is growing that the symbolism was not a native growth, but was 
 introduced from some other land. 
 
 III. It is to be remembered that cremation was in Europe dis- 
 tinctive of the bronze age, and was comparatively unknown in the 
 neolithic age. We are also to remember that the phallic symbol 
 was very common during that age, so common that many think 
 it was introduced into the north of Europe by the Phoenicians, 
 who took long voyages for the sake of finding tin. The Druids 
 also are supposed to have cremated bodies, and to them have 
 been ascribed the horse-shoe symbols which are still recognized 
 in those celebrated temples formed from standing stones. With 
 the Druids, fire worship, sun worship, serpent worship and phal- 
 lic worship formed a complicated system, which stamped itself 
 upon the megalithic monuments of the land. The discovery of 
 these various forms of superstition in the American continent 
 suggests to us the possibility of a transmission of the same com- 
 plicated cultus to the western coasts of the great sea. This is 
 an important fact. Was it owing to the extension of the Phoe 
 nician voyages or to the zeal of Druidic priests that these things 
 were introduced? The contact seemed to have produced a mar- 
 vellous effect. It was not a decline from the bronze age which 
 we see in these familiar symbols, but the effect of contact with 
 European voyagers in pre-Columbian times, pre-Columbian dis- 
 covery in fact. The conclusion is startling, but this is the only 
 way that we can account for the marvellous resemblances. Cer- 
 tainly no ordinary nature worship could produce a cultus which 
 would combine all the elements of the eastern faiths — Druidic, 
 Phoenician, Hittite, all in one, nor could the law of growth ac- 
 count for the details as they are seen. Parallel development 
 might indeed result in the prevalence of animal worship among 
 the hunter races, of sun worship among the agricultural races. 
 
216 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 possibly of serpent worship; but when all of these are combined 
 and made expressive of a strange esoteric system, with the mys- 
 tic significance of the sun symbol as the source of life, we are 
 led to say that something else must be brought in to account for 
 the phenomena. Phallic worship is not a simple cult which 
 might be introduced anywhere, nor is it to be expected that the 
 worship of fire, or of the sun, or the serpent, would all come from 
 natural causes. There might be a decline from a previous ad- 
 vanced condition. The bronze age might sink back into the stone 
 age. The absence of tin might result in the substitution of cop- 
 per for the bronze, and the change go on until savage hunters are 
 seen carrying about with them strange reminders of their pre- 
 vious condition; but we cannot see how the process of growth 
 could bring together on the American tree the varied fruit of the 
 eastern climes or place its many symbols in these western lands. 
 The custom of keeping alive the sacred fire was common among 
 the southern tribes. With them the sun was the great divinity. 
 Idolatry, of a primitive kind, also prevailed among them. They 
 built pyramids of earth, and placed their idols in niches on the 
 sides of those pyramids, with their faces towards the four points 
 of the sky. They kept their dead in sacred charnel houses, and 
 placed images near by to watch the remains or to receive the 
 spirits as they returned, reminding us of Egyptian customs. 
 
 The Mound-builder's cult was as strange as this. Here we 
 see the pipes offered to the sun, but the pipes are covered with 
 animal figures, suggestive of animal worship or totemism. Here 
 also we see the serpent effigy, everything about it expressive of 
 a still higher cult, namely, the worship of fire or the sun. Here 
 we see the sun circle and the crescent, showing that sun worship 
 was very prevalent. Here we see the phallic symbol, a marvel- 
 lous cult, holding its sway over a united people. Southern Ohio 
 being its chief seat of power. Everything of value which was 
 ever offered to the sun was subject to the action of the sacred 
 flame. Here we see the horse-shoe symbol in the mounds and 
 the phallic symbol in the serpent pipes. And with all this com- 
 plicated symbolism we learn that the bodies were cremated 
 exactly as they were on Druidic altars, though the flames are 
 smoothered beneath the layers of the sacred soil. Surely it is 
 mysterious. Could the Mound-builders have invented all this, 
 and established their system over so great a territory, brought 
 so many strange conceptions into their worship, unless they 
 had received from some source a cult which was not indigenous 
 to the continent. It is said by some that they were nothing 
 more and nothing less than the ancestors of the present race of 
 Indians, but by others that they were gifted with great intelli- 
 gence; but whichever way we look at them, it does seem that 
 they could not have had such a marvellous symbolism unless 
 there had been among them some one fiom another continent. 
 
TlfE SVASrlKA AND FlkE IVORS/I/P IN AMERUOA. 217 
 
 IV. There was in all parts of the American Continent, as 
 well as in the lands of the East, a union of fire and phallic 
 worship. How the two came to be associated together is a 
 mystery, but it was perhaps owing to the superstition in refer- 
 ence to the occult princip e of life, which is hidden in fire and 
 in the phallus. In the East the Hindu belief was that the fire 
 generator was propelled by the snake, which constituted the 
 rope, and the two classes of divinities pulled the rope. The 
 result was that the fluid of life was churned out of the sea and 
 made great convulsions. 
 
 We have in the preceding pages spoken of phollic symbols 
 which are common on this continent, and of their resemblance 
 to those found in the far East. Among these are the cups 
 or circular depressions which are so often seen on the rocks, a 
 specimen of which may be seen in the cut. These cup-stones 
 are generally supposed to have been used as fire generators, 
 though some have regarded them merely as depressions 
 caused by nut cracking. The fact, however, that similar cup- 
 stones are found scattered over Europe and Asia, and are used 
 by persons in India in connection with religious ceremonies, 
 has led many to believe that they are fire symbols. 
 
 There was another symbol which was as wide-spread as this. 
 It is in reality the hooked cross, or the suastika, called by some 
 the "Gammadion " from its resemblance to the Greek letter 
 Gama. The " hooked cross " is, however, the most expressive 
 name, for it suggests the shape of the symbol, and yet does not 
 explain its use. Mr. Schliemann discovered many such sym- 
 bols in Troy, and in his work on "Troja" he refers to the 
 opinions of Mr. E. Burnouf and Mr. R. P. Gregg. The first of 
 these held to the theory that it represented the two pieces of 
 wood, which were laid crosswise upon one another before the 
 sacrificial altars, in order to produce the sacred fire; the ends 
 of which were bent around at right angles and fastened by 
 means of four nails, so that the framework might not be 
 moved. Mr. Gregg held to the opinion that the symbol came 
 to mean the god of the sky. Mr. A. H. Sayce thinks that the 
 Trojan suastika was derived from the Hittites, but that it 
 originated in the far East. 
 
 Mr. Thomas Wilson, now deceased, wrote extensively upon 
 the subject, and says the suastika is one of the symbolic marks 
 of the Chinese, and quotes the opinion of many other writers. 
 Count de Alviella says the suastika is in use among the 
 Buddhists of Thibet. Mr. W. Crook says the mystical emblem 
 of the suastika appears to represent the sun in his journey 
 through the heavens, and is common among the Hindus. It 
 is no less known to the Brahmans than to the Buddhists. 
 
 The Jains make the sign of the suastika as frequently as the 
 Catholics make the sign of the cross. The suastika is found 
 on the pottery of the Bronze Age in Asia Minor. It is also 
 found among the Lake Dwellings of the Bronze Age of 
 
218 
 
 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 Switzerland; on the spear-heads of Germany; on the ancient 
 coins of Gaza, Palestine; on the ancient Hindu coins; and on 
 the gold ornaments of Denmark. 
 
 The distribution of this symbol throughout the continent of 
 America, is a subject which Mr. Thomas Wilson treats exten- 
 sively. He shows that it is found upon the shell gorgets of 
 Tennessee; on the copper plates of Ohio; and on the bead belts 
 of the Iroquois and Sac Indians. A modified form is found in 
 the sand-paintings of the Navajos. Mr. Wilson refers to the 
 discovery of an engraved shell in the Toco Mound of Tennes- 
 see, on which was an image resembling the statue of Buddha, 
 and thinks the symbol was introduced by Buddhists. Mr. \y. 
 H. Moorehead found many specimens of copper ornaments in 
 the Hopewell Mounds. Among them were stencil ornaments 
 
 CUP STONE AT CINCINNATI, OHIO.* 
 
 of thin copper, cut in the shape of the clover leaf and the fish, 
 giving the idea that they were introduced by the missionaries 
 from Europe, and became mingled with those common among 
 the aborigines; five suastika crosses; a long mass of copper 
 covered with wood; eighteen single copper rings; a number of 
 double copper rings; ten circular copper rings, with holes in the 
 center; an ornament in the shape of a St. Andrews cross; cop- 
 per plates; copper hatchets; pearl beads; a copper eagle; 
 spool-shaped objects; one stool of copper; a human skull with 
 horns; a copper plate, placed on the breast of the skeleton; 
 and an altar. This find is important, and does not decide the 
 question as to the transmission of the suastika before the time 
 of the Discovery. It would seem, however, that on general 
 
 •The cut representi a rock found in Southtrn Ohio, which ii now in the Museum in Cincin- 
 nati, Ohio. 
 
THE SUASTIKA AND FIRE WORSHIP IN AMERICA . 219 
 
 principles it is easier to borrow such symbols than to invent 
 them. 
 
 It should be said here, that the fire symbol, the phallic sym- 
 bol, the horseshoe, the looped square, the serpent, and the cross 
 were closely associated in American symbolism. The serpent 
 was divided into four parts, the number four reminding us of 
 the four parts of the heavens. It is supposed that the serpent 
 symbolized the water and cloud, and sometimes the lightning. 
 The phallic symbol signified the life principle. 
 
 The significance of the hooked cross in America is difficult 
 to decide upon, for it is found in a great variety of materials; 
 sometimes on the shell gorgets, sometimes on copper plates, 
 sometimes cut into the rocks, and moulded into pieces of pot- 
 
 k^fe 
 
 FIRE DANCERS. 
 
 tery. Such is the case among the mounds. It is here asso- 
 ciated with the circle, the square, the common cross, the coiled 
 serpent, and many other symbols. In fact there is scarcely any 
 ordinary symbol which is not found in some form, in some ma- 
 terial among the mounds. This shows that there was an ex- 
 tensive system of symbolism which had either been introduced 
 among the Mound-Builders, or had been invented by them. 
 The description of these symbols is given in the book on the 
 Mound-Builders.* 
 
 In connection with the subject of the hooked cross as a fire 
 symbol, it may be well to consider the various ceremonies 
 which were connected with the fire among the aborigines. 
 Dr. Washington Matthews bas described a ceremony which 
 prevailed among the Navajos. The ceremony took place after 
 
 •See "The Mounil-Builders; Their Works »ind Relips," pp. 51-54, 301-304. 
 
220 XA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISAfi, 
 
 nightfall, in the midst of an open circle. It appears that those 
 who took part in it, had on only their breech-cloth and their 
 moccasins, and were daubed with white earth until they seemed 
 a group of living marbles. As they advanced in single file 
 and moved around the fire, they threw their bodies into divers 
 attitudes: now they faced the east; now the south, west, and 
 north — bearing aloft their slender wands, tipped with eagle 
 down. Their course around the fire was to the left, by way of 
 the south. When they had circled the fire twice they began to 
 thrust their wands towards it and throw themselves back, with 
 the head to the fire, as though to thrust the wand into the 
 flames. When they succeeded in lighting it, they would rush 
 out of the corral. 
 
 There were other ceremonies among the Navajos, in which 
 they raced with firebrands in their hands, the brands throwing 
 out long brilliant flames over the hands and arms of the dancers; 
 they strike one another with the flaming wand, and sometimes 
 catch ^ne another and bathe them in flame. The significance 
 of this ceremony is unknown, but seems to be very impressiN'^. 
 The most interesting ceremony of the Navajos was con- 
 nected with the suastika, or hooked cross, which was used, not 
 so much as a symbol of fire, as a symbol of life. The cross 
 was a part of the sand-paintings and represented the common 
 cross, but in different colors. On the ends of the cross, the 
 divine forms stood, making the arms of the cross lie with their 
 ends extended one to each of the four cardinal points. On the 
 cross are figures which wear around their loins skirts of red 
 sunlight adorned with sunbeams. They have ear penjants, 
 bracelets, armlets of blue and red turquoise and coral, the em- 
 blematic jewels of the Navajos; the four arms and legs are 
 black, showing in each a zigzag mass representing lightnii.^ on 
 the surface of the black rain cloud. Each bears attached by 
 a string to his right arm, a basket and a rattle, painted to sym- 
 bolize the rain cloud and the lightning. Beside each one is a 
 highly conventionalized picture of a plant, which has the same 
 color as the god. The body of the eastern god is white, so is 
 the stalk of the corn on the left; the body of the southern god 
 is blue, so is the beanstalk beside him; the body of the western 
 god is yellow, so is the pumpkin vine beside him; the body of 
 the north god is black, so is the tobacco plant by his side. 
 Each of the four sacred plants is represented as growing from 
 five white roots in the central waters and spreading outwards. 
 The gods form one cross, which is directed to the four cardinal 
 points; the plants form another cross, but all have a comrnon 
 center. On the head of each god is an eagle plume, all point- 
 ing in one direction. The gods are represented with beautiful 
 embroidered pouches, symbolizing the rainbow, or rainbow 
 deity; one end of which is the body below the waist, having 
 legs and waist and feet and skirt, at the other end head and 
 neck and arms. This is the rainbow goddess, which resembles 
 
THE SUASTIKA AND FIRE WORSHIP IN AMERICA. 221 
 
 the Iris of the Greeks. In the cast, where the picture is not 
 enclosed, are two birds, standing with wings outstretched 
 facing one another. The blue bird, the herald of the morning, 
 has the color of the south and the upper regions; he is sacred 
 and his feathers are plume-sticks. These blue birds stand 
 guard at the door of the house wherein the gods dwell. 
 
 The colors, among the Navajos, are sacred to the different 
 points of the compass. The east is white; the south, blue; the 
 
 NAVAJO SAND PAINTING. 
 
 west, yellow; and the north, black. The upper world is blue, 
 and the lower world, white and black in spots. 
 
 This cross, formed by the bodies of the goddesses standing 
 on the rafts, with the plants standing on the side, the rainbow 
 colors with the symbols of the sky in their hands, shows the 
 love for beauty which prevailed among this mountain people, 
 and at the same time shows the symbol of the cross. 
 
 There is no mythology more beautiful than that of the 
 Navajos, and it seems to have been original with them. Still 
 we are to notice that the humanized rainbow resembles that 
 which was common among the Egyptians and signified about 
 the same thing. This resemblance leads us to the subject of 
 the transmission of symbols. This has been treated by Goblet 
 
'222 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 de Alviella, who is regarded as the best authority upon the 
 subject. He, however, confined his studies mainly to the sym- 
 bols found in Eastern lands, and only refers briefly to those 
 scattered over this continent. He maintains that an esoteric 
 system prevailed throughout the world, but was better under- 
 stood by the priests and magicians than by the common peo- 
 ple, but that there was so much secrecy about it, that it was 
 difficult to decide whether it was borrowed from others, or in- 
 vented independently. 
 
 It is acknowledged by all that there are many symbols in 
 America which so strongly resemble those found in Europe 
 and in Asia, as to suggest that they came from some common 
 center and were gradually transmitted from one continent to 
 another. Among these symbols, the most common and wide- 
 spread are those which are connected with the worship of the 
 elements, and especially with the worship of fire. As proof of 
 this, we have only to refer to the fact that the cup stones, 
 as v.ell as the suastika, arc very common in this country 
 and in Asia, and the explanation which has been given, that 
 they were used for generating fire, is the most plausible one. 
 
 It is to be noticed that the custom of making a new fire was 
 common among the natives of America. Prescott has described 
 that which occurred among the Mexicans. He says: 
 
 "Among the Aztecs it was at the end of fifty years that the 
 new fire was created, instead of every year as among the Mus- 
 kogees. The ceremony took place upon the summit of a 
 mountain, about two leagues distant from the city. A proces- 
 sion of priests moved toward this mountain, taking with them 
 a captive taken in war and the apparatus for kindling the new 
 fire. On reaching the summit of a mountain, the procession 
 paused till midnight; then as the constellation of the Pleiades 
 reached the zenith, and while the people waited in great sus- 
 pense, the new fire was kindled by the friction of the fire drill 
 placed on the breast of the victim. The flame was then com- 
 municated to the funeral pile on which the body of the captive 
 was thrown. As the light streamed up to heaven shouts burst 
 from the countless multitudes which covered the hills, terraces, 
 temples, and housetops. Couriers with torches lighted bore 
 them over every part of the country, and the cheering element 
 was soon brightened on many a hearthstone within the circuit 
 of many a league." 
 
 Mr. Thomas Wilson has given a map showing the distribu- 
 tion of the suastika throughout Asia, America, and Europe. 
 This map is very suggestive, for it shows that the symbol 
 might have been introduced into America from either side — 
 from Asia or from Europe. If from Asia, it seems probable 
 that it was in prehistoric times; if, on the other hand, it was 
 introduced from Europe, it might have been in historic times. 
 
 There is one point to be considered in connection with this 
 theory of the transmission of such symbols as the hooked cros? 
 
THE S UA S UK A A Nl) FIRE / / 'ORSHIP IX A MERI CA . 223 
 
 or suastika and the winged figure. If they were transmitted 
 from Europe they did not carry with them those symbols which 
 were quite common in mediaeval times, and so must have been 
 transmitted before that date. There were fire symbols in 
 Europe before mediaeval times, but the basilisk and the cocka- 
 trice, and other symbols, became common at a later time. 
 
 The dragon, or winged serpent, has performed a part m 
 many creeds, and the dragon slayer has been the hero of count- 
 less legends. These legends vary with climate and country 
 and the development of the people with whom it is found. In 
 Egypt the dragon was called Typhon; in Greece, Pytho; in 
 India, KalU Naga, the "vanishment of Vishnu"; in Anglo-Saxon 
 chronicles he is called Draco, " the fire drake," "the denyer of 
 
 MAP SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF THE SUASTIKA. 
 
 God," "the unsleeping, poisoned fanged monster," "the terri- 
 ble enemy of man, full of subtilityand power." 
 
 The story of St. George and the dragon is a common one, 
 which has come down to us through the ages, but it is a sur- 
 vival of hundreds of earlier ones. An old legend of the 
 founding of Thebes by Cadmus, is as follows: "Arriving on the 
 site of the future city, he proposed to make a sacrifice to the 
 protecting goddess Athene, but on sending his men to a dis- 
 tant fountain for water, they were attacked by a dragon. 
 Cadmus therefore went himself, and slew the monster and, at 
 the command of Athene, sowed its teeth on the ground, from 
 which immediately sprang a host of armed giants. These on 
 the instant all turned their arms against each other, with such 
 fury that they were all presently slain, save five. Cadmus in- 
 voked the aid of these giants in the building of the new city, 
 and from these five the noblest families of Thebes hereafter 
 traced their lineage." The meaning of this story and the 
 
224 NA rtVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 origin of the dragon itself, are difficult to understand. It is 
 supposed, however, that they originally represented some 
 operation of nature. "The dragon wing of night overspreads 
 the earth," is an expression which shows the effect of imagina- 
 tion when aroused by the story of such monsters. 
 
 Pliny, the elder, gathered these stories into a book, which 
 shows their prevalence before his day; but they continued to 
 be told even through the Middle Ages. Among these stories, 
 were others of the unicorn, and of the cockatrice. The uni- 
 corn, alive or dead, seems to have eluded observation in a 
 wonderful way, and the men of science have been left to 
 abstract their facts from the slightest hints. One of the 
 mediaeval writers adopted the plan of compiling statements in 
 reference to the unicorn, just as they came to hand. Pliny 
 states that it is a fierce and terrible creature. Those which 
 Graceas de Herto described about the Cape of Good Hope, 
 were beheld with heads like horses. Those which Vartomanus 
 beheld, he described as a huge lizard. 
 
 The cockatrice was another creature which was often de- 
 scribed. It is called the king of serpents, because of its 
 majestic pace, for it does not creep like other serpents but 
 goes half upright, from which cause all other serpents avoid 
 him, and it seems that nature designed him for preeminence 
 from the crown or cornet on his head. It is said to be half a 
 foot in length, the hinder part like a serpent, the fore part like 
 a cock. These monsters are supposed to be found in Africa 
 and some other parts of the world. Guildaumes, a Norman 
 priest, who wrote a book in the Middle Ages, which is a full 
 description of these monsters, and especially of the cockatrice, 
 says their poison is so strong that there is no cure for it, and 
 one is in such a degree affected by its presence that no creature 
 can live near it. It kills not only by its touch, but even the 
 sight of the cockatrice is death, and all other serpents are afraid 
 of the sight and hissing of a cockatrice. The heraldic cocka- 
 trice is represented as having the head and legs of a cock, a 
 scaley body of a serpent, and the wings of a dragon, but a 
 crowned head. The basilisk was the king of serpents. It is 
 described as a huge lizard, but in later times it became a 
 crested serpent. Like the cockatrice, the glance of its eye was 
 death. Pliny says, "We come now to the basilisk, which all 
 other serpents flee fiom and are afraid of; albeit he killeth 
 them with his very breath and the smell that passeth from 
 him, and if he do set his eye on a man, it is enough to take 
 away his life." 
 
 V. Associated with the fire drill was a symbol which in the 
 East was called the Sacred Grove. It consisted of an upright 
 shaft, with branches extending to either side and a vine run* 
 ning over the shaft at the end of the branches. At the end of 
 the branches were pine cones. These symbols are common in 
 the East. They are seen on the facades of palaces in Babylonia 
 
PHALLIC WORSHIP AND FIRE WORSHIP. 225 
 
 and are significant. We call them human tree figures. They 
 remind us of the so-called groves or idols of Asherah, which 
 were condemned in the Scriptures as the symbols of a degraded 
 worship. We do not know that fire worship was thus perverted 
 to a base system in America, but these figures are worthy of 
 study m this connection. 
 
 VI. We now consider the contrast between the fire worship in 
 America and in Asia, ascribing the latter mainly to an historic 
 source and the former to a prehistoric source — one aboriginal 
 and the other traditional. Here the archseology ot the East 
 will assist us. In Egypt the work of creation was ascribed to 
 the gods ot fire, though the element of moisture came in. 
 Ptah, an appropriate name for the god of fire, was a "creator," 
 "sculptor;" Sachet denotes "kindling fire;" Pechet isthe"de- 
 vourer," and Bes is the " ascending flame." The Semitic gods 
 of fire and light contend: The consuming and destroying sun 
 god, contends with darkness as, in Egypt, Osiris does with Set. 
 Among the Akkadians fire played an important part, though 
 their worship consisted of magic. The Akkadians are supposed 
 to be the same as the Turanians, which is a term used to desig- 
 nate the so-called Ural Altaic, of which the Mongols, Mag- 
 yars, Finns, Samoyedes are the chief branches. The religion 
 of the Finns embodied much of the system which belonged to 
 the Turanians; the Klavala is the book which contains the epic 
 poems of the Finns, the subject of which is simply the contest 
 of the nature powers personified. The three great heroes of 
 the Klavala are the ancient spirits of Heaven, fire and earth, 
 and correspond lo Odin, Loki and Humir, the German triad 
 of gods. 
 
 The Persian religion was one in which there was a great de- 
 velopment of the worship ot fire and the drink of immortality. 
 The Persians had a peculiar superstition about the disposal of 
 the body. They supposed it could not be burned, because that 
 would corrupt the fire; they could not bury it, because that 
 would corrupt the earth; it could not be left exposed, that 
 would corrupt the ^ir; it could not be put into the water, for 
 that would corrupt the water; it was therefore put n a tower 
 so that it could be devoured by birds. The Wends, however, 
 on the contrary, had three methods of disposing of the body: 
 burial that carried the soul to the under world; burn'ng, which 
 bore it in smoke to the heavens; burial in a boat, which tra s- 
 ported it to the island of the sun. Among the Scandinavians, 
 Loki was the God of fire; he was not to be trusted; while he 
 was benificent, he was treacherous. Lenormant in his Chal- 
 dean Magic has given the same history. He says the Chaldaic 
 Babylonians, -^ ho were devoted lo astronomy, read in the sid: real 
 and planetary system a revelation of the divine being. First was 
 Seiy Cronos, mysterious source of all things; Ami, primordial 
 chaos, god of time; I/ea, god of water, the spirit that brooded 
 
226 NA Tl VE A MERl CAN S YMB OLISM. 
 
 over the water; Bel, the demiurge; next, the gods of the five 
 planets — Adar, S^Xurn', J/ar^z^X', Jupiter; IVcrgal,'M.d.rs\ Istar, 
 Venus; JVcho, Mercury. 
 
 The demons were seven phantoms in flame, who were the 
 counterparts to the seven gods of the planets, including the sun 
 and moon. In Anu was recognized the ideal of a cosmic or 
 uranic triad, heaven and earth and fire. The Chaldeans had 
 the opinion that the shape of the earth was a boat turned up- 
 side down, a coracle; the interior cavity was the abyss where 
 the dead found a home. Above the earth extended the sky, 
 spangled with stars, the central point was the nadir ; here was 
 the mountain of the East with its four spurs or peaks, and the 
 central point. Between the earth and heavens was the zone of the 
 atmosphere where the winds blow and the storms rage. Fire 
 worship was at first common to both the Turanians and Aryans 
 of ancient origin; fire was the most active of all the gods; man 
 could hold direct communication with him by means of sacred 
 rites and by lighting the sacrificial flame. Under the name 
 Izdubhar, " man of fire," he became one of the heroes of epic 
 history; he was called the supreme pontiff of the earth; he was 
 recognized in the flame of the domestic hearth and protected 
 the house from evil influences, and was called the " god of the 
 House." In his natural reality, he was superior to the sun ; in 
 his historical, he was the survivor of the deluge; in his offlce, 
 he was the divinity of the hearth; the insignia of his office was 
 a reed, which took the place of a wand. The rush was used as 
 the fire generator; hence he was called the god of the rushes. 
 
 Here, then, we have the fire worship carried to a high stage 
 of personification. Taken in connection with the cult as it ex- 
 isted in America, we have the entire history. We may trace it 
 through all its stages. 
 
WATER CULT AND THE DELUGE MYTH. 227 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 THE WATER CULT AND THE DELUGE MYTH. 
 
 One of the mysterious things about American archaeology 
 and mythology is that they contain so many reminders of the 
 events which belonged to the early days in historic countries, 
 some of which have been transmitted through Scripure. We 
 are constantly coming upon these in whatever region or prov- 
 ince we may be, whether in the territory of the Mound-builders, 
 Cliff-dwellers, Pueblos, wild hunters of the north, the fishermen 
 of the northwest coast, the agriculturists of the south, the semi- 
 civilized people of the interior, or the civilized races of Mexico, 
 Central America and Peru. Among all these we find not only 
 symbols, but traditions and myths which strikingly resemble 
 those of the east. This makes the department of symbolism 
 interesting and important, though there is no branch of study 
 which does not, in this respect, become suggestive. If we take 
 up the solar cult, the moon cult, the water cult, the fire cult, 
 serpent worship, animal worship, totemism, animism, fetichism, 
 going from the most elaborate to the most primitive, we find 
 reminders of familiar events which have occurred elsewhere, and 
 can not resist the impression that, even in the^least developed or 
 most primitive of these systems, there are traces of something 
 that lies back of them which does not belong to them and can 
 not be ascribed to any indigenous or native origin. The clue 
 may be misleading and we may take too much for granted, but 
 we certainly ought not to ignore its existence or refuse to admit 
 the evidence when presented. 
 
 Dr. C. P. Tiele said, several years ago : " The question of the 
 relation which the religions of savages stand to the great his- 
 toric families of religions has just been opened." But very 
 great progress has been made since that time, and we ought 
 to be able to trace, before long, not only the relations, but 
 also the channels through which these reminders have come. 
 Over a large extent of Asia and Europe, the Aryans were pre- 
 ceded by Turanian people. Such is the evidence of history. 
 Archaeologists have, to be sure, been thinking of late that there 
 were no Aryans or Turanians, but, on the contrary, that all 
 classes descended from the paleolithic people of Europe. Some 
 also claim that imigration to America took place during the latter 
 part of that age, and that settlement occurred some time in the 
 early part of the neolithic age. But we can not do away with 
 the distinction which linguists recognize, nor can we destroy 
 the evidence which is presented to the mythologist that there is 
 
228 NA TIVE A MERICA N S YMB OLISM. 
 
 a filtering of the events and traditions of historic countries 
 through the tokens and myths of prehistoric America, and we 
 cannot certainly allow a speculation to destroy or do away with 
 that which is so plain. Too many discoveries have been made 
 in Egypt, Assyria and the far East for us to ignore the record of 
 creation, the deluge, and other events as they are recorded in 
 Scripture and confirmed by the monuments and tablets. 
 
 In fact, it seems to us to be time that the historic and prehis- 
 toric archseologists should be working together instead of apart, 
 and the department of Biblical archaeology, which has been 
 making so great advance, should be recognized as a coadjutor 
 in the field instead of an enemy. We do not lessen the impor- 
 tance of nature worship when we deny that the tradition of 
 the creation was the result of personification, or that of the flood 
 the result of local freshets, for there is a strange mingling of 
 the local and the universal, of the modern and the ancient, and 
 it is very difficult to separate them without destroying the 
 whole fabric. 
 
 The water cult in America seems to have come from foreign 
 countries ; at least that part of it which perpetuated the tradition 
 of the flood must have done so, for in this the symbols are too 
 suggestive to be explained in any other way. 
 
 The knowledge of the Pleiades, the traditions of the first man, 
 the conception of the dragon, the worship of the serpent, the 
 prevalence of the phallic symbol, the association of the water 
 cult, fire cult, moon cult and the sobr cult, are all arguments 
 for the transmission of the tradition of the flood from foreign 
 countries, even if the cult is found in a very elementary and 
 primitive condition. Take the following cosmogonic legend of 
 Cannes by Berosus: "According to extracts from the Grecian 
 historian of Chaldea, he had a body of a fish entire, but under- 
 neath his fish's head there was a second human head, while 
 human feet appeared under his tail, and he possessed a human 
 voice. This monster spent the whole day amongst men with- 
 out taking any food, while he taught them letters, science, and 
 the principles of every art, the rules of the foundations of towns, 
 the building of temples, the measurements and boundaries of 
 lands, seed time and harvest ; in short, all that could advance 
 civilization, so that nothing new has been invented since that 
 period. Then at sunset this great Oannes regained the sea and 
 passed the night in the vast region of waves, for he was am- 
 phibious." This description of Oannes is interesting when 
 studied in connection with the following picture of the Zuni 
 water-snake, which was found by Lieut. Whipple on the rocks 
 in Arizona. See Fig. i. 
 
 It was observed by the explorers near the Rocky Dell Creek. 
 The interpretation of it as given by a Pueblo Indian was that 
 it represented the great water snake created by Montezuma, to 
 give rain; they describe the snake as of great length, slowly 
 
WATER CULT AND 2HE DELUGE MYTH. 
 
 229 
 
 grliding upon the water. The great feathered serpent of the 
 Zuni was supposed to live in the water and to guard the springs. 
 The celebrated Aztec spring was its favorite haunt. Vessels 
 taken from this fountain had upon them crescents, serpents, 
 frogs, tadpoles and other water animals. Lieut. Whipple says: 
 "I do not know that upon this continent any animal has been 
 found similar to it; it would seem to be of Eastern origin." 
 There is a tradition among the Zuni of a great flood; this 
 flood came from the west and rushed down the great canon and 
 filled it with water; a great many of the people fled to the top 
 of the mesa and were saved from the waters; the rest perished — 
 the Navajos, Apaches and wild beasts — in the sea of waters, ex- 
 cept such as found safety there. The Zuni built a pueblo upon 
 the lofty eminence, and waited the subsidence of the waters. 
 Time passed and the waves still surrounded their refuge. A 
 sacrifice was devised to appease the water divinity. The son 
 of a chief and a beautiful virgin were the chosen offerings. As 
 they were let down from the clifT into the deep, the waters 
 rolled back, leaving the young man and maid statues of stone. 
 
 Fig, 1.— Water Snake of the Zunis. 
 
 An isolated rock is pointed out to the travelers as 
 containing upon its summit the statues of the two 
 persons. The high priest or governor of the 
 Pueblo has it his especial duty to officiate before 
 the water deities. Among the wild tribes — the 
 Algonquins, Iroquois, and Dakotas — there are various myths 
 as to how the earth was recreated after the deluge of waters. 
 There are variations as to this myth, but generally Manobozho 
 is the divinity who personates Noah. He survives the flood, 
 floats above the water in his canoe; he sends different animals 
 down into the water to bring up the earth. The muskrat suc- 
 ceeds. Manobozho takes the mud from the claws, sprinkles it 
 upon the water, causes it to grow until it becomes a great 
 island; he sprinkles small lumps on the island, and they become 
 mountains; he sticks arrows into the ground and they become 
 men and women.* 
 
 This story has its analogies among the Sioux, Athabascans, 
 Iroquois, Cherokees and various tribes of British Columbia and 
 California. The story varies according to locality. Among 
 the Algonquins he is Michabo, the giant rabbit, but he is a god 
 
 *See American Journal of Folk Lore, Sept. '91, article by A. Chamberlain, -which 
 gives the variations of this tradition. Page 15, Vol. IV., article by Dr. F. Boas. 
 
230 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 of wind, storm and rain; he is said to have scooped out the ba- 
 sins ot the lakes. Among the Ojibways a mighty serpent began 
 to flood the land, but Michabo destroyed him with his dart. 
 Among the Cherokees the animals were above, nothing was 
 below but a wide expanse of water; but the water beetle and 
 the water spider dove to the bottom and brought up the mud. 
 Among the Yocusts of California the earth was covered with 
 water; there existed a hawk, crow, duck, but the duck brought 
 up his beak full of mud. Among the Chinooks and Bilqulas it 
 was the muskrat, but the buzzard flapped his wings and made 
 the mountains. 
 
 The description given by Catlin of the religious ceremonies 
 which prevailed among the Mandans before and after the in- 
 itiation of their young men as warriors, is worthy of notice. 
 
 The Mandan religious ceremony commences not on a par- 
 ticular day of the year, but at a particular season, which is 
 designated by the full expansion of the willow leaves ; for ac- 
 cording to their tradition the "twig the bird brought home was 
 a willowbough and had full-grown leaves on it." The bird to 
 which they allude is the mourning or turtle dove, and being as 
 they call it a medicine bird, it is not to be destroyed or harmed 
 by any one, and even their dogs are instructed not to do it in- 
 jury. During the ceremony a figure is seen approaching ; the 
 body of this strange personage, which was chiefly naked, was 
 painted white, resembling at a little distance a- white man ; he 
 wore a robe of four white wolf skins, falling from his shoulders, 
 on his head a splendid head-dress of two raven's skins; in his 
 left hand a pipe was cautiously carried as it of great impor- 
 tance. After passing the chiefs and braves, he approached the 
 medicine or mystery lodge, which he had the means of opening 
 and which had been religiously closed during the year. While 
 preparations were making in the medicine lodge Nu-mohk- 
 muck-a-nah, "the first or only man," traveled through the village, 
 stopping in front of every man's lodge and crying until the owner 
 came out and asked who he was and what was the matter. 
 To which he replied by relating the sad catastrophe which had 
 happened on the earth's surface by the overflowing of waters, 
 saying that he was the only person saved from the universal 
 calamity, that he landed his Sig canoe on a high mountain in 
 the west, where he now resides ; that he has come to open the 
 medicine lodge which must needs receive a present of some 
 edged tool from the owner of every wigwam, that it may be 
 sacrificed to the water ; for he says, " if this is not done there 
 will be another flood and no one will be saved, as it was with 
 such tools that the big canoe was made." Having visited every 
 lodge and wigwam during the day and having received such a 
 present at each, he returned at evening and deposited them in 
 the medicine lodge, where they remained until the afternoon of 
 the last day of the ceremony, when they were thrown into the 
 
WA TER CULT A ND THE BEL UGE M YTH. 231 
 
 river in a deep place from a bank thirty feet high, and in the 
 presence of the whole village, from whence they can never be 
 recovered. These were undoubtedly sacrificed to the Spirit of 
 the Water. 
 
 Catlin, with this description of the ceremony of the big 
 canoe, the medicine man, the gathering of the knives, brings in 
 a few remarks in reference to the symbols. He says the num- 
 ber four seemed to be sacred; the ceremony lasted four days; 
 there were four medicine men who searched the lour parts of 
 the ramp or village; there were four groups of dancers; four 
 sacks of water, resembling large tortoises, were placed on the 
 fioor; four men were selected to cleanse out the lodge; four car- 
 dinal points were symbolized; four skewers were placed as in- 
 struments of torture in the arms and legs of the warriors; four 
 sacrifices were made; four colors; and narrates that there were 
 four tortoises which supported the earth; they carried dirt on 
 their back, though he brings in the idea of forty days, as the 
 buffalo dance was repeated four times, eight times, twelve times, 
 sixteen times in the successive days.* 
 
 Among the civilized races the tradition of the flood is com- 
 mon, and it is there associated with the divinity of rain, and with 
 the water cult as it is in the uncivilized. Here, however, we 
 find some peculiarities not elsewhere known. A white God is 
 the culture hero who answers to the Noah of the Bible, but 
 his history is something like that of the Messiah. The Fair God 
 yields to his enemy Texcatlipoca, who is a very Loki, whose 
 symbol is the serpent He escapes to the pyramid of Cholula, in 
 connection with which there is still a tradition of the flood; he 
 withdraws from this and takes his canoe made of serpent skins 
 and crosses the water, promising to return again. This tradi- 
 tion or story of the Fair God has been interpreted by Dr. Brin- 
 ton as a personification of the sun having a contest with the 
 god of darkness. Others, however, maintain that he belonged 
 to a race different from the one he civilized; that he created a 
 new religion, based on fasting, penance and virtue. The Aztec 
 Neptune, or water god, was Tlaloc, whose image is painted 
 green and azure, representing the various shades of water. He 
 is armed with a wand, twisted into a spiral, ending in a sharp 
 point, in representation of a thunder bolt. Tlaloc had a chapel 
 on the top of the great temple of Mexico, as important as that 
 of Huitzilipochtli, with which it was connected. On the day of 
 the feast of the Tlalocs the priests of these ministers of the god 
 of waters betook themselves to the lagoon of Citlatepetl, sit- 
 uated a few miles from Mexico, to cut the reeds for decorating 
 the altar. 
 
 Dr. Brinton says: "The American nations among whom a 
 distinct and well authenticated myth of the deluge was found 
 
 *Catlin's North American Indians, Vol. I., page 158. 
 
232 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 are as follows: Athapascans, Algonquins, Iroquois, Cherokees, 
 Chickasaws, Caddos, Natchez, Dakotas, Apaches, Navajos, 
 Mandans, Pueblos, Aztecs, Mixtecs, Zapotecs, Tlascalons, 
 Mechoacans, Toltecs, Nahuas, Mayas, Quiches, Haitians, the 
 natives of Darien and Popoyan, Muyscas, Quichuas, Tuppin- 
 ambas, Achaguas, Araucanians, and doubtless others."* 
 
 A mountain figures in most of these traditions. The Mexican 
 Codex Vaticanus represents the picture of the deluge wth a 
 bird perched on the summit of a tree. One of the Mexican 
 traditions preserved by Torquemada, identified the pyramid of 
 Cholula as the mountain of TIaloc, the god of rain. Among 
 the Araucanians it was a three-peaked mountain and had the 
 property of floating on water. These people kept on hand 
 wooden bowls to use as parasols, reminding us of the symbol 
 of the umbrella in India. The peak of Old Zuni in New Mex- 
 ico; that of Colhuacan of the Pacific coast; Mount Neba in 
 the province of Guaymi, and Mount Apoala in the Mixtec 
 province; Mount Hood among the Klallams, and many other 
 mountains have traditions connected with them as places of 
 refuge for their ancestors. The number seven has been pre- 
 served; one Mexican and one Peruvian myth give out exactly 
 seven persons as saved in their floods. This is remarkable, be- 
 cause the mystic number in America is four instead of seven, 
 though the seven stars of the Pleiades are known and have a 
 myth connected with them. Another feature of the myth is 
 that the survivor of the flood is always called the first man and 
 is generally pictured as white, and as coming from the east. 
 Quetzacoatl was the god of light to the Aztecs. His emblem 
 was the bird serpent and his rebus the cross. He was born of 
 a virgin. The temple of Cholula was dedicated to him. He 
 had a full flowing beard, a white complexion, and wore long 
 white robes. Among the Muyscas the hero Bochica bore the 
 name "the white one". The Caribs' patron Tamu was "the old 
 man of the sky". He had a light complexion, came from the 
 east, and went to the east. The Tupis of Brazil were named 
 after the first man who survived the flood — Tupa, "guardian of 
 the nation," "ruler of the lightning," whose voice is the thuader. 
 The expectation of the coming of the white man was common. 
 Natives of Hayti told Columbus that his arrival was predicted; 
 Montezuma of Mexico told Cortez the same; the Inca Huascar 
 told De Soto the same. Old writers — Gomara, CogoUudo and 
 others — have taken pains to collect the instances of this presenti- 
 ment among the native races. Brinton says: "Few tribes were 
 destitute of such presentiments. The Chickasaws, the Mandans 
 of the Missouri, the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, the Muy- 
 scans of Bogota, the Botocudos of Brazil, the Araucanians of 
 Chili, have been asserted, on testimony that leaves no room for 
 
 *See "Myths of the New World," page 126. 
 
WATER CULT AND THE DELUGE MYTH. 233 
 
 skepticism, to have had these forebodings." These traditions 
 of the flood must have been transmitted. We do not undertake 
 to follow up the channel through which they flowed, nor to decide 
 as to the country trom which they came, but we cannot help the 
 conviction that they bear the impress of systems which were known 
 in historic countries. 
 
 Let us now consider the customs connected with the water cult. 
 We imagine that there was once in the Far East a system ot 
 nature worship which was as rude as anything found in America; 
 that at that time the elements of fire, water, lightning, the sun 
 and moon, and all the nature powers, were worshiped, or, at least, 
 divine attributes ascribed to them. We are sure that serpent 
 worship and tree worship prevailed, and appeared in the East, 
 though we do not know exactly at what time they appeared. 
 Phallic worship and image worship also came in at a certain stage 
 in the progress of thought. The last served to corrupt and degrade 
 the other systems, and very soon perverted them, so that they 
 became sources of degradation to the people. The Scriptures 
 condemn these, and history confirms the justice of the sen- 
 tence. The tradition of the serpent in the Scriptures may be an 
 allegory or a statement of fact, but there is no doubt that the 
 serpent worship was a source of degradation and a sentence was 
 placed upon it by enlightened conscience. The personification of 
 the nature powers did not elevate the people, for when the per- 
 sonification grew more elaborate the moral practices grew more 
 degraded. When the Eleusinian mysteries were introduced into 
 Greece from Egypt, everything became significant of the processes 
 of nature. Names were given to the nature powers, and myths 
 were invented to explain the origin of the names ; but the myths 
 and mysteries did not save the people from degradation. 
 
 While the doctrine of immortality and the future state was 
 understood, and the anticipation was symbolized in Egypt by 
 embalming the body and transporting it across the Nile; in 
 Phoenicia phallic worship and fire worship were devoted to human 
 sacrifices, and sun worship itself was attended with the immola- 
 tion of human victims. 
 
 All of these systems are found in America, and their symbols 
 are scattered far and wide. We do not know whether they are to be 
 connected with the decline of religion in oriental countries, or 
 with the progress of religion in America, for they are closely 
 connected with the nature worship, from which all moral distinc- 
 tions were absent. Still, the symbols which, in Eastern lands, 
 are suggestive of degraded practices are the very symbols prev- 
 alent here. They are symbols which, in the East, belonged to 
 the secret mysteries, some of which were known to be full of 
 degradations. 
 
 We maintain that the religion of the aborigines here not only 
 embodied the same elements as those which became so strong 
 
234 NA Tl VE AMERICAN S YMBOLISM. 
 
 in the oriental religions when at a certain stage, but it shows 
 how these elements interacted. The fire became the symbol of 
 the sun and consumed the offerings made to the sun, and became 
 sacred as his servant. The serpent was frequently regarded 
 as a divinity in some way amenable to the sun, and so serpent 
 pipes and serpent effigies were connected with the sun circle in 
 the symbolism of the Mound-builders. It is possible that there 
 was a certain kind of tree worship;* the same element of life hav- 
 ing its chief embodiment in the tree, which was able to stand up 
 in its force. The moon cult also prevailed, for the moon is al- 
 ways an attendant upon the sun. Whether there was a distinc- 
 tion of sex between the sun and moon is unknown; but the sun 
 circle and the moon crescent may have been male and female. 
 
 These three types of nature v/orship, in which the fire, the 
 serpent and the sun were the chief divinities, probably prevailed 
 throughout the Mound-builders' territory, though their symbols 
 varied with different localities. We recognize the water cult, 
 the solar cult, and the image worship, as different phases of 
 nature worship; but we find that in the symbols there was a re- 
 markable resemblance to the symbolism of other countries, and 
 whether able or not to trace one to the other, we are struck with 
 the thought that there was a studied and intentional symbolism, 
 which resembled that of the Druids, in all their earthworks. The 
 altars, the temple platforms, the burial mounds, the dance circles, 
 the village enclosures, and the covered ways, were all here used 
 not only for practical purposes and such as would subserve the 
 convenience of the people living in the villages, but they were 
 especially devoted to religious purposes and contained sym- 
 bols in them. The relics also were symbolic, and many of 
 them were buried with the persons, — their very position, in con- 
 nection with the bodies, having a religious significance. It was 
 not one cult alone that was symbolized in these, for some of the 
 burial mounds contained offerings to the spirit of the dead — the 
 symbols of the soul being placed in the mouth ; but there were 
 other offerings made to the water, to the sun, others to the fire, 
 and others to the moon. The relics placed upon the altars, the 
 ornaments, the flint discs, the copper crescents, the mica 
 plates, the carved images, and the pottery figures, were all conse- 
 crated to the sun, and, when placed as offerings upon the altar, 
 bore in their shape the symbol of the sun, as much as the altars 
 themselves, or the earth-works in which they were enclosed. 
 There is no locality where this system of sun worship is not 
 symbolized. What is more, the system seemed to have brought 
 into its service, and made useful, the symbols of the preceding 
 
 *This is the explanation given by the Dakotas of tree worship. The spirit of life 
 was in the tree. It may be that this will account for the tree worship in the East. 
 and will explain how tree worship and phallic worship became associated. The two 
 in the East were symbolized by the sacred groves, so-called, the symbol of Asharah, 
 or Astarte, the moon goddess. 
 
WATER CULT AND THE DELUGE MYTH. 235 
 
 stages of worship. The serpent, the phallic symbol, the carved 
 animals, the crescent-shaped relics, the fire-beds, — all were as- 
 sociated with the sun circle and made parts of the symbolism of 
 sun worship. We imagine the combination to have been as fol- 
 lows: The sun symbol was embodied in the earth circles; the 
 moon cult in the altars; the fire cult in the ashes in and beside 
 the altars; the water cult in the ponds and wells found in and 
 near the enclosures; animal worship in the effigies; the phallic 
 symbol in the horse-shoe earth-works. We also find that the 
 elements, such as the four quarters of the sky, four winds, four 
 points of the compass, are symbolized by the cross and four con- 
 centric circles. So we come to look at everything as more or 
 less symbolic. It is remarkable, as we study the village sites, 
 how many of the conveniencies of village life were placed under 
 the protection of the sun divinity, and how much provision was 
 made for the worship of the sun under all circumstances. We 
 notice that the ponds and springs are near the villages; that 
 covered ways connect the villages with the river's bank, and we 
 imagine there was among the Mound-builders, as well as among 
 the Pueblos and Cliff-dwellers, a cult which regarded springs and 
 rivers as sacred and peopled them with divinities. We imagine 
 that the most sacred ceremonies were observed in connection with 
 these springs, and that the elaborate earth-works were erected 
 to give solemnity to the various mysteries, which were directed 
 by the secret orders. These different cults were combined, but, 
 for the sake of convenience, it will be well to take them up 
 separately. Let us consider the water cult as it existed among 
 the Mound-builders of America. We shall find very many re- 
 semblances in it to the system as it was in the Far East. It 
 seems to have existed here, but was closely connected with the 
 solar cult, the ceremonies of that cult requiring the presence of 
 water to make it complete. We have shown how extensively dis- 
 tributed was the tradition of the flood in America, how varied 
 was the symbolism which perpetuated this tradition. We do not 
 know that any such tradition existed among the Mound-builders 
 nor can we discover any symbol which perpetuated it ; but the 
 water cult which we recognize is very similar to that which pre- 
 vailed in Europe at a very early date, and was there symbolized 
 in the prehistoric earth-works. We turn, then, to the resemblance 
 which may be recognized between some of the earth-works in 
 Southern Ohio and those in Great Britain. We have already 
 spoken of this, but as certain new investigations and new discov- 
 eries have been made, we review the evidence. 
 
 I. The first group of works which we shall cite is the one 
 at Portsmouth. The chief evidence is given by the avenues or 
 the covered ways, which seem to have connected the enclosures 
 on the difterent sides of the river. These, by aid of the ferry 
 across the river, must have been the scene of extensive religious 
 
236 
 
 NA2IVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 
 processions, which can be compared to nothing better than the 
 mysterious processions ot Druid priests which once characterized 
 the sacrifices to the sun among the ancient works of Great Brit- 
 ain. It has been estimated that the length of the avenues or 
 covered ways was eight miles. The parallel walls measure about 
 lour feet in height and twenty feet base, and were not far from 
 1 60 feet apart. It is in the middle group that we discover the 
 phallic symbol (see Fig. 2), the fire cult, the crescent of the 
 moon and the sun circle. In the works upon the west bank of 
 the Scioto we find the effigy enclosed in a circle (see Fig. 3), as 
 a sign of animal worship, and in the concentric circles (see Fig. 4) 
 with the enclosed conical mound, on the Kentucky side, we find 
 the symbols of sun 
 worship. V/e would 
 here call attention 
 to the theories re- 
 cently thrown out 
 by Mr. A. L. Lewis 
 that the water cult 
 was combined with 
 the sun cult at the 
 great works at Ave- 
 bury; the avenues 
 made of standing 
 stones having pass- 
 ed over the Kennet 
 Creek before they 
 reached the circle at 
 Beckhampton ; the same is true at Stanton Drew and at Mount 
 Murray, in the Isle of Man. In each of these places were covered 
 avenues reaching across marshy ground towards the circles. "If 
 the circles were places of worship or sacrifice, such avenues con- 
 necting them with running streams may have had special object 
 or meaning."* 
 
 Mr. Lewis says: "I have never adopted Stukeley's snake 
 theory, for I could never see any great resemblance to a serpent, 
 nor could I see any thing very suggestive of a serpent in the ar- 
 rangement of the other circles. Still, Stukeley's statements about 
 the stones of the avenue, leading from the great circle toward 
 the river, are very precise." Stukeley says: "There were two 
 sets of concentric circles surrounded by another circle, which 
 was encircled by a broad, deep ditch, outside of which was an 
 embankment large enough for a railway; two avenues of stone 
 leading southwest and southeast. The theory now is that they 
 led across the water of Kennet Creek to Beckhampton and to 
 Overton Hill. The so-called coves in the large circles mark the 
 
 SCAtC 
 BOOftuthe InfU 
 
 lig. 2.— Horse Shoe Enclosures at Portsmouth. 
 
 ♦Journal of Anthropological Institute, February, 1891 
 
WATER CULT AND THE DELUGE MYTH. 
 
 237 
 
 site of altars, whereon human sacrifice may have been offered to 
 the sun; but the avenues mark the place through which proces- 
 sions passed in making their sacrifices, — a passage over water 
 being essential to the ceremony." 
 
 This is a new explanation of these works, but it is one which 
 becomes very significant in connection with the works at Ports- 
 mouth. Here the avenues approach the river in such a Way as 
 to show that a canoe ferry was used to cross the river, the cere- 
 mony being made more significant by that means. The covered 
 ways, to be sure, do not reach the edge of the water, but termi- 
 nate with the second terrace, leaving the bottom-land without 
 any earth-work. This would indicate that the works are very 
 old, and were, in fact, built when the waters covered the bottom- 
 land. It may be said, in this connection, that all the covered 
 ways are similar to these; they end at the second terrace, and 
 
 were evidently built 
 when the flood- 
 plain was filled with 
 water. As addition- 
 al evidence that the 
 works at Ports- 
 mouth were devot- 
 ed to the water cult 
 and were similar to 
 those at Avebury, 
 in Great Britain, we 
 would again refer to 
 the character of the 
 works at either end 
 of the avenues. 
 Without insisting 
 upon the serpent 
 symbol being embodied in the avenues, we think it can be 
 proven that the most striking features of the work at Avebury 
 are duplicated here; the sun symbol being embodied in the con- 
 centric circles upon the Kentucky side; the phallic symbol in 
 the horse-shoe mounds upon the Ohio side (see Figs. 2, 3, 4) and 
 the avenues of standing stones corresponding to the covered ways 
 which connected the enclosures on the Kentucky side with that 
 on the Ohio side. 
 
 2. The group on the third terrace is one which is the most sig- 
 nificant. Here the circle surrounds the horseshoes, as the circle 
 of stones does at Avebury. Here, too, is a natural elevation that 
 has been improved by art, and made to serve a religious pur- 
 pose. Mr. T. W. Kinney says this mound, which was a natural 
 elevation, was selected as the site for a children's house. In ex- 
 cavating the cellar there was discovered a circular altar composed 
 of stones which were standing close together, and showed evi- 
 
 fcHEiriEMff wmaJK. 
 
 AND ANrUAL 
 
 scmra couHT 
 
 Fig. 3.— Effigy on the Scioto. 
 
238 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 dence of heat. This altar was four feet below the surface. Lead- 
 ing from the altar was a channel about eighteen inches wide, 
 composed of clay, which was supposed to be designed to " carry- 
 off the blood", givingthe idea that human sacrifices were offered 
 here, as they were upon the altars at Avebury. Squier and 
 Davis say that the horse-shoes constitute the most striking feat- 
 ures; they are both about the same size and shape. They meas- 
 ure about eighty feet in length and seventy feet in breadth. 
 Enclosing these in part is a wall about five feet high. These 
 horse-shoes might well be called coves. The ground within them 
 was formerly perfectly level. They open out toward the river 
 and were on the edge of the terrace, and so were elevated above 
 the surro un di ng 
 country and were 
 in plain sight. Near 
 them was a natural 
 elevation eighteen 
 feet high, but grad- 
 ually subsiding into 
 a ridge towards the 
 enclosed mound. A 
 full view of the en- 
 tire group may be 
 had from its sum- 
 mit. The enclosed 
 mound was 28 feet 
 high by no feet 
 base. It is trun- 
 cated and surround- 
 ed by a low circumvallation. Dr. Hempstead, an old resident, 
 of Portsmouth, surveyed the works and has furnished the author 
 with a diagram. He represents the walls surrounding the horse- 
 shoes as continuous, making it a complete circle. In this diagram 
 the resemblance to the works at Stone Henge is more striking 
 than in the one furnished by Squier and Davis. He says the 
 animal mound on the west side was 460 feet long, 300 feet wide. 
 the square enclosure 400 feet in diameter. There was a living 
 spring near this square, thus showing that the water cult and the 
 animal worship were associated. 
 
 Atwater speaks of this group as having wells in close proximity 
 to the horse-shoes. He speaks of the earth between the parallel 
 walls as having been leveled by art and appearing to have been 
 used as a road-way by those who came down the river for the 
 purpose of ascending the high place. 
 
 Most noticeable is the mound with concentric circles, which is 
 situated on the Kentucky side. The four circles were cut 
 at right angles by four broad avenues which conform nearly to 
 the cardinal points. From the level summit of this mound a 
 
 c 
 
 600 It to die IdcK . 
 
 Fig. U.—Sun Circles. 
 
WATER CULT AND THE DELUGE MYTH. 
 
 239 
 
 complete view of every part of this work is commanded. On 
 the supposition that it was in some way connected with reh'gious 
 rites, the mound afforded the most conspicuous place for their 
 observance. See Fig. 4. 
 
 "The mound in the center, at first glance, might be taken for 
 a natural elevation. It is possible that it is a detached spur ot 
 the hill enlarged and modified by art. It is easy while standing 
 on the summit of this mound to people it with the strange 
 priesthood of ancient superstition and fill its walls with the 
 thronging devotees of mysterious worship. The works were de- 
 voted to religious purposes and were symbolic in their design."* 
 
 Mg. 5 — Terraced Mound opposite Portsmouth. 
 
 As additional evidence, we may mention the terraced mound 
 situated about a mile west. See Fig. 5. Here is a group of ex- 
 quisite symmetry and beautiful proportions. It consists of an 
 embankment of earth, five feet high, thirty feet base, with an in- 
 terior ditch twenty-five feet across and six feet deep. Enclosed 
 is an area ninety feet in diameter; in the center of this is a 
 mound forty feet in diameter and eight feet high. There is a 
 narrow gateway through the parapet, and a causeway over the 
 ditch leading to the enclosed mound. This is a repetition of the 
 central mound with its four concentric circles. It is said that 
 there was near this a square enclosure resembling the chunky 
 yards ot the South, and that the group taken together was of a 
 Southern type. There are several small circles, measuring from 
 one hundred and fifty to two hundred- and fifty feet in diameter; 
 also a few mounds in the positions indicated in the plan.f 
 
 We have dwelt upon the Portsmouth works for the reason that 
 they seem to prove the existence of a water cult, and because they 
 so closely resemble those in which the water cult has been rec- 
 
 ♦Anclent Monuments, page 82. 
 tMounds like this are common In this district and may be regarded as sun sym- 
 bols. See the cut of works at Portsmouth; also of terraced mound in Greenup 
 County, Kentucky, and at "Winchester, Indiana. 
 
240 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 ognized in Great Britain. We maintain, however, that it was a 
 cult which was associated with sun worship, and that the phalHc 
 symbol was embodied here. We maintain that sacrifices were 
 offered to the sun, and that the human victims were kept in the 
 corral on one side of the river ; that they were transported across 
 the water and carried up to the third terrace, and immolated 
 near the horseshoe, and that afterwards the processions passed 
 
 down the terrace, 
 through the avenue 
 across the river, a 
 second time, and 
 mounted the spiral 
 pathway to the 
 summit of the ter- 
 raced mound situ- 
 ated at the end of 
 the avenue. 
 
 In reference to 
 this corral (see Fig. 
 6), we may say that 
 the walls surround- 
 ing the area are 
 very heavy, and are 
 raised above the 
 area enclosed, in 
 places as much as 
 50 feet. They con- 
 vey the idea that 
 the enclosure was 
 for holding captives 
 for they resemble 
 the walls ofa state's 
 prison rather than 
 those ofa fort; be- 
 ing level on the top 
 and made as if de- 
 
 Fig.e.-Corral for Prisoners. signed for 3, Walk 
 
 for sentinels. The parallel walls or covered ways on each side 
 of this enclosure have an explanation from this theory. They 
 were built to the end of the terrace and were probably intended 
 to protect the sentinels wlio were stationed at the ends. Ihey 
 command extensive views, both up and down the river, and 
 were convenient places from which to watch the enemy, as they 
 might approach to release the captives. The groups upon the 
 Kentucky side and the effigies on the Scioto are connected with 
 these horse-shoes and with one another by the avenues. The 
 group to the east is interesting on account of its symbolism, and 
 the most interesting part is the mound with the spiral pathway 
 
WATER CULT AND THE DELUGE MYTH. 
 
 241 
 
 Wc thus see that there were various localities where the 
 Mound-builders placed their works near fountains and streams. 
 Worthington, in Southern Ohio: Mt. Sterling, in Kentucky; the 
 Messier mound in Georgia. These works indicate that there 
 were sacred ceremonies connected with the springs. There are 
 no traditions which explain these works, nor were there any 
 known customs among the tribes formerly in this region wich we 
 can identify with these works. We find, however, as we go far- 
 ther west and study the customs and myths of the various tribes 
 still dwelling there, that the water cult prevailed, and that springs 
 were regarded as sacred. See Plate. The Shoshones have a spring 
 whose origin they explain as follows: Wankanaga was the 
 father of the Shoshones and the Comanches. He arose from a 
 cloud as a white-haired Indian, with his ponderous club in his 
 hand and with his totem on his breast and struck a rock with 
 
 Fig. 7 .—Enclosure and Spring near Worthimjion, Ohio. 
 
 his club and caused it to burst forth with bubbling water. In 
 Sitka they had a light and fire, but no fresh water, as Kanuph 
 kept it all in his well. Yehl, the great divinity, visited this per- 
 sonage and managed to steal the water and to scatter it in drops 
 over the land, and each one became a spring. 
 
 The question arises, how came these symbolic works to be 
 so connected with springs and with water courses. Shall we 
 say that the symbols of nature worship originated in this country 
 and that they are associated with the springs according to the 
 law of parallel development. In England sacred springs are 
 regarded as proving that the water cult was introduced, and 
 localized, and afterwards perpetuated into historic times. M. Law- 
 ence Gomme has treated" of this in his book, called " Ethnology 
 in Folk Lore." He maintains that the localizing of such myths 
 as relate to the water cult, stone worship and demons, preceded 
 the tribal myths, and that they were pre-historic or pre-Aryan 
 in their origin; that the pin wells, rag wells, and other sacred 
 
242 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 springs were the same as those that were haunted by the rain 
 gods and the water divinities. The belief in *' river gods, sea 
 serpents, hill deities and well worship was nearly universal, and 
 was contemporaneous with the area of the negalithic monuments " 
 In this country the localizing of the myth and the water cult 
 may also have preceded the tribal myth, though the presence ot 
 symbols near the springs would show that this cult was trans- 
 mitted. The "rain gods" and the "nature powers" were asso- 
 ciated with the springs, and there were offerings to the water 
 
 divinities exactly as in Great 
 Britain during pre-Aryan times. 
 The association of the story ot 
 the deluge with some of these 
 springs may be merely accident- 
 al, yet the presence of the sym- 
 bols known in historic countries, 
 near some of the springs, would 
 render it probable that the water 
 cult and the deluge myth were 
 introduced in prehistoric times 
 and it may be from historic 
 countries. 
 
 The story of the deluge pre 
 vailed among the eastern tribes 
 of Indians, the Algonkins, the 
 Sioux, the Athabascans, the 
 Crees, and the Cherokees. In 
 these the mountain and tree, the 
 lake, the raft or canoe, are prom 
 inent, and the ancient Noah 
 appears as a divinity, under dif- 
 ferent figures and names. There 
 is generally an animal, either a muskrat, a loon, a diver duck, or 
 otter, which serves the behests of the chief divinity, in bringing 
 up the soil from below and making a new earth. The story has 
 been localized. A rock at the Mackinaw, another on the Ottawa 
 River, a beach at Grand Traverse Bay, and a mountain on 
 Thunder Bay are selected as the spot where the event occurred. 
 The falls of Sault St. Marie are the scene of another tradition — 
 that of the Great Beaver, who opened the dams and let out the 
 water, — a tradition which reminds us ot one which is common 
 in Great Britain, which is contained in Faber's History of Idolatry. 
 The largest number of symbolic works were placed near streams 
 and fountains, indicating that the use of water was essential to 
 religious cerem.ony. The traditions linger about many of these 
 springs, some of which are interesting and very suggestive. 
 
 Ewbank speaks of the Higli Priest of the Zuni, whose special 
 flutv was to ofificiate before the water deities. He seeks for some 
 
 Mg.8. — Legendary Rock. 
 
wat£:r cult and the deluge myth. 
 
 243 
 
 sacred spot where he plants sticks in a circle adorned with 
 feathers and threads, and dedicates them to the divinities of water, 
 such as frogs, snakes and turtles; these embody his invocation 
 for rain. They are, in fact, snares for the spirit of the "water 
 divinity". Near these "sacred circles" there are wooden col- 
 umns covered with such symbols as the crescent, the Nile key 
 and the suastika. These symbols remind us of the nations of 
 the east, but the custom is peculiar to the Zunis, among whom there 
 is a tradition in reference to the Montezuma as having been the 
 divinity of the springs and the preserver of the people. The 
 myth bearer is contained in the legendary rock represented in 
 the cut. See Fig. 8. This rock perpetuates the tradition of the 
 flood and the pair wdiich was 
 sacrificed to appease the water 
 divinity. The ruins of an an- 
 cient town upon a high mesa are 
 said to be he place to which the 
 Zuni escaped. A horizontal vein 
 in the rocks marks the line of 
 high water. In the valley of 
 Zuni is the singular spring illus- 
 trated in the plate, upon which 
 is a number of earthen jars in an 
 inverted position. It was held 
 sacred to the "rain god". No 
 animal may drink of its waters. 
 It must be annually cleaned with 
 ancient vases, which have been 
 transmitted from generation to generation and placed upon the 
 walls. The frog, the tortoise and the rattle snake are depicted 
 upon these vessels, for they represent the water divinities. 
 
 Both the Moquis and Zunis have a custom of bringing water 
 from a sacred lake to their pueblo before they commenced their 
 rain-dance.* They have one who represents a "fire-god" during 
 these rain-dances. There is another singular custom which re- 
 minds us of the one described by Catlin as common among the 
 Mandans. A man comes from the west and approaches the pueblo 
 and finally enters the estufa, while he remains. Food is handed 
 down to him. He may represent the ancient man, possibly the 
 Noah of the Zunis. There is a rock spring near Williams River, 
 within which is a pool of water and a crystal stream flowing from 
 it. The rock is covered with Dictographs. There are figures cut 
 upon the rock near Arch spring near Zuni. There seems to be 
 a similarity between them and the inscriptions near Rocky Dell 
 Creek. 
 
 Prof, Tylor takes the ground that all such deluge myths can be 
 
 Fiff. 'J.— Aztec Micjralwii Legend, 
 
 *See Studies ol" the Ceremonies of tlie Moquis, by Walter l<'e\vl{es. 
 
244 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 ascribed to the influence of the missionaries, and that they were 
 all post-Cokimbian in their origin. He maintains that many of 
 them are owing to the misinterpretation of the picture writings 
 and other traditions of the natives. To illustiate: The migra- 
 tion myth of the Aztecs has been preserved in a kind of picture 
 writing. In part of this picture there may be seen a curved 
 mountain, which arises from a lake; on either side of the mount- 
 ain crowned heads; beneath it is a boat; above it a tree. In 
 the tree a bird; from the mouth of the bird issue a number of 
 symbols, resembling "commas," which might be taken for 
 tongues. Fifteen human forms are in front of the bird, each one 
 with a totem above his head. This part of the picture has been 
 interpreted as representing the Ark, Noah and his wife, and Mt. 
 Ararat, the confusion of tongues and the dispersion of the races. 
 This interpretation Dr. Tylor thmks entirely gratuitous, and 
 maintains that the picture contains no reference to traditions 
 which prevailed among the civilized races, but in reality repre- 
 sents the history of the 'migrations of the Aztecs. It was the 
 popular tradition among the Aztecs that their starting place was 
 an island in a lake, and that the voice of a bird started them on 
 their wanderings; so a bird with the usual symbols of speech 
 was drawn above the mountain. 
 
 Mr. H. H. Bancroft also says that not one of the earliest writers 
 on Mexican mythology, those who were familiar with the old 
 traditions at the time of the conquest, seem to have known this 
 tradition. "A careful comparison of the passages (in the later 
 writers) will show that the escape of the Ancon and his wife 
 by a boat from the deluge, and of the distribution by a bird of 
 different languages to their descendants, rest upon the interpre- 
 tation of the Aztec paintings." He intimates that the tradition 
 which connects the great divinity of the Toltecs — the white 
 god, who was called Quetzatlcoatl — with the pyramid at Cho- 
 iula, came from the same source. The story about the departure 
 ol this god belonged to the ancient Toltec period, which pre- 
 ceded the Aztec, and the person that represented the national 
 god of the Toltecs, who had, like all the national gods of the 
 Americans, a personified nature worship as a basis, but the his- 
 torical tradition fastened itself upon the pyramid because of the 
 resemblance of the divinity to the ancient Noah. 
 
 There is a plausibility about this view, but there are other 
 "picture writings" which contain migration myths, but begin 
 with figures or events which resemble those described in Genesis. 
 The Red Score or Walum Olum of the Lenapes is a genuine 
 "bark record," which is supposed to be prehistoric in its origin. 
 It contains pictures of the "primal fog," the "misty waste," the 
 "extended land," the sun and moon and stars, and the group of 
 islands ; also of the "mighty snake" who brought a rushing water, 
 destroying much, and the "Strong White One," grandfather of 
 
WATER CULT AND THU DELUGE MYTH. 245 
 
 men, who lived on the "Turtle Island;" also the Manitou's daugh- 
 ter, who came with a "canoe" and helped all who came. Then 
 the grandfather of all made the "turtle" into "dry land," the 
 "mighty snake" departed and the Lenape lived together in "hollow 
 houses". The resemblance to the scripture narrative becomes more 
 apparent as we examine the myths of the civilized races. In 
 these myths we find allusions, not only to "the mountain," "the 
 boat," "the bird," "the gift of tongues," and other events of the 
 "flood," but we find also many allusions to the "creation," with the 
 same figures which are used in the Scriptures. To illustrate: 
 from the fragments of the Chimalpopoca manuscript we learn 
 that the Creator produced his work in successive epochs under 
 one sign (Tochtli) the earth was created, in another (Acalt) the 
 firmament, in the third (Tecpatl) the animals; on the seventh 
 (Checatl) man was made out of ashes or dust, by that mysterious 
 personage or divinity (Quetzalcoatl). This manuscript is sup- 
 posed to be prehistoric, although, according to Bancroft, it shows 
 traces of Christian influence and is by him ascribed to the Toltec 
 School.* Still it is regarded as "one of the most authentic 
 accounts of such matters, extant." There is also the tradition of 
 giants upon the earth. We are told by Boturini that the first age 
 or sun was called the "Sun of the water;" it was ended by a tre- 
 menduous flood, in which every living thing perished except a 
 man and woman of the "great race." The second age was called 
 the "Sun of the earth" — giants or Quinames were the only in- 
 habitants of the world. The third age, the "Sun of the air," was 
 ended by tempests and hurricanes. The fourth age is the pres- 
 ent, and belongs to the "Sun of fire." It is to be ended by con- 
 flagration. Another Mexican version is that, in the "age of 
 water the great flood occurred, and the inhabitants were turned 
 into fishes and only one man and woman escaped." The man's 
 name was Coxcox. They saved themselves in the hollow trunk 
 of a bald cypress. They grounded their "ark" on the peak of 
 Colhuacan, the "Ararat" of Mexico. Their children were born 
 dumb, but a "dove" came and gave them tongues. A Michoachan 
 tradition has the name of Tezpi as a substitute for Noah. When 
 the waters, began to subside he sent out a vulture, but the vul- 
 ture fed upon carcasses. Then Tezpi sent out other birds, and 
 among them a humming bird. The humming bird found the 
 earth covered with new verdure and returned to its old refuge 
 bearing green leaves. There is another version which fastens 
 upon the pyramid of Cholula. According to this the world was 
 inhabited by giants; some of these were changed to fishes, but 
 seven brothers enclosed themselves in seven caves. When the 
 waters were assuaged one of these, surnamed the "Architect," 
 began to build an artificial mountain, but the anger of the "gods" 
 was aroused. As the pyramid slowly rose toward the clouds 
 
 *See Bancroft's Native Race.s, Vol. II, p, 547; also Vol. II, p. 69. 
 
246 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 they launched their fire upon the builders and the work was 
 stopped. The half finished pyramid still remains, dedicated to 
 Quetzalcoatl.the god of the sun. According to another extract 
 of this Chimalpopaca manuscript, the god Titlacahuan warned 
 the man, Nata and his wife Nena, saying hollow out for your- 
 selves a great cypress in which you shall enter and he "shut 
 them in." The Miztecs have a legend which they were accus- 
 tomed to depict in their primitive scrolls. "In the year and in the 
 days of obscurity and darkness before the days of the years were, 
 when the v/orld was in great darkness and chaos when the earth 
 was covered with water, and there was nothing but mud and 
 slime on the face of the earth, behold, a god became visible 
 named the deer, and surnamed the 'lion snake,' and a beautiful 
 goddess also called the deer and surnamed the 'tiger snake.' " 
 The palace of the gods was on a mountain, in the province of 
 Mizteca Alta. It was called the "palace of Heaven." Two sons 
 were born to them, very handsome and learned. The brothers 
 made to themselves a "garden," in which they put many trees, 
 flowers, roses and odorous herbs. They fixed themselves in this 
 garden to dress it and to keep it, watering the trees and the 
 plants and the odorous herbs, multiplying them, and burning 
 incense in censors of clay, to the "gods" — their father and 
 mother. But there came a great deluge afterward, wherein 
 perished many sons and daughters that had been born to the 
 gods, but when the deluge had passed the human race was re- 
 stored as at first. In Nicaragua it was believed that ages ago 
 the world was destroyed by a flood and that the most of man- 
 kind perished. In the Papago county, lying south of the Gila, 
 there is a tradition that the "Great Spirit" made the earth and 
 all other things, but when he came to make man he descended 
 from heaven and took clay, such as the potters use, from which 
 he made the hero god, Montezuma, and afterward the Indian 
 tribes in their order. He made them all brethren; men and 
 beasts talked together in common language, but a great flood 
 destroyed all flesh, Montezuma and his friend, the Coyote, alone 
 escaping. This Montezuma afterward hardened his heart and 
 set about building a house that should "reach up to heaven." 
 Already it had attained a great height, when the Great Spirit 
 launched his thunder and laid its glory in ruins. This legend 
 accounts for the connection of the name of Montezuma with 
 ancient buildings in the mythology of the Gila Valley, and per- 
 haps, also for the connection of the same name with the various 
 ruins in Arizona and New Mexico. The legendary adventures 
 of this hero are narrated by the natives in all this region. 
 
 We call attention to the wide distribution of the deluge myth 
 over both continents of America, and would ask whether there 
 was not a good reason for the interpreting, the "picture 
 writing" of the Aztecs, as having reference to the same 
 
WATER CULT AND THE DELUGE MYTH. 247 
 
 event. The picture refers to a migration which had occurred at 
 the very earliest date of history, the mountain where it is located 
 being often the starting point for the tribe or nation. May it 
 not be that the picture embodied the tradition itself, and that it 
 represented the starting point of the Aztecs, exactly as Scripture 
 traditions represent the starting point of Eastern tribes? We 
 maintain that this deluge myth is as thoroughly incorporated 
 into the aboriginal literature of America as it is in the ancient 
 literature of the East, and that mythology everywhere abouuds 
 with it. 
 
 Let us look at some of the traditions. Mount Shasta was 
 the wigwam of the great divinity. The smoke was formerly 
 seen curling above it. The Great Spirit stepped from cloud to 
 cloud down the great ice pile, and planted the first trees near 
 the edge. He blew upon the leaves and the leaves became 
 birds. He broke sticks in pieces and they became fishes and 
 animals. The sun melted the ice and they became rivers. The 
 daughter of the Great Spirit looked out of the wigwam and was 
 so curious at the sight that she flew away to the earth, and 
 mingled with the great bears, and became Eve, the mother of 
 the human race. The Papagoes have the tradition that a great 
 flood destroyed all flesh, but Montezuma and a Coyote escaped. 
 Montezuma was forewarned and kept his canoe ready on the 
 topmost summit of Santa Rosa. The Coyote prepared an ark 
 out of cane, and the two sailed over the waters and repopulated 
 the world. In Northern California the tradition of the flood is 
 connected with Tahoe. Lake Tahoe was caused by an earth- 
 quake. A great wave swept over the land; the Sierra Mount- 
 ains were formed; the inhabitants fled to a temple tower, which 
 rose like a dome above the lake ; but the divinity thrust them like 
 pebbles into a cave and keeps them there until another earth- 
 quake shall occur. 
 
 The Calitornians tell of a great flood which covered the earth, 
 with the exception of Mount Diablo and Reed Peak. The 
 Coyote escaped to the peak and survived the flood. At that 
 time the Sacramento and San Joaquin began to find their way to 
 the Pacific. Thus we see that the myth is localized in connec- 
 tion with nearly every mountain, river and lake. The springs 
 on the Pacific coast are also localized among the former tribes of 
 the Atlantic coast. Now the inquiry arises, would a tradition 
 which had been introduced by the missionaries at different times, 
 and received by the converts to Christianity, and so altogether 
 modern, have been likely to spread so extensively among 
 the pagan tribes and to have been so thoroughly adopted by 
 them as an integral part of their history. It is to be noticed 
 that the tradition, as localized by the pagan tribes, always refers 
 to an event which occurred at the very earliest date of history 
 and has reference to the starting point or original home of the 
 
248 iV:^ Tl VE A MERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 tribes. The only exception to this is the one that relates to the 
 pyramid of Cholula, this having been the last place of refuge, 
 rather than the starting point of the Toltec race. In the picture 
 writing of the Aztecs, the starting point is like that of other 
 tribes. It is represented as a mountain beside a lake. After 
 the departure from the mountain to the various points of the 
 immigration route the same symbol of the mountain and the tree 
 continues. This correspondence between the verbal and the 
 written, or in other words, the traditionary and recorded, proves 
 that the story must have existed in pre-Columbian times, and 
 perhaps was known by the Aztec before they commenced their 
 wanderings. It is to be noticed further that the imagery used by 
 the pagan tribes wherever any is used in repeating the story 
 of the deluge is always such as would be natural to them. The 
 wild hunters of the north used the figure of the canoe, the island 
 and the lake; the semi-civilized, in the interior, used the figure 
 of the cave, the mountain, the auroya; the civilized tribes of the 
 southwest used the figure of the boat, the curved mountain, the 
 symbol of speech, the temple and the pyramid. This might 
 have occurred if the tradition was modern, for the story, when 
 filtered through the native minds, would naturally receive the 
 tinge of their own thoughts and would vary according to differ- 
 ent habits, conceptions and surroundings of the people. We 
 must remember, however, that while there is a great difference 
 between the versions of the story, yet the same elements remain 
 — the boat, the mountain, the ancient divinity who was the first 
 ancestor, the flood, the survival from the flood and the repeopling 
 of the land. 
 
 These elements or images seem to have been a part of the 
 story of the deluge itself. They are evidently prehistoric in 
 their character and are associated with the prehistoric cultus. 
 They have been regarded as autochthonous, but taken in 
 connection with the deluge story, they furnish an additional 
 evidence of contact with historic countries. There are also 
 symbols of the cross, the suastika, the serpent, the horse-shoe, 
 the hand, the eye, the spectacle ornament, the loop, the turreted 
 figure, the bird, the Nile key. These symbols are the most 
 prevalent in Oriental countries, and the most widespread in this 
 country. These symbols are, indeed, associated with the various 
 forms of nature worship, but sometimes with the tradition of the 
 deluge. In this we recognize a contrast. The water cult in this 
 country was, like that of Great Britain, a pre-historic system. It 
 was always localized at some spring and was preserved by the 
 spring into historic times. These, with the mountains and 
 streams, are reminders of the early history of the native tribes 
 and of the traditions which seem to have been as familiar to them 
 as to us. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 TRANSFORM A TION MYTHS. 
 
 There is an element in the mythology of America which is 
 very interesting, but not often described. It may be called 
 -" transformation," for that is the word which best expresses its 
 character. It consists in the constant overleaping of those 
 barriers which, according to modern science, separate the 
 various orders of creation, and treats them as though they did 
 not exist; mingling birds, animals, and human beings, as 
 if they belonged to one order. The effect of this habit, or 
 custom, is very peculiar, for it brings all the objects of nature, 
 whether plants, trees, birds, animals, or human beings, indis- 
 criminately together, and as a consequence there are many 
 figures' which are distorted and present a very strange appear- 
 ance. Animals appear with human faces; human forms appear 
 as having bird's wings, claws and beaks, but with arms and legs, 
 having weapons in their hands, either fighting, or in the atti- 
 tude of dancing; nondescript figures appear made up of forms 
 of vegetation, such as trees, but surrounded by human figures, 
 and yet mingled with serpent's jaws and all the varying sym- 
 bols which may come from the creation without. 
 
 This element gives a great variety to native mythology, for 
 there is nothing to prevent the stories which are told from 
 transcending all material bounds. The imagination is given 
 full play and the most extravagant tales are told, and seem to 
 be believed, as though they were true. It is, however, not con- 
 fined to mythology, for it forms a prominent feature in many 
 religious ceremonies. In these ceremonies, creatures resembl- 
 ing animals, human beings and supernatural creatures are 
 mingled together, and seem to be closely related. The animals 
 do not themselves appear, but the persons who take part, are 
 so covered and dressed that they resemble animals, and atti- 
 tudes are taken which imitate the motions of the animals. It 
 is an element which often appears in the relics and gives a 
 peculiar character to aboriginal art. There are many speci- 
 mens which show great taste for colors and correct ideas of 
 form, and much skill in representing forms and faces; yet as a 
 fact there are no limitations to hinder, and the strangest crea- 
 tions appear. 
 
 The same element of transformation also appears in all the 
 secret societies, and forms a prominent part of all the sacred 
 mysteries. It also enters into the amusements, public dances, 
 and open air performances, and gives to them their greatest 
 
>oO 
 
 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 zest. It exists among all the tribes, but varies according to their 
 social condition and habits, for the hunter tribes have one sys- 
 tem; the agricultural, another; the mountaineers, another, 
 and those who dwell in the arid regions, still another, though 
 the equipments and ceremonies of all partake of the physical 
 peculiarites of the region in which they take place. 
 
 The strangest thing about this " transformation," is that it 
 increases, rather than diminishes, as civilization advances, for 
 
 Fig. I . — Miui-Eagle. 
 
 the most elaborate and complicated figures appear where art 
 and architecture are most advanced, and where the people have 
 attained to wealth and power. Illustrations of these different 
 points are numerous and are found among the various tribes. 
 There are many stories told among the Crows, a tribe situated 
 in the northern part of Montana, about the different animals, 
 and especially the coyotes. These are turned to buff^los, bears, 
 bulls, bald-headed eagles, and thunder birds. There are also 
 
TRANSFORM A TION MYTHS. '-'51 
 
 giants and young and old men, who interchange their forms 
 and are married to animals, and have children which are also 
 constantly changing their form and appearance. In one case, 
 a buffalo skull is seen in the water of a spring. A chief's 
 daughter comes to the spring, but the buffalo's skull is gone, 
 and in its place a young man wearing a buffalo robe appears 
 upon the bank of the spring. The two are married and dis- 
 appear. All the animals set to work to find the wedded pair. 
 They call upon the buffaloes, who come from every direction 
 in great nujnbers and gather around the tree where the two are 
 hidden. This is the reason why buffaloes are so numerous at 
 certain times. Many other stories are told by the hunting 
 tribes, which represent the most remarkable changes of form 
 and appearance as occurring, both among the animals and 
 human beings. 
 
 There is a story among the Arapahoes, about a boy who was 
 gifted with the power of transforming creatures. He was left 
 by his grandmother at home alone, but during her absence he 
 exercised his power, which had previously been unknown to 
 himself, and suddenly there appeared before him in the house 
 all his relatives, especially his uncles, who came dancing out 
 from every corner and every side, and appeared to him. His 
 grandmother, who was at the end of the world, also suddenly 
 appeared, herself surprised that this power had become known 
 to the boy. There are many other novel and interesting stories 
 of the same kind. 
 
 This habit or superstition about the different creatures be- 
 ing transformed and assuming unnatural shapes, will account 
 for the abundance of strange relics which are found among the 
 mounds of the Mississippi Valley, especially the copper plates 
 and shell gorgets, which are so numerous in the stone graves. 
 In these we see human figures, with the beaks and wings of 
 birds, but dressed as warriors, with elaborate headdress, pouch, 
 and war club, and dancing with tokens of victory in hand. 
 These have been called " man eagles," or " eagle men," and are 
 interesting as reminders of the mythology which prevailed 
 among the Mound-Building tribes. (See Fig. i.) 
 
 Catlin, the celebrated painter, has represented the dances 
 which occurred among the Mandans, and Miss Alice Fletcher 
 has described those which occur among the Dakotas. The 
 most prominent feature in these dances is that the men appear 
 covered with the skins of buffaloes, or with the horns of deer 
 or elk, and throw themselves into the different attitudes which 
 these animals assume and personate their very shapes and 
 moods. 
 
 The tribes on the Northwest coast believe in this transforma- 
 tion, to the extent that they often, in their dances and religious 
 ceremonies, put great masks upon their heads, and will march 
 or dance about the fire throughout the long winter nights and 
 find a vast amount of amusement in imagining themselves 
 
2.52 
 
 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 tranbformed into these very creatures. They have also a cere- 
 mony in which some person, who is hidden in an adjoining 
 room, bursts through the barrier and suddenly appears in a strik- 
 ing attitude. (See Plates.) The best illustration is found among 
 the Navajoes, among whom the sand paintings are the most 
 conspicuous objects of native art. These consist of figures 
 which represent the Nature powers. Rainbows which form arches 
 resembling the arch of the sky, arc humanized, having heads 
 and arms at one end, and body and legs at the other. There 
 are sunbeam rafts in the form of crosses, made of different 
 colored sand, and upon these are placed the figures of god- 
 desses, which have many-colored skirts and wear caps or hats 
 
 Fig. 2. — The Maya Gods of Death., Life and Growth. 
 
 which are trimmed with fleecy clouds; around their waists they 
 wear sashes, which resemble rainbows; at their side are birds 
 and animals which come from the mountains, also, sprigs and 
 sprays which come from the forest. The sand paintings repre- 
 sent the personal divinities of the Navajoes, and in this respect 
 resemble the sacred dramas of the Zunis and the codices of 
 the Mayas. 
 
 The figures in the cut are from the Dresden Codex and 
 represent the Gods of Death, Life and Growth, as well as the 
 various operations of nature. 
 
 The Pueblo tribes also believe in this transformation, and 
 embody their belief in their dances and ceremonies in such a 
 way as to make them the most realistic of all the religious cere- 
 
TRANSFORMA TION MYTHS. 253 
 
 monies that are known. Among this people are many so-called 
 *' altars," which resemble the "sand paintings,' in that they 
 present a great variety of figures or symbols, and with all 
 colors displayed upon them. These altars have been described 
 by Mr. J. Walter Fewkes, who explains their different parts. It 
 appears that every clan had a great sky god, and an earth god, 
 or goddess. Each clan also had its totemistic ancestors, male 
 and female, and culture heroes, or heroines; these are imper- 
 sonated symbolically, and may be represented by a human be- 
 ing, or by animals and birds, or by all combined. In these 
 altars are medicine bowls covered with symbols, also radiating 
 lines of sacred meal representing the six directions; ears of 
 corn of different colors, which corresponded to the directions: 
 Yellow, for north; blue, for west; red, for south; black, for the 
 above, and speckled, for the below. The altars are made out 
 of wooden slats cut in shape to resemble the human form, but 
 painted with many different colors. A large number of them 
 are placed upright, making them resemble an old-fashioned 
 fire-place, while in front of them are figures made of different- 
 colored sand, surrounded by images of various kinds and ears 
 of corn of different colors. They are called altars because 
 they are objects of worship and are full of symbols. 
 
 There are pictures of " the Growth God," and slats bearing 
 symbolic birds; also boards painted with semi-circular figures 
 representing the sky, parallel lines symbolizing rain, zigzag 
 markings symbolizing lightning; also images which are the 
 tutelary "clan ancients," and others representing the sun and 
 "Germ Gods"; also the butterfly symbols, and many other 
 objects. 
 
 The public dances of the Hopis and other Pueblo tribes are 
 also full of symbols and ceremonies, which are the result of 
 this belief in transformation; and many different societies em- 
 body the belief that supernatural beings were present. Mr. 
 Fewkes recognizes strong affinities with the tribes further 
 south, such as the Nahuas and Mayas, in these ceremonials, 
 and traces a resemblance between the symbols common among 
 them and those found in the codices.* 
 
 Among the partially civilized tribes of the Southwest, 
 mainly the Nahuas and Mayas, the same supersitition formerly 
 prevailed, for here we find symbols of various kinds scattered 
 among the ruins, and also see pictures with many colors and 
 strange figures, in which there is a mingling of all orders of 
 creation in the codices. In fact, this element of transforma- 
 tion is so prominent in Mexico and Central America, that it 
 furnishes us a key to the solution of the problems which have 
 been very difficult. 
 
 There are in the codices figures which represent the different 
 
 •See "Central American Ceremony, which Sugfests the Snake Dance of the Tusayan 
 Villagers." Reprinted from the American Anthropologist, WasBing ton, D. C; 1903. 
 
 Also, "A St«dy of Certain Figuras in a Maya Codex," Washington, D. C, July, 1894. 
 
254 
 
 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 divinities. Some of them appear in skeleton form in strange 
 attitudes; others have faces with peculiar expressions, but trom 
 the mouth are seen issuing serpent tongues. Other figures are 
 partly animal and partly human. The whole picture or page 
 represents creatures in the most grotesque attitudes, but all of 
 them so strange and shadowy that we can scarcely tell whether 
 they were intended to represent animals, human beings, or 
 divinities, and yet they are in the midst of hieroglyphics which 
 evidently tell the story of the past. (See Fig. 2.) 
 
 There are also among the codices charts which contain trees 
 in the form of crosses, with flowers at the end of the branches. 
 Above the trees are birds of different kinds, while below may 
 be seen the jaws of serpents and other strange figures. Repre- 
 
 Fig. j". — The Tree of Life Transformed . 
 
 sentatives of all the different orders of creation are mingled 
 together in a strange way, and yet make symbols which repre- 
 sent periods of time and convey religious thoughts. 
 
 It appears from this, that all the different kingdoms 
 of nature are combined together and symbolized; the sky 
 above, by the birds; the earth, by the plants and flowers; the 
 realms below, by the dragons' or serpents' heads. The four 
 seasons were also represented by the four trees; the four 
 directions, or cardinal points, by the branches of the trees. 
 
 There were many religious ceremonies, also among the 
 partially civilized tribes, which depended upon this element 
 of transformation for their effect, and there are even temples 
 and palaces which present strange figures in their interior, in 
 the shape of crosses surmounted by birds, with a human form 
 on either side, and contorted animals below them; the whole 
 
TRANSFORMA TION MYTHS. 
 
 255 
 
 symbolizing the Nature powers, and at the same time terming 
 objects of worship. 
 
 In studying the symbols which are thus brought together 
 in the calendars and codices we will find that nothing appears 
 separate and distinct, for all the realms of nature are united; 
 the Nature powers being generally represented by human 
 creatures. It is remarkable that symbolism should have been 
 carried so far by these partially-civilized peoples, but it must 
 be remembered that pictographs and symbols took the place 
 of writing. The pictographs were historical records, but these 
 charts were calendars, from which the priests and learned men 
 reckoned the time. The employments of the people, as well 
 as their religious ceremonies, were regulated by the priests, 
 
 Fig. 4 — The Tree of Life Transformed. 
 
 who studied these calendars and their symbols, and it is sup- 
 posed by some that the astronomical events and long periods 
 of time were recorded by them. The codices contain the best 
 specimens of transformation, for in these the divinities are 
 represented, generally by human figures in such a way that 
 theiv sphere of action and character are plainly indicated. 
 The transformation is not so apparent at first, yet the more we 
 study the codices and calendars, the more we realize that all 
 the realms of creation are represented in them, but are 
 strangely blended and interchanged. 
 
 It will be noticed that there are below the figures of the 
 trees twenty different symbols, consisting of birds, animals, 
 minerals, reptiles, house, &c. These are grouped so as to re- 
 present the twenty days of the month divided into four weeks 
 of five days each. We find in these symbols and the accom- 
 
256 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 panying pictographs, a chart which gives to us a pretty correct 
 idea of the calendar which prevailed among the Mayas. 
 
 It was, however, the religious sentiment that gave signifi- 
 cance to the symbols, for this threw a mysterious air over all 
 the realms of creation, and mingled the natural with the super- 
 natural. The study of the symbols convince us that the same 
 general principles which were embodied in the ceremonies and 
 in the relics of the wild tribes were brought together in a small 
 compass and presented to the eye by the mute symbols, which 
 required close study to understand and interpret. 
 
 Interesting specimens of this transformation maybe found 
 in Nicaragua, for here we see idols, finished in the round but in 
 singular attitudes, while upon their shoulders and above their 
 heads may be seen the great jaws of crocodiles; and again 
 other figures, with a semblance of bears, yet having human 
 forms. This element of transformation appears even in the 
 codices and sacred writings of the Mayas, for in them we sec 
 rows of hieroglyphics, but between the rows are nondescript 
 creatures, dressed with varied costumes and assuming different 
 attitudes, but upon their heads they wear ornaments which are 
 in reality symbols. Their faces are very unnatural, for, while 
 they have the eyes, nose, and mouth of human beings, there 
 can be seen the serpent fangs and tongues and other strange 
 symbols which transformed them into human beings. 
 
 This element of transformation seems to have had effect 
 upon the architecture of the region, for nearly all the palaces 
 have facjades on which are sculptured figures of plumed ser- 
 pents, and above them are seated figures with glaring eyes and 
 hooked noses, generally called the manitou face, and many 
 barbaric ornaments, which can only be understood and ex- 
 plained by the mythology which prevailed. We may say that 
 the religious ceremonies, the mythologies, and the symbols of 
 all the tribes cannot be understood, unless we take this element 
 of transformation into account. By its aid, however, we may 
 trace the connection between the different tribes and races, 
 and learn that there was a mass of symbolism which was trans- 
 mitted from the past. 
 
 Discoveries are being made which'show the prevalence of 
 this system. Even the best specimens of art seem to have been 
 affected by it. The beautiful urns which have been recently 
 exhumed in Nicaragua, are now in the possession of the Museum 
 of Natural History of New York. 
 
 It is worthy of notice that among the tribes of the North- 
 west coast the chief divinity was called the "Transformer." 
 Such, too, was the real character of the divinities of the Nava- 
 joes, the Zunis, and the various Pueblo tribes. 
 
 As to the divinities of the Mound-Building tribes, we 
 are not so sure; yet the relics indicate that the chief trait 
 was this power of transformation. This is illustrated by 
 the copper plate, especially by the wings and the beak on 
 
TRA NSFORMA TION M YTHS. 257 
 
 the same. There were also taken from the same mound certain 
 copper objects, which were evidently designed for ornaments of 
 a head-dress. These, though made of copper, have the same 
 shape as the so-called banner stones. 
 
 We now come to the explanation of these figures, which is 
 really the object of this chapter. This will be gained by the 
 study of other fignres, especially the myths connected with them. 
 
 It was a strange conception among nearly all of the North 
 American tribes that there were no lines which could keep apart 
 the natural and the supernatural, the human and the divine, for 
 all things were blended together in a shadowy way, and were 
 easily transformed, as if seen in a dream. As in looking into 
 the fog which sweeps into the shore, the divisions between the 
 sky and sea and solid land are dimly blended and obscure, and 
 even those objects which have a definite shape seem to be mon- 
 strous in their size, and fill one with awe because of their strange 
 appearance, so to the eye of superstition there was no separation 
 between the different realms of creation, no distance between the 
 divine and human beings, but all were mingled together in one 
 common realm, the superstition of the people doing away with the 
 distinction between the substance and shadow, form and spirit, the 
 feeling of awe and the sense of worship being aroused by every- 
 thing that was strange or that excited their wonder. The divini- 
 ties could assume the shape of animals or birds and nondescript 
 creatures, and appear in any of the elements — the earth, air and 
 water. They were all equivalent to the nature powers, and em- 
 bodied in their strange forms the different forces of the sky. 
 They could assume the human form and make that the highest 
 manifestation of their presence. They were always supernatural, 
 but made the natural objects subject to their power and so made 
 their presence known. Stars came to earth and dwelt among 
 men, men and women were changed to stars and dwelt in the 
 skies; serpents came out of the water and married women; 
 women changed to serpents and followed their lovers into the 
 water; birds swept down the mountains and across the lakes, 
 and changed to feathered serpents; serpents were carried up to 
 the clouds and shot as lightning from the skies; great monsters 
 appeared upon the earth and devoured men for food, but the 
 monsters became stones and their bones were seen upon the 
 shore; forests changed to shadows and through them invisible 
 spirits made their way. Such was the power of transformation 
 that even the spirit world became as substantial as the material, 
 the material itself became ethereal, which was constantly sug- 
 gesting the presence of the divinities. The mythology oi the 
 aborigines was full of these strange stories of transformation, and 
 owes its beauty in part to the fact that it had to do with the 
 realms of the spirit. There was all the play of fancy which is 
 possible to poetry, and all the charm that is contained in the fairy 
 
258 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 stories, but the thought was controlled by the spirit of devotion 
 and the myths were of a dreamy and shadowy character, and 
 have a peculiar charm which is found no where else in literature. 
 Now it is to this transformation element in the myths and 
 symbols that we are to call attention, for this is the clue by 
 which we are to interpret the various figures which are brought 
 before us, and especially those which represent the human form 
 in combination with the various parts of birds and beasts and 
 other creatures. These figures may well be studied, for they 
 contain within themselves many of the myths which were preva- 
 lent in prehistoric times, and so may be regarded as " myth- 
 bearers" to the historic days. They are to be compared with 
 the masked figures which are recognized in the various dances, 
 for they probably represent the same conceptions, namely, that 
 
 human beings could be 
 easily changed into ani- 
 mals and birds and that 
 the totems of the clans 
 could thus be brought 
 near, and the divinities 
 appeased and the prayers 
 be granted, the drama- 
 tization of the prayers 
 being perhaps embodied 
 in the figures as well as 
 in the dances, the relics 
 thus serving the same 
 purpose as the "sand- 
 paintings" and the carved 
 columns, the transforma- 
 tion element being con- 
 tained in all alike. 
 
 We have spoken of a 
 few of these, but have 
 
 Fig. S.-Serpent and Human Face. confined OUrselvCS tO the 
 
 winged figures and to the human images which were inscribed 
 Upon copper plates and shell gorgets taken from the mounds, but 
 there are many other specimens scattered over the different parts 
 of the continent, and many means of representing them. These 
 may all be called "mythologic creatures," for they embody the 
 myths of the prehistoric races, but they need to be studied with 
 this thought in mind, for they are so varied and contain so many 
 strange conceptions that were it not for the transformation ele- 
 ment we should be utterly baffled in our effort to interpret their 
 meaning or to understand their object. We shall therefore call 
 attention to the transform.ation cult as it is presented in the 
 various localities, and to the different figures in which it is man- 
 ifested throughout the land. The following may be taken as a 
 
TRANS FORM A TION MYTHS. 
 
 259 
 
 list of the objects which have perpetuated the cult and which 
 have been chosen as the means of representing it to the eye: 
 (i) Figures seen in the rock inscriptions; (2) effigy mounds; (3) 
 carved posts; (4) masks and helmets used in dances; (5) painted 
 figures and personal decorations and the attitude of dancers; 
 (6) the images which were used in religious ceremonials; (7) the 
 figures inscribed upon the shell or copper plates, stone tablets, 
 carved pipes and pottery vessels found in the mounds; (8) the 
 figures which were painted or carved upon the houses; (9) the 
 figures which were wrought in stucco and placed in the shrines; 
 (10) carved stone figures, made to ornament the fagades of the 
 palaces; (11) statues in stone and wood, made to represent 
 the sun divinities; (12) the figures which are portrayed by the 
 codices and ancient calendars of the civilized tribes. It will be 
 noticed that the figures are numerous 
 and widely scattered. Such is the 
 variety and distribution of these va- 
 rious figures that we are constantly 
 reminded of the great store of myth- 
 ology which was formerly prevalent, 
 but which is passing away. These 
 "mythologic creatures" often baffle in- 
 terpretation and are very mysterious, 
 and the symbols which contain them 
 are often difficult to understand. Yet 
 the more we study the mythologies 
 of the people and compare these with 
 the figures which come before the eye, f^i\ 
 the better are we able to identify the [ 
 myths in the symbols and the more ' ' 
 meaning do we find — that which was ' 
 a sealed book becomes eloquent with 
 a hidden sense, and beauties which 
 were unobserved are brought before us to awaken our admira- 
 tion and surprise.* The best aid, however, to the interpretation 
 of the mythologic creatures is the one which is furnished by the 
 so-called "transformation myths." We shall therefore reier to 
 these, taking the pictographs and the myths as the double key, 
 or rather as the lock and key, by which we may open the door 
 to the inner chamber of the various religious systems. 
 
 I. Let us consider the transformation of the creator into animals. 
 This was a common superstition among the partially civilized. 
 
 Fig. 6.— Pottery Idol. 
 
 *One of the most important aids in this work is the volume which has recently been 
 published by the Ethnological Bureau and which describes the Picture Writing of the 
 American Indians (see Tenth Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology). The author. Col. 
 Garrick Mallery. makes no attempt to identify any of the mythologic divinities in these 
 hgures and briefly refers to the symbols contained in them, yet from the study of the rude 
 drawings or engravings in the volume we may follow on from one figure to another and trace 
 the general resemblance between them and then apply the myths already known until we 
 have made out a tolerably satisfactory system. 
 
260 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 tribes. The idea of the Creator with them was that he was a 
 "transformer" or "changer." He was called "the master of life," 
 "the holder of the heavens," "the old man of the ancients," "the 
 god of beasts and men," and was regarded as a person having 
 supernatural power, but was pictured as an animal or bird, though 
 endowed with human attributes. The animal varied according 
 to the locality. Among the eastern tribes it was the rabbit; 
 among the tribes on the Pacific coast it was the coyote; among 
 the tribes of the interior, the Moquis, it was the mountain lion 
 or bear; among the tribes on the gulf coast, the eagle; in the 
 southwest, among the civilized tribes, the tiger and the feather- 
 headed serpent that represented the creator and the culture hero. 
 The divinity, however, rarely retained any ani- 
 mal semblance long at a time, for he was con- 
 stantly changing into other animals and into 
 the human form, and at times was without 
 form except as the elements, such as the 
 lightning, the clouds, the rain obeyed his be- 
 hests and became the sign of his power. The 
 myths abound with stories of his adventures 
 and he always comes before us as a person 
 having human frailties and resembles Zeus, 
 the chief god of the Greeks, in this respect. 
 He was unlike Zeus, however, in that he could 
 leave his Olympus and his position as the 
 "chief of gods and men" and become an ani- 
 mal and act like other animals — proving to be 
 the "god of beasts as well as men." 
 
 The power of transforming himself into 
 any object of nature was also enjoyed by 
 each one of the culture heroes and creators. 
 To illustrate, let us take the stories of Glooskap, the chief god 
 of the Abenakis. He was able to transform everything at his 
 will. One story is that there were stone giants; these were 
 ravenous cannibals, but they were changed to stones, which can be 
 seen in various places. An army of these giants ran across the 
 river at Niagara, just below the falls, but they were changed to 
 stones, which are still to be seen. The story is told of the great 
 magician, called Kitpoosegenow, that he changed the rocks on 
 the sea coast into canoes and the smaller rocks into paddles and 
 a long splinter, taken from a ledge, into a spear. He changed a 
 Hian into a pine tree, which became exceedingly tall, so that his 
 head rose above the forest. One who enters a pine forest and listens 
 may hear the tree murmuring all day long. He took the great 
 bird callfd the " wind-blower," — '' Wooclioivscn'' — who lived far 
 to the north and sits upon a great rock and makes the wind by 
 the moving of its wings, tied both his wings and threw him into 
 a cha>ni, and there was a dead calm for many weeks. He after- 
 
 Big. 7.— Idol from the 
 West Indies. 
 
77?^ NSFORMA TION M 1 'THS. 261 
 
 ward loosened one of his wings and then the winds blew but as 
 if with a broken wing. Glooskap had two dogs which barked 
 at night and filled the forest vvith their echoes. One was the 
 coyote and the other the loon, the voices of both these creatures 
 being very weird and ghost-like. 
 
 The Iroquois also have many myths about their "master of 
 life" or "holder of heaven," who is called loskeha and who re- 
 sembled Glooskap, the Abenaki god. He was pictured as a giant 
 rabbit, but was a great magician and a wonderful "transformer."* 
 He was able to change himself into any animal and could change 
 other animals into new. One of his greatest adventures was 
 that he caught themischievious sprite Pauppukeewis, who eluded 
 him by jumping from continent to continent, and changed him 
 into a war eagle. He overcame also the "prince of the serpents," 
 and finally himself became the great lawgiver Hiawatha. They 
 hold also that Hiawatha himself was changed. After terminat- 
 ing his mission upon the earth he took his magic canoe and 
 sailed away to the skies. A modern story is that the Atotarho, 
 the enemy of Hiawatha, was changed from a horrid monster into 
 a quiet man by a series of prayers. 
 
 There are many stories of the transformation of culture heroes 
 and divinities into serpents. We 
 have elswhere told the story of 
 Manibozho, the Algonkin di- 
 vinity, and have given a cut to 
 illustrate it — the cut of the pipe 
 with the tree and serpent and 
 human face.* There is a legend 
 of the transformation of the great ^'^- ^ -^«*'^" ^°''^"'^- 
 
 creator into a serpent still extant among the Hopis or Moquis. 
 The figure given herewith (see Fig. 5) is that of a water pitcher 
 or cooler from Peru. It represents a serpent and human face 
 combined, and reminds us of the idols which were so common 
 in Guatemala. No tradition is connected with it, and yet it may 
 represent the same superstition 
 
 The myths of the northwest coastf among the tribes of the 
 Klamaths, Thlinkeets, Haidahs, illustrate this superstition very 
 clearly. Among the Klamaths the creator of the world is 
 (Kmukamtch) the "old man of the ancients." the "primeval old 
 man," equivalent to old man above, or the chief in the skies of 
 California. He was as great a deceiver and trickster as Gloos- 
 kap was. He is the culture hero of his people. He did not 
 make the world by one act, but made the lakes, islands, prairies 
 and mountains, one after the other, and gave a name to each. 
 He created the rocks shaped like a crescent, because the sun 
 
 *See Chapter XVI, p. 377. 
 
 tSee American Antiqu.\rian, Vol. 6; article by Rev. M. Eells. See the Klamath 
 Indian of Southwestern Oregon, by A. S. Gatschet, page LXXIX. 
 
262 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 and moon once lived there. He was changed into a rock, which 
 stands in the Williamson River, He travels in the path of the 
 sun till he reaches the zenith, where he builds a palace and lives 
 there with his daughter. The second in importance is the son ot 
 the creator, called Aishish, who has great personal beauty. He 
 is the genius of the morning star, or the rainbow, or the moon, 
 and personifies the atmospheric changes. The moon is his 
 campfire. The moon, seen through the pine trees, is the shadow 
 of the famished Aishish. As the moon brings the months and 
 the seasons, so the quadrupeds and birds which appear after the 
 long winter months are considered his wives, and the flowers of 
 summer vegetation are the beads of his garments. He is called 
 the time measurer, the one that tells the time. As the revolutions 
 of the moon bring the weeks and months, so the measuring of 
 time was ascribed to Aishish, the moon god. The elementary 
 deities are mysterious shadowy beings. The thunders are five 
 brothers, the interior of whose lodge is dark, as the sky obscured 
 by a thunder-storm, but their terrible weapon is the lightning, or 
 thunderbolt. They are five, because the thunder rolls along the 
 mountains in repeated peals. 
 
 2. The power of transforming other creatures was sometimes 
 delegated to the medicine men and individuals. Among the wild 
 tribes this power became almost equivalent to magic, and gave 
 great influence to the sorcerers, for the superstition was that they 
 had control over the elements and were in constant communica- 
 tion with the supernatural. We can hardly appreciate this 
 influence unless we take into the account this element of trans- 
 formation. The barriers between the ghost world and the spirit 
 of man were so broken down that superstition of the people was 
 easily played upon, and they were made to believe that super- 
 natural leings were actually present. Even among the more 
 cultivated tribes there was a dramatization of the nature powers 
 under the semblance of serpents and other figures, the transforma- 
 tion of the elements into animal forms being in the hands of the 
 priests. The sand paintings owed their magic power in curing 
 the sick to this thought. When the colors of the sky were used 
 the sky spirits or sky divinities were actually present. The 
 tracking of the disease into the various parts of the body and 
 using the power of magic in the presence of the sky divinities 
 was sufficient to effect marvelous cures in many cases. The 
 superstition about the soul being able to pass through the 
 mountains and into the rocks and to change its form, to leave 
 the body and to take it up again, was also owing to the "trans- 
 formation" elements, which so ruled the fancies of the people 
 who dwelt among the mountains. 
 
 We may say of all these different kinds of transformation, that 
 they were based upon the thought that the human was the 
 highest form of being, yet the human must become animal in 
 
TRANSFORMA HON MYTHS. 263 
 
 order to hold communion with the divine. This was the case, 
 especially where totemism prevailed.* 
 
 This power of transformation also came upon individuals on 
 special occasions, especially in ceremonial dances. It was a gift 
 enjoyed by a few favored individuals in their childhooJ. These 
 were looked upon with peculiar awe, as if they were great 
 manitous. An excellent illustration of this may be found in the 
 account which has already been given of the dance seen by Cat- 
 lin, called the buffalo dance.f This dance preceded the initiation 
 of warriors, and was very suggestive of the transformation ele- 
 ment. Examination of the plates will show this. In them it 
 will be seen that the dancers wore the horns and skins of buffalos, 
 but various persons have the forms of bears and antelopes and 
 of buzzards or vultures. These surround the "medicine lodge," 
 while others, with their bodies painted to represent the day and 
 the night, appear among the dancers, all the animal gods and 
 the sky gods being personified, and the myth of the creation and 
 the flood being dramatized in the dance. | 
 
 We have the testimony on this point of Professor William- 
 son, a son of a missionary among the Dakotas, who often 
 witnessed in his boyhood the dance called the medicine dance. 
 He says: "The celebrated ghost dance, so-called, of the Dakotas 
 of the Pine Ridge agency perpetuates one of its old forms — 
 an old craze under a new name. In my boyhood I often wit- 
 nessed this dance, usually called the medicine dance, although 
 in particular forms it was called the sun dance. The ghost is 
 only another name for the latter form. The dance I best remem- 
 ber was held in Kaposia, (South St. Paul), about the summer of 
 1849. Its chief object was the initiation of new members into a 
 secret society, the Waukau order, into which only favored indi- 
 viduals were admitted. Members came from many other bands. 
 They stated that, in some of these dances, the dancers actually 
 became, for the time, by transmigration of souls, the very ani- 
 mals they worshiped, and involuntarily and necessarily they 
 imitated them; they acted not as men, but as these animals, while 
 under the spell. The bufTalo and deer ate grass, panthers, wolves, 
 bears and foxes raced and quarreled over the small annuals and 
 fishes brought into the enclosure for the purpose, tearing them 
 with their teeth, and eating them raw. At another time some 
 malignant spirit, it was supposed, took possession of the one to 
 
 *See Charles Leland's Algonkin Legends, Micmac Indian Legends, by Rev.S. T. Rand. 
 
 tSee Chapter on Sky Worship, pp. 142-4. Also Water Cult, p. 231. 
 
 tCatlin has als^ described a dance of the Mandans called the bear dance which was in 
 reality a dramatization of a prayer. He says, "Many in the dance wore masks on their 
 laces made ot the skins from the bear's head, and all with the motion of their liands closely 
 imitated the movements ot the animal, some representing its motion in running, some its 
 peculiar attitudes and hanging of its paws when it was sitting upon its hind part and look- 
 ing out tor the approach of an enemy." The same was true also of the buffalo dance for in 
 this the dancers wore the head and liorns of the buffalo and also imitated the motions of tlie 
 buffalo when they were hunted. The women in both these ioin in a peculiar song to the 
 bear or buffalo spirit which must be consulted and conciliated before success can be gained. 
 See Catlin's Indians, Vol. i, p. 246. 
 
264 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 be initiated, and he must be exorcised and destroyed, so the 
 dancers, with guns and bows and arrows, were ready to shoot 
 the evil spirit as soon as the signal was given. Whatever the 
 object of worship, whether animal or bird, tree or stone, they 
 were always careful to state that it was not the object itself, but 
 the Waukau, the god that was accustomed to haunt the object, 
 which they worshipped. In some cases the soul of a departed 
 ancestor had entered into the animal, and they worshiped that. 
 They stated that the gods not only haunted the animals, but in 
 an especial manner were present in the pictographs and images 
 which represented the animals and which were used in the 
 dances. They also spoke of particular localities in which they 
 fancied a natural resemblance to some object, either animal or 
 other form, and therefore in an especial sense the seat of the god 
 or spirit of that animal. If the god could dwell in a little picto- 
 graph.how much more potently might he be expected to present 
 himself in an immense effigy. In the days of the full .sway of 
 superstition not only the members ot the Waukau society, but the 
 whole people were under the domination of the leaders, ready 
 to do anything that might be demanded, and all that was neces- 
 sary was for some leader of the Waukau to command the people 
 to build the effigies and they were sure to be erected." 
 
 3. The superstition that the divinity was transformed into various 
 objects in nature, making them "myth-bearers," was common. 
 Many illustrations of this have become familiar to the author 
 from frequent observation of the effigy mounds. It was the cus- 
 tom of the native tribes throughout the Mississippi valley to erect 
 effigies of various animals, especially serpents, upon the cliffs 
 and hill-tops, with the purpose ot bringing out the resemblance 
 which had been recognized in the shape of the hill. In this way 
 the hill was transformed into an animal effigy and it was shown 
 that the spirit of the animal actually haunted the hill. This, how- 
 ever, was the same superstition which recognized the shape of 
 the animals in the rocks and rivers and trees, and which affixed 
 a myth to these objects to account for the resemblance. The 
 work of art in the case of the effigies, the rock mscriptions, and 
 the standing stones, was only designed to bring out the thought 
 the more clearly, but the eye of superstition was always ready to 
 recognize the resemblance. Various authors have spoken of this. 
 Col. Garrick Mallery says: *Tn many parts of the United 
 States and Canada rocks and large stones are found decorated 
 with paint, which were regarded as possessing supernatural 
 power, yet not directly connected with any special personage of 
 Indian mythology. One such was seen by LaSalle's party in 
 1669 on the Detroit River. All the Indians of the region be- 
 lieved that the rock image would give safety in the passage of 
 the lake." He also says that in Nova Scotia there is a class of 
 incised figures illustrating the religious myths and folklore of 
 
TEA NS FORMA TION M YTHS. 
 
 265 
 
 the Indian tribes. One of them indicates an episode of an ad- 
 venture of Glooskap, the hero-god of the Abenakis. The story 
 is that the fox, who was Glooskap's friend, through his magic 
 power heard the song of Glooskap miles away, beyond forests 
 and mountains, and came to his rescue. Another pictograph 
 refers to the story of Atosis, the snake, who appeared out of the 
 surface of a lake as a young hunter, with a large shining silver 
 plate on his heart, covered with white brooches as thick as a fish 
 is covered with scales. This snake, which had such vvonderful 
 powers of transformation, married an Indian girl and took her 
 to dwell with him beneath the lake. There is a variation of the 
 same story among the Iroquois, but this time it is the wife which 
 appears above the water. The story runs that a young hunter 
 was seekmg for his friend who had been lost. He met eight 
 chiefs, who wore white plumes on their heads and who dwelt in 
 eight tents by the side of the ^_ __ 
 lakes. These chiefs called up 
 the snake-woman. The lake 
 boiled, great waves rolled upon 
 the shore, and the serpent's 
 wife came out of the water, 
 shining like silver and very 
 beautiful, her long hair hang- 
 ing around her as if it had 
 been gold. The snake woman 
 disappeared, and then the 
 chiefs swept in the form of a 
 white cloud across the water. It was the cloud in the lake and 
 not in the sky. Thus the conception of the natives transformed 
 the objects of nature into living beings, and invented beautiful 
 myths to account for them. The pictographs are oftentimes 
 nothing more than the mnemonic reminders of the myths. 
 
 In West Virginia there are rock sculptures in which are ser- 
 pents, death-heads, animal figures, birds, human hands and various 
 other designs, undoubtedly designed to represent the animals 
 which were subject tu the power of the medicine man. These 
 inscriptions are on the walls of a shelter cave, which was proba- 
 bly once used as a shrine or medicine lodge. They show the 
 communion which tlie medicine men had with the different 
 species of animals and the superstition felt towards the pictures 
 or figures of these animals wherever seen. The fabulous crea- 
 ture called the Piasa, which was seen by Marquette on the rocks 
 near Alton, Ilhnois; was another of these myth-bearers, which 
 embodied in themselves the element of transformation, the very 
 grotesqueness of the figure and the variety of its parts, the horns 
 of the deer, the head of the tiger, the scales of the fish, the feet 
 of the panther, the tail of the wildcat, showing the shapes which 
 this Caliban might assume. Many such creatures may be seen 
 
 ^""^Ml^ ,^. 
 
 Pig. 9 -Figures in a Cuce in West Virginia. 
 
266 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 upon the rocks, but the)' only perpetuate the myths which have 
 prevailed. The Dakotas were remarkable for their manner of 
 representing their divinities under animal forms. They picture 
 the ancestors of the Hanga as a giant buffalo moving under the 
 water. They also picture the chief god as a thunder bird resting 
 on the rocks. The anti-natural god they picture as a man car- 
 rying a bow in his hands. Mrs. Eastman has given a drawing 
 of this. In this the giant is seen using the frog lor an arrow 
 point. He is surrounded with lightnings. He has different 
 animals, the bear, deer, elk, buffalo; also meteors. His court, 
 or house, is ornamented with down. He has a whistle and rattle, 
 bow and arrow, and other objects in his hands. 
 
 There are many other illustrations of this peculiar superstition 
 that the spirit of the Divinity was transferred to the images which 
 are presented in the different localities. This superstition was 
 not confined to the figures of animals, but was also attached to 
 every object which resembled the human form, and was espe- 
 cially strong toward those objects which contained the human 
 and the animal semblance in combination. This will explain 
 the existence of the idol called the bear idol. In this the bear's 
 head and skin covers the human face and form, but the mask 
 in the shape of the human face hanging in front is a peculiar 
 sign of the transformation process.* It also explains the meaning 
 of the various figures of birds, with human heads and animal 
 claws, which are so common on the northwest coast, as well as 
 those remarkable idols in Guatemala, in which human forms are 
 covered with massive and gigantic tigers. 
 
 In fact, it is to this idea of transformation which explains 
 nearly all the nondescript creatures which have been seen in the 
 various parts of the continent, and which makes them so sug- 
 gestive and significant of the divinities which were worshiped. 
 
 Schoolcraft, Catlin and others have spoken of the animal 
 figures which are depicted in the Mida songs and charts, to which 
 peculiar significance was given. They have also described the 
 transformation, which was supposed to take place in the various 
 dances and dramatizations. But it is to later writers, such as 
 Mr. Walter Fewkes, Mr. Frank Gushing, and Drs. Brinton and 
 Mathews, that we are indebted for a knowledge of the deeper 
 significance which was given to many of them, and especially to 
 the occultic and divinatory power. 
 
 There were several classes of animal figures in which the 
 transformation element was contained, some of them being 
 totemic, others mythologic, others fetichistic, others occultic or 
 divinatory, and still others largely anthropomorphic. The class 
 to which they belonged is made known by the preponderance of 
 one or another element, the totemic prevailing mainly in the 
 
 •See Chapter on Personal Divinities, p. 383, 304, Fig. 2, Bear idol. 
 
TRANSFORMATION MYTHS 267 
 
 hunter tribes of the ease, the mytholocric among the fishing tribes 
 of the northwest coast, the fetichistic among the village tribes of 
 the interior, the anthropomorphic among the civilized tribes of 
 the southwest, and the divinatory especially among the ancient 
 Maya race. Different classes are iound in each locality, but one 
 class predominates in one region and another in another, so that 
 we are never at a loss to decide as to the form which the myth- 
 ology has assumed, or to understand the peculiar significance 
 which the figures may possess. 
 
 We have given charts and cuts taken from, the works of 
 various authors to illustrate these different symbols, but have not 
 undertaken to describe them all. Yet the reader can easily dis- 
 tinguish between them and readily recognize the peculiarities 
 of each cult from the various representations of it which are thus 
 offered, the totemic always being the simpler figure, but the 
 mythologic and occultic being the more complicated and con- 
 ventional. 
 
 4. The transformation of the nature powers into birds and of 
 birds into human beings, who were warriors and heroes, was 
 also common. There was a reason for using the bird as a sym- 
 bol of the nature powers and for making it a myth-bearer, for 
 it was very suggestive in its habits and shape of the sky divini- 
 ties, and so was likely to be taken as a representative of the 
 thunder-cloud, and the personal divinity who made the thunder. 
 Various authors have noticed this. 
 
 Dr. Brinton says: "Beyond all others, two subdivisions of 
 the animal kingdom have so riveted the attention of men by their 
 unusual powers, and enter so frequently into the myths of every 
 nation of the globe, that a right understanding of their symbolic 
 value is an essential preliminary to a discussion of the divine 
 legends. These are the bird and the serpent. We shall not go 
 amiss if we seek the reasons for their pre-eminence in the facility 
 with which their peculiarities offered sensuous images under 
 which to carry the idea of divinity, ever present in the soul of 
 man, ever striving at articulate expression. The bird has the 
 incomprehensible power of flight, it floats in the atmosphere, it 
 rides on the winds, it soars toward heaven, where dwell the gods ; 
 its plumage is stained with the hues of the rainbow and the sun- 
 set; its song was man's first hint of music; it spurns the clods 
 that impede his footsteps and flies proudly over the mountains 
 and moors where he toils wearily along. He sees no more 
 enviable creation; he conceives the gods and angels must also 
 have wings, and pleases himself with the fancy that he, too, some 
 day will shake oft this coil of clay and rise on pinions to the 
 heavenly mansions. All living beings, say the Eskimos, have 
 the faculty of the soul, but especially birds. As messengers 
 from the upper world and interpreters of its decrees, the flight 
 and the note of the birds have ever been anxiously observed as 
 
268 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 omens of grave import. In Peru and in Mexico there was a 
 College of Augurs, corresponding in purpose to the horuspices 
 ot ancient Rome, who practiced no other means of divination 
 than watching the course and professing to interpret the songs 
 of fowls." 
 
 "But the usual meaning of the bird as a symbol looks to a 
 different analogy to that which appears in such familiar expres- 
 sions as 'the wings of the wind,' 'the flying clouds.' Like the 
 wind, the bird sweeps through the aerial spaces, sings in the 
 forests, and rustles on its course; like the cloud, it floats in mid- 
 air and casts its shadow on the earth; like the lightning, it darts 
 from heaven to earth to strike its unsuspecting prey. Therefore 
 the Algonkins say that birds always make the winds, that they 
 
 create the water-spouts, 
 and that the clouds are 
 the spreading and agita- 
 tion of their wings; the 
 Navajoes, that at each 
 cardinal point stands a 
 white swan, who is the 
 spirit ot the blasts which 
 blow from its dwelhng; 
 and the Dakotas, that in 
 the west is the house of 
 Wakinyan, the Flyers, 
 the breezes that send the 
 storms." 
 
 "As the symbol of 
 these august powers, as 
 
 mg.lO.-FujhHng Figures from the Mounds. ^^^ meSSengerS of the 
 
 gods, and as the embodiment of departed spirits, no one will be 
 surprised if they find the bird figure most prominently in the 
 myths of the red race. Sometimes some particular species seem 
 to have been chosen as most befitting those dignified attitudes. 
 The great American eagle is the bird beyond all others which is 
 chosen to typify supreme control. Its feathers composed the 
 war flag of the Creeks, and its images carved in wood, or its 
 stuffed skin surmounted their council lodges. None but an 
 approved warrior dare wear it among the Cherokees, and the 
 Dakotas allowed such an honor only to him who had first touched 
 the corpse of the common foe. The Natchez and Arkansas seem 
 to hdve paid it even religious honors, and to have installed it in 
 their most sacred shrines; and very clearly it was not so much 
 for ornament as for a mark of dignity and a recognized sign of 
 worth that its plumes were so highly praised."* 
 
 These remarks are very suggestive, and yet much more might 
 
 *See Myths of the New World, p. 105. 
 
TRANSFORMAllON MYTHS. 
 
 269 
 
 be said about the bird as a "myth-bearer." It would seem that 
 the aborigines were all very imaginative in their worship, and 
 that they looked upon the powers of nature as if they vyere full 
 of the activities of the supernatural beings, and so represented 
 them under the figures of birds and other active creatures of the 
 sky. There is no class of myths which is more expressive 
 than the one which has regard to the bird, and none more widely 
 distributed than this. The figure of the bird is, in fact, conven- 
 tionalized and made to serve as a symbol in every part of the 
 land — being drawn in the pictographs of the wild tribes of the 
 north, inscribed upon the tablets and gorgets of the Mound- 
 builders, painted upon the shields and ornaments of the Cliff- 
 dwellers, carved into the stucco tablets of the civilized races and 
 placed within their shrines as an object of adoration, and yet 
 it always signifies the same thing, namely, the transformation of 
 the sky god into a personality which has 
 assumed the bird-like shape. Illustra- 
 tions of this are abundant, in fact, too 
 numerous to even mention, so we select 
 from widely scattered regions. Amone^ 
 the Alaskans the thunder is caused b\ 
 an immense bird, whose size darkens the 
 heavens, whose body is a thunder-cloud, 
 the flapping of whose wings causes tht 
 thunder, and the bolts ot fire which ii 
 sends out of its mouth are the lightning 
 Rev. r.i. Eells says: "The Twanas and 
 some other northwest tribes invest thr 
 animal with a two fold character, human 
 and bird-like. According to them the 
 being is supposed to be a gigantic Indian 
 named in the dialects of the various coast tribes, Klamaths, Thlin- 
 keets and Tinnehs. He lives in the highest mountains, and his 
 food consists of whales. When he wants food he puts on a great 
 garment which is made of a bird's head, a pair of very large 
 wings, and a feather covering his body, and around his waist he 
 has the lightning fish, which slightly resembles the sea horse. 
 The animal has a head as sharp as a knife, and a red tongue, 
 v/hich makes the fire. He then flies forth, and when he sees a 
 whale he darts the lightning fish into its body, which he then 
 seizes and carries to his home. Occasionally, however, he strikes 
 a tree, and more seldom a man. 
 
 The same thought of the thunder-bird prevails among the 
 eastern tribes. According to Mr. J. Walter Fewkes. there were, 
 among the Passamaquoddies, men who were able to pass through 
 the rocks. They went to their wigwams and put on wings and 
 took their bows and arrows and flew over the mountains to the 
 south. They could not get home because the bird Woocliowsen 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 t 
 
 ^V^f^ 
 
 V 
 
 ^V.^ac^ 
 
 
 Fig. 11.— Wasco and Yetl. 
 
270 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 blew so hard that they could make no progress against it. This 
 bird was the north wind, which Glooskap was said to have caught 
 and tied. Thus the thunder-bird was here an Indian, as in the 
 northwest coast. The lightning from him never strikes one of 
 his kind.* The legend of the "thunderers" prevailed among the 
 Hurons. The story is that a youth in the forest heard a murmur 
 of voices behind him. He turned and saw three men clad in 
 strange, cloud-like garments. "Who are you?" he asked. They 
 told him that they were the thunder, their mission was to keep the 
 earth, in order to bring rain, destroy serpents. The great deity, 
 Hamen diju, had given them authority to watch over the people 
 to see that no harm came to them. They gave him a dress like 
 that which they wore, a cloud-like robe, having wings on the 
 shoulders, and told him how they were to be moved. They said, 
 we will leave the cloud dress with you. Every spring, when we 
 return, you can put it on and fly with us to be witness to what 
 we do for the good of man. In the spring the thunderers returned 
 and he took the robe and flew with them in the clouds over the 
 earth. This young man learned from his divine friends the 
 secret, which he communicated to two persons in each tribe. 
 From him came the power of making rain, which was trans- 
 mitted. t 
 
 The Pawnees hold that Tirawa is the great creator, who lives 
 up in the sky. Attius lives upon the earth. The wild animals 
 are the servants of Attius. They are called Nahumac. They 
 personify the various attributes of Attius, but have the power of 
 changing from an animal's shape to that of man. The black 
 and the white-headed eagle and the buzzard are the messengers 
 of this Attius. The four cardinal points were respected by the 
 Pawnees, and so they blow four smokes — first to Attius, then 
 to the earth, and last of all to the cardinal points. They sacrifice 
 to the thunderer in the spring-time J 
 
 Among the Omahas there was a society which had a peculiar 
 regalia. They cut their hair so as to make it resemble the crow 
 and trimmed it with crow-feathers; they blackened their faces, 
 and on their backs had white spots, to make them emblematic 
 ot the thunder-clouds and their destructive power in their advance 
 over the heavens. Even so the warrior, as he approaches his 
 enemy, deals his death-darts. 
 
 The thunder bird among the Klamath Indians is the raven, 
 but it was able to transform itself into many other animals. 
 Gatschet says, the earth (Kaila) is regarded as a mysterious 
 shadowy power, who deals out gifts to her children. Her eyes 
 are lakes and ponds scattered over the green surface, her breasts 
 
 *l Walter Fevvkes' Journal of American Folk Lore. Vol. Ill, No. ii. p. 257. 
 tAn interesting engraving by Catlin pictures the rain-maker standing upon the tent, 
 bow in hand, and shooting into the clouds. 
 
 See Horatio Hale, Journal of American Folklore, Vol. IV, No. 15. p. 289. 
 $See Journal of American Folklore, Vol. VI, No. 21. 
 
TRA NSFORifA 2 10 X M YTHS. 271 
 
 the hills and hillocks. The rivulets and brooks irrigate the 
 valleys. Besides the earth there is the genius of the under 
 world (Munatalkni) and the ghosts which represent the souls of 
 animals and spirits of mountains, winds and celestial bodies. 
 The common belief is that after death the soul travels the path 
 of the sun to the west, there joins in the spirit land the in- 
 numerable souls which have gone that way before. The shooting 
 stars are regarded as the spirits of the great chief whose heart 
 can be seen going west, and the polar lights are supposed to 
 represent the dance of the dead. The prairie wolf is the animal 
 which represents the creator and culture hero of all the tribes of 
 the northwest coast. His doleful, human-like cries heard during 
 moonlight nights set him up in the esteem of the Indians. He 
 
 Fir/. 12 — Bird, Sun and Human Figure. 
 
 appears in sun and moon stories as running a race with the 
 clouds. He always attends another person, his shadow going by 
 his side, and so is double; but the raven is the chief subject of 
 their mythology.* 
 
 The Moquis also have pictographs of a great bird on the rocks 
 near their village. In this pictograph is the symbol of the face 
 of the sun, also the symbol of the dome of the sky with zigzag 
 lightning, four heads of serpents and a frog. And another picto- 
 graph of a mythologic bird with feathers like crest, eight small 
 circles. This is called Kiictuqni, the war bird. The god of the 
 earth among the Moquis is a god of metamorphosis. He is the 
 deity who controls growth. f 
 
 Another good representation of the metamorphic thunder-bird 
 is the one which is depicted on the shield of the priest of the 
 
 ♦Journal of American Folk-lore. \'ol. 5, No. 17. p. 13''. 
 tAmerican Anthropologist, \'ol. \'., No' i, p. 16. 
 
272 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 bow. In this shield we find the human form with the wings 
 made from knife-bladed feathers. The lightning serpent beneath 
 his feet, the human rainbow spanning like an arch above his 
 head, a bear on either side.* The conventionalized terraced cap 
 or mask with the feathers crowning the turrets or peaks also 
 symbolizes the clouds and the sky and the thunder as does the 
 bird itself. 
 
 The thunder bird is also seen among the symbols of the ancient 
 Mayas. Here it is associated with the cross, which is a symbol 
 of the wind, and has many ornaments attached to it, the idea of 
 transformation being suggested by the bird being headless. 
 
 The best illustration of the bird as undergoing transformation 
 and carrying the semblance of a human being is the one which was 
 seen by M. Habel sculptured on the stones in Cosumala-huapa. 
 See Fig. 12. Here the bird has the flaming sun on his breast, a 
 human arm projecting from its side with claws instead of a hand. 
 It seems to be a bird of the sky and of the earth and at the same 
 time human. No explanation of this figure has been given, yet 
 the probability is that it symbolized the transformation of the 
 bird into the sun and of the sun into a human being, the sculptor 
 retainmg all the symbols, as the combination would the better 
 express the thought. It was not a mere fancy that led to the 
 drawing of a mythologic figure by a native artist, but, on the 
 contrary, he was always controlled by a definite purpose and had 
 in his mind the myth as it was told. His effort was to make 
 the figure as graphic as possible. There came, at last, a conven- 
 tionality in the manner of representing a myth, and so the figures 
 which are found upon the various relics, such as the shell gorgets 
 and copper plates of the Mound-Builders, the shields of the 
 Cliff-dwellers and the sculptures of the civilized nations, have 
 all the force of a sacred record. They show the progress of 
 thought as well as of artistic skill, but at the same time show 
 that the same religious conception ot transformation was retained 
 through all the changes. 
 
 5. The transformation of the divinity into trees was another 
 superstition which prevailed extensively among the aborigines 
 of America, specimens of the human tree being found in nearly 
 all parts of the country. We may say that no symbol in Amer- 
 ica is more interesting than is this, and none that more thor- 
 oughly reminds us of the old world stories. These all may be 
 mere coincidences, yet the analogies are certainly very striking 
 and the figures are the more worthy of close and candid study 
 on this account. We would, therefore, call attention to the 
 different specimens of human trees. The superstition about the 
 tree spirit was very common in Europe and was frequently sym- 
 bolized by the early inhabitants, conveying the idea that there 
 
 *ln another figure we have the eagle with his wings spread, two serpents, their heads 
 toward their wings, and a figure of a bear above the head of the eagle. 
 
TRANSFORMATION MYTHS. 
 
 273 
 
 was the same transformation myth there as here. The trans- 
 formation myth also existed in Egypt, and was embodied in the 
 story of Osiris and Isis and their various adventures, the spirit 
 of life hidden in nature being personified in this way. We find 
 also in Assyria and Chaldea that the tree of life or the sacred 
 grove was set up in their temples, and priests were represented as 
 presenting offerings to it as to a divinity. In fact, there is no 
 land on either continent where there are not stories concerning 
 the tree, and very few places where there is not the same con- 
 ception that the tree spirit was a divinity or a personal being. 
 
 We have already spoken of the tree and star contained in the 
 Dakota pictograph and its resemblance to the Scandinavian tree 
 of life, Igdrasll. There are relics, 
 however, which suggest that the hu- 
 man spirit was transformed into a tree, 
 very much as the spirit of Osiris was 
 buried in the pillar of the house of the 
 king at Biblos. The Gest tablet is an 
 illustration of this. This is made up 
 of a variety of symbols, among which 
 we may recognize the face and form 
 of a man, but hidden in the semblance 
 of a tree, the branches of which form 
 the legs and arms, the leaves form the 
 feet and hands, also the hair, nose 
 and mouth, circles form the eye, the 
 human face looking out from the net- 
 work of leaves and branches as it 
 sometimes does in the modern picture 
 puzzle. It reminds us of the sacred 
 groves or trees which were common 
 among the Chaldeans of the east. 
 Another tablet has also been discovered, which may perhaps 
 embody the same conception, but in a modified form, for the 
 lines upon the tablet seem to represent an animal head as hidden 
 among the branches of the tree, instead of the human face, 
 although the general form of the symbol is retained. 
 
 These various tablets were taken from the mounds in the 
 Ohio valley, and so suggest that the superstition about the tree 
 spirits prevailed among that mysterious people. A similar fig- 
 ure of a tree containing a human face is found in the tablet of 
 the cross, at Palenque, usually called "Malar's cross." The pecu- 
 liarity of this cross is that its arms are made up of the long 
 leaves of corn, each of which, according to the photograph taken 
 by Charnay, contains a human face hidden away among the 
 leaves. The standard of the cross is made up of a solid bar, 
 which supports on its summit the consecrational form of the 
 thunder-bird, but on the bar, at the junction of the arms, there 
 
 Fig, U.— Human Tree, Palenque. 
 
574 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 is a face with a peculiar bulging eye, and below the face a neck- 
 lace with a medallion suspended to it hangs against the standard.* 
 Another peculiarity is that two human figures clad in priestly 
 robes stand on either side and present their offerings to the bird 
 on its summit, exactly as they do in the two other tablets at 
 Palenque; the same symbols also cover the bird and the human 
 form. This cross was, like all the others, contained in a shrine 
 or temple, which was evidently devoted to the worship ot a chief 
 divinity, and may properly be regarded as representing the god of 
 agriculture of the Mayas. It will be noticed that on the facade 
 are two figures; on the head of one (the priest) there are leaves, 
 
 Fig. 11,.— Idol and Manitou Face at Uxmal. 
 
 cones and water plants, and eagle-heads, and that around his 
 waist and between his legs a maxtli, or sash, in the form of a 
 twisted feather-headed serpent, and that he has the usual bulging 
 eye, the symbol of the god oi rain ; while the figure of the warrior 
 on the other side, has on his head a crown of feathers, on which 
 are figures of the stork, the frog and the fish; in his hand a staff 
 made ol waving corn leaves or vines. The study of these differ- 
 
 ♦Charnay has given a picture of the cross which shows several Imman faces in the 
 arms of the cross, thus making the idea ot transformation more vivid than that given in tlie 
 engraving by Stephens. Taking the three crosses at Palenque, we find in the one the sym- 
 bol of the sun-god, in the other the symbols of the war-god, in this, the third, the symbols 
 of the rain-god. The face of the sun looks out from the center of the Saint Andrew's 
 Cross. The war. club can be seen on the ends of the arms of the second, and the forms of 
 vegetation with the human faces are scattered over the third. Human figures accompany 
 the three crosses and the same thunder-bird surmounts the last two. 
 
TRANSFORMATION MYTHS. 
 
 275 
 
 ent figures in the shrines of Palcnque, with their symbols, con- 
 vinces us that the nature powers were all personified, but that 
 their activities were interchangeable, the sun-god, the rain-god 
 and the god of agriculture having symbols that were similar. 
 This was common, however, among other nations, for in the 
 Shintoo religion the goddess of food was also the producer of 
 
 Lnronim fb^ 
 
 iof^S fo) • • • • 
 
 • •.* 
 
 • • • • • 
 
 
 
 J" Kj. l^—CVrUsiun Cfi. 
 
 TllU TADLKAU DE3 UAC&a flESTODED. 
 
 'buls of the Cardinal Points.* 
 
 trees and the parent of grass, and in the Egyptian religion the 
 chief gods, Isis and Osiris, were but the personifications of the 
 spirit of life, and every part of the story was suggestive of the 
 changes of the seasons. 
 
 *The identifying of the symbols with the points of the compass and with the elements 
 and the seasons has been attempted by many writers, but no two of them agree — as may be 
 seen from the tables given in the Third Annual Report. Still, the eight figures on the four 
 sides have associated with them hieroglyphics for the cardinal points, and symbols for the 
 elements, so that we conclude that they represent the gods who preside over the seasons 
 and the feasts which were given to them. It will be further noticed that the hieroglyphics 
 for the days of the montli, whether for the thirteen days or for the twenty days, were 
 also associated with the symbols made up of the human figures, the crosses and the flints, 
 and these were associated with the tree on the codices, showing that the tree, as well as the 
 circle and the rectangular chart, was used as a calendar, and in connection with the system 
 of divination. Charnay's arrangement for the Mexican calendar was as follows: i. Toch- 
 tli — Rabbit, blue, earth, south. 2. Acatl— Cane, red, water, east. 3. Tecpatl— Flint, yel- 
 low, air, north. 4. Calli — House, green, fire, north. Still, Gamelli, Duran, Boturini, 'lor- 
 quemado, Orozco V. Berra, Schultz von Sellick all have different arrangements. 
 
276 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 There are many other specimens of the human tree. Among 
 these we would place the remarkable figure which is seen on 
 the facade of the palace at Uxmal. This has baffled explanation, 
 though it is sometimes called a Manitou face. See Fig. 14. May 
 it not be a combination of the symbol of the sacred tree with 
 the human face — the eyes and nose and ears, all of them blended 
 with the branches of the tree, the idol, crowned with a nimbus, 
 representing the divinity, its position in the house showing that 
 it was a household god.* 
 
 IHg. 10.— Idol with Symbols of the Ski/ and Clouds. 
 
 The best illustration of the use of the tree as a symbol of 
 transformation is the one which is found in the codices of the 
 ancient Maya and Nahua races.f These codices contain various 
 symbols, the cross, the bird, the serpent, the tree, and the 
 human figure, all of them arranged difTerently and having a 
 different position or prominence, according as the intent was to 
 emphasize one or the other symbol, the serpent being the most 
 prominent in the Borgian codex, the serpent and bird in the 
 
 *Descriptions of the palace have often been given, but no one has thus far given any 
 interpretation of this symbol, and yet it corresponds with the many ornaments found on 
 the lacades of palaces, especially those which contain the projecting hook with rosettes on 
 either side, and at the same time corresponds to the trees and crosses and human figures 
 contained in the codices of the Mayas. 
 
 tWo have spoken of these codices under the head of the serpent and of the cross. See 
 chapter XII, p i, and chapter X. 
 
TRANSFORMATION MYTHS. 
 
 277 
 
 MSS. Troano, animals and birds in the Vatican, the circle in the 
 wheel ot Duran, the cross in the Palenque tablets, and the tree 
 in the shape of the cross, with a human figure attached, being' 
 very prominent in the Cortesian, the Vatican and the Fejevary 
 codex. We begin with the Cortesian Codex. Fig. 15. This 
 has been explained by Rosny, by Dr. Forschammer, Dr. Cyrus 
 Thomas and others, and the following is the analysis of the 
 different parts of the chart. The picture presents four divisions: 
 I. In the middle of which is a representation of the symbolic tree; 
 beneath are the figures of two personages (male and female) 
 seated on the ground and facing the Katunes, among which the 
 symbol of day is repeated three times. 2. The 
 central image is surrounded by a sort of frame 
 or belt, in which are the twenty cyclic chari'':- 
 ters of the day calendar (day symbols). 3. In 
 the four compartments, four groups, arranged 
 according to the order of the cardinal points. 
 Two of these figures have a flaming torch, or 
 possibly an incense vase in their hands. Two 
 others seem to be attending a sacrifice in which 
 a human victim is offered on an altar; two others 
 are seated in a temple (Calli), on which are the 
 symbols of a cross, and ^two others are facing a 
 figure resembling a bound mummy, the signifi- 
 cance of which is unknown. 4. At the outside 
 of the picture are the rows of dots which run 
 along the borders, also day characters, which are 
 grouped together at the corners, making, per- 
 haps, a record of the feasts, or a chart of certain 
 ceremonies, or a calendar system of the year and 
 the days.* 
 
 As to the meaning of the tree in these codices ^^loicdfyZfoL^^'' 
 and on the tablets, we may say that it was the 
 tree of life as much to the Mayas and Nahuas as the ash-tree 
 (Igdrasil) was to the Scandinavians, or the sacred grove (Ashur- 
 rah) was to the Babylonians, or the tree in the Garden of Eden 
 was to the Hebrews. As to its origin, there are great differ- 
 ences of opinion, some supposing that it was the mere outgrow.th 
 of the nature worship which prevailed, and others ascribing it 
 to the result of a prehistoric contact with the eastern continent. 
 It is remarkable, however, that the same symbols of the serpent 
 and the human form are so intimately connected with it, and 
 that the significance of the tree should be so similar. We are 
 
 *That the tree was used as a calendar, as well as the sun-circle and the serpent symbol, 
 IS evident from examination of this chart, with its various time marks and day symbols. The 
 five hieroglyphics on each of the four sides denote the secular month of twenty days, 
 which was divided into four weeks of five days each. The ten hieroglyphics in the corners 
 with the dots denote the sacred lyear, which was made up of twenty months of thirteen 
 days each, as there are twenty symbols denoting thirteen davs, which equal 260 days. The 
 Fejevary Cedex is arranged also in squares and loops, with four trees in the squares, with 
 twenty hieroglyphics in the corners, which, with the dots between, make 260 as berore. 
 
278 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 to remember that there was an extensive calendar system and 
 an ehiborate system of divination connected with the tree, as 
 with the circle and other symbols, the system of occultism hav- 
 inf^ prevailed as well as in the east, and even a similar resort 
 to caves havin^r been common. 
 
 6. The transformation cult was also embodied in human fig- 
 ures, especially those which are in combination with tree figures. 
 In reference to the human figures in this chart, no explanation 
 has been given, yet some of the old authors, such as Veytia and 
 Gemelli and Gomara, have thrown out hints which help us to 
 solve the problem. These authors speak of the four symbols, 
 the flint, Tecpatl; the house, Calli; the 
 rabbit, Tochtii; the reed, Acatl, and say 
 these are allegories by which they set forth 
 the four elements which are understood to 
 be the origin of all things, the torch sym- 
 bolizing the fire; the house the element of 
 earth; the rabbit, or mummy bound, the 
 lir; the reed, water. It is to be noted 
 hat most of the old calendars were ar- 
 ranged in squares or in circles to represent 
 ihe cycles of the days, years and months, 
 and the four divisions were the symbols of 
 the four seasons that made up the year. 
 Having found an analogy between the sea- 
 sons and the elements, they would carry 
 the similitude to the age of fifty-two years, 
 as well as to the elements, making the same 
 symbols in their combination represent the 
 divinities, Tochtii being dedicated to the 
 god of fire, Acatl to the god of water, 
 Tecpatl to the god of air, and Calli to the 
 god of earth. Thus the symbol of the tree 
 became the center of a mass of symbolism 
 which was very expressive of the events of 
 the national history and of the fundamental 
 points in their cosmogony and in their re- 
 ligious systems. The same is also true 
 of the other codices, such as the Fejevary 
 and the Vatican. In these the tree is re- 
 peated four times, each time having a differ- 
 ent color, the blanches of the tree being loaded down with 
 fruits and flowers of different colors, the trunk being grasped by 
 a human figure in a novel attitude. 
 
 Secret rites were celebrated in Central America which had 
 transformation as their chief element. These were held in cav- 
 erns or subterranean "temples." The intimate meaning of the 
 cave cult was the worship of the earth. The cave god, the heart 
 of the hills, really typified the earth, the soil from whose dark 
 
 Tiuluc, Haia God. 
 
TRANSFORMATION MYTHS. 
 
 279 
 
 recesses flow the limpid streams and spring the tender shoots / 
 the full plants as well as the great trees. The cave god was the 
 patron of the third day, also lord of animals, the transformation 
 into which was the test of his power. Tlaloc, god ot the moun- 
 tains and the rains, was represented by the symbol of a snake 
 doubled and twisted on itself, carrying his 
 medicine bag, his robe marked with the sign 
 of the cross, to show that he was lord of 
 the four winds and of life. 
 
 In Southern Mexico and Central America 
 the trees seen near the villages are regard- 
 ed as the protecting genius of the town. 
 Sacred trees were familiar to the old Mex- 
 ican race. They are said to have represented 
 the gods of woods and waters. In the 
 ancient mythology the tree of life is repre- 
 sented by four branches, each sacred to one 
 of the four cardinal points. The conven- 
 tionalized form of this tree in the Mexican 
 Fig. 19 -Tlaloc, the Aztec figurative paintings resembles a cross. 
 
 ^^''""" In Alaska, according to Niblack, the wind 
 
 spirit, who causes the changes in the weather, is represented by a 
 figure which has the ears of a bear and the face of a man. On the 
 right and left are the feet, which symbolize the long streaming 
 clouds. Above are the wings, and on each side are the different 
 winds, each designated by an eye, and by patches of cirrus clouds. 
 The rain is indicated by the tears which spring from the eyes of 
 Tkul, the wind spirit. The best illustration of these mythologic 
 changes is the one given by the Haida myths. The story is that 
 there was a war between the raven and 
 the thunder-bird. In order to overcome 
 his enemy, the raven let all kinds of ani- 
 mals go into the whale, and they went 
 to the land of the thunder-bird. When 
 this bird saw the whale, he sent out his 
 youngest son to catch it, but he was un- 
 able to lift it. He stuck to the gum that 
 was on the whale, and the animals killed 
 him. 
 
 This same use of the human figure as 
 a symbol of the clouds and winds and 
 sky is also illustrated by the idols which 
 are common among the ancient Hopi or 
 Moquis. In these the feather is the ^^^- "o.-Qneizacoaii, Air God 
 symbol of the cloud; the stripes on the °'^* ^ "^"*" 
 
 face and form are the symbols of the sky; the terraced head- 
 dress is also a symbol of the houses above the sky; the arches 
 are also symbols^of the arches of the sky. See Fig. 17. 
 
280 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 The same conception is also represented by the vase described 
 by Dr. Hamy, Charn^y and others, and by the idol described 
 by M.Biart and several others. The vase was found by Char- 
 nay at Tennepanco, and the idol at Oazaca, Mexico, and is now 
 in the Trocadero Museum. Both represent Tlaloc, the god of 
 rain, who was always accompanied by the god of air. This 
 represents the rain god as furnished with eyes in the shape of 
 sun circles; mouth lips and teeth in the shape of wind circles; 
 the whole form containg the various symbols of the nature pow- 
 ers. The?e two images as well as the figure on the facade of 
 the palace illustrate the prevalence of the transformation cult 
 among the ancient Mayas. See Fig. 19. 
 
 The use of a winged human figure to represent the "trans- 
 formation myth" is illustrated by the statue which Dr. Hamy 
 has described as standing upon the summit of a pyramid at 
 Uxmal. This is the statue of Queizacoatl, the air god or sun 
 god of the ancient Mayas. He is generally represented as a 
 white man, clothed in a garment decorated with crosses and 
 wearing a beard. Here, however, his garments as they shake in 
 the wind appear like wings, but are covered with crosses, which 
 are also symbols of the wind as well as the cardinal points. At 
 his feet is the figure of a feather-headed serpent, also having the 
 shape of a wing. See Fig. 20. On his head are the four plumes, 
 which also represent the winds. The attitude of the god is very 
 suggestive, as is the crook or stafl" in his hand, but the human 
 face and form are the most expressive of all, for these show that 
 he was a personal god as well as a representative of the various 
 nature powers. 
 
THE WORSHIP OF THE RAIN GOD. 281 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 THE WORSHIP OF THE RAIN GOD. 
 
 The worship of rain as one of the "nature powers" was very 
 prevalent throughout the continent of America in pre-historic 
 times, and has survived among certain tribes even to the pres- 
 ent day. It had its greatest development in the arid regions of 
 the interior, and here it still abounds in great force. The sup- 
 ply of rain was appreciated in other parts of the country, but 
 here it was so much a necessity that the minds of the people 
 were constantly exercised about it, and so they made it the one 
 element of their religious ceremonies. It is interesting to study 
 the cult and see how many methods of expressing the desire for 
 rain were invented, and to notice the manner in which the rain 
 was personified and symbolized, and how elaborate the cere- 
 monies were which embodied this personification. It appears 
 that the rain-god was not only personated, but that all the oper- 
 ations of the rain were dramatized and imitated. The other 
 nature powers, such as the lightning, the cloud, the colors of 
 the sky, the four points of the compass, even the sun and moon 
 and stars made made subordinate to this, and yet by their combin- 
 ation these set off the supremacy of the rain as a great divinity. 
 
 We propose therefore to take up the various cerem.onies, cus- 
 toms and symbols which prevailed among the so-called "sky- 
 worshipers" of the interior, and especially those which consisted 
 in the dramatization of the rain. There is, to be sure, a great 
 sameness to these ceremonies and customs as practiced by the 
 different tribes, yet the variety is sufficient to warrant a descrip- 
 tion of each one in turn, for the repetition is found as significant 
 as the variation. The following observations on the rites and 
 ceremonies practiced by the aborigines and their significance by 
 Mr. William Wells Newell are valuable: i. Tribal, gentile, 
 social, religious festivals or dances depend in part on myths 
 which are dramatized in the rites. 2. The rites are performed 
 by secret societies, possessing initiations in different degrees, 
 which constitute what may be called mysteries. 3. Of the ritual, 
 some portions are intended to be in public, while others are 
 wrapped in secrecy. The manner of the celebration as well as 
 the significance of the rites is only comprehended by the initi- 
 ated persons, 4. The dance is performed by masked or cos- 
 tumed personages, who enact the part of the divine beings whose 
 history is recounted in the myths. 5. The actor was origin- 
 ally considered to be identical with the being represented. In 
 
282 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 other words, the god, in his own person appeared on the stage 
 and performed his own history, in characteristic representation. 
 The following also, from Dr. Washington Matthews, on the 
 connection between mystery and ceremony, has considerable 
 force: "The rite-myth never explains all the symbolism em- 
 bodied in the rite, though it may account lor all the important 
 acts. A primitive and underlying symbolism which probably 
 existed previous to the establishment of the rite, remains unex- 
 plained by the myth, as though its existence was taken as a 
 matter of course and required no explanation. Some explana- 
 tion of this foundation symbolism may be found in the "creation" 
 and "migration" myths, or in other early legends of the tribe, but 
 something remains unexplained even by these. The wearing of 
 masks, however, seems to have had but one significance. The 
 person who wears the mask of a god, and personates him, is, for 
 the time being, actually that god. The rain ceremonies gen- 
 
 Fig. 1.— Medicine Bowl with Rain Symbol. 
 
 erally consisted in a dramatization of the rain, under the figure 
 of an immense snake, who is supposed to represent the rain-god 
 and his efficiency in bringing the needed supply of water, as 
 •well as his influence over the different crops. The drama, how- 
 ever, combined the migration myth and the creation myth with 
 the popular conception of the source of the rain, and these made 
 the variation in the ceremonies almost equal to the myths which 
 •were embodied in them." 
 
 I. One of the most interesting of the dramas is that which is 
 called the "screen drama," as the screen bears an important part 
 in it. A description of this ceremony has been given by Dr. 
 J. W. Fewkes. It consists mainly in carrying various figures 
 or effigies of snakes from the village on the mesas to a pool in 
 the valley below and back again to the kivas, thus making them 
 represent the rain cloud which rises over the mountains and 
 drops its refreshing showers upon the mesas. 
 
 At the beginning of this ceremony, the young men brought 
 quantities of sand and placed it in boxes, moistened it, and planted 
 in the sand kernels of corn of different colors, yellow, blue, deep 
 
THE WORSHIP OF THE RAIN- GOD. 
 
 283 
 
 red, white, black, speckled and pink. After a few days they 
 unrolled the screen on which were sun emblems and openings; 
 they then took several serpent figures or effigies, placed them 
 near the fire. These serpent effigies were made with protruding 
 eyes stuffed with seeds, a head made of a gourd, a collar made of 
 corn husks and feathers, and a projecting horn on the top of the 
 head. The body was hollow and so arranged that the arm of 
 the dancers could be thrust into them, and so make them move 
 about as if they were alive. A procession was formed in which 
 nineteen men. some with trumpets, others bearing the effigies, 
 and others with pipes and a slow match and trays of sacred 
 meal. These proceed down the mesa to a pool where they place 
 the effigies at the edge of the water on the east and north sides, 
 and meal and feathers on the west side. 
 
 Fig. 2.— Rain and Skg Symbol. 
 
 Fig. o.—Zuni Rainlfxnd Cloud Symbol. 
 
 After various ceremonies, such as lighting pipes and smoking a 
 few puffs to the sun, repeating prayers and trumpeting to the 
 water, pouring water, dipping the serpent's heads into the edge 
 of the water, sprinkling meal, they again take up the effigies and 
 ascend the mesa, go down to the kiva and thrust the struggling 
 serpents through the screen which has upon it the sun symbols, 
 making the serpent effigies dance to the measure of a song which 
 is sung by a chorus. As the serpents were thrust through the 
 sun disks in the screen and tsacred meal was placed before them, 
 each dipped its head as if eating the meal. The life-like struggle 
 of the serpent was imitated in a surprising manner. 
 
 Before the screens were rows of sand cones, in which corn 
 plants were inserted, making them resemble rows in a corn field. 
 The serpents were made to dance over the cones. These repre- 
 sented the rain-god as arising from the water, floating in a cloud 
 and hovering over the corn fields. The dances which followed 
 carried out the same thought. In these the men called disk-hurl- 
 crs came out from the "corn mound" kiva and the "oak mound" 
 kiva, and distributed baskets among the spectators. A "kiva 
 chief" planted a small spruce tree in the court and suspended 
 
284 NA Tl VE A MERICA N SYMBOLISM. 
 
 upon itr. boughs numerous ornaments, and at its base blue "prayer 
 plumes." In the screen the four larger disks were called sun pic- 
 tures and the two small ones moon pictures,* The panels on the 
 upper part were surrounded with rainbows with lightning between 
 each panel. The snake-like figures rising from the clouds are 
 thunder bolts; the birds surmounting the conventional clouds 
 represent the water birds; two figures in the center represent the 
 divinities called sky-gods, or "the heart of the sky;" two fig- 
 ures in the outer panels represent the female companions of these 
 sky-gods. 
 
 These were symbolic of the rain-god and his power over the 
 winds, but there were many common articles used by the Zunis 
 which represented the "world-quarters," rainbow and lightnmg. 
 They sometimes decorated garments with the stepped figure, sym- 
 
 Fig. li—Zimi Praiier-^neal Bowl, 
 
 bolizing the clouds, sometimes with scrolls, which symbolized the 
 winds. These scrolls resemble the scrolls and circles made in the 
 sands of the desert by the wind driving weed stalks or red 
 top grass round and round, for they believe these sand marks are 
 the tracks of the whirl-vvind-god. They also decorate their 
 pottery with circular spaces, which resemble the sun disk, and in 
 the spaces draw figures in the form of stepped pyramids and 
 other curious designs, always careful to leave open spaces or out- 
 lets to each ornament. These "terraces m the sky horizons are 
 the mythic" ancient sacred places of the spaces. 
 
 The stepped figure was perhaps the consequence of basket 
 weaving, but became a symbol to the superstitious people. The 
 lifted line of the mountain was a ladder to the regions ot the 
 sky-gods, which was heralded by the thunder-god at the rising 
 and the setting sun, and so afforded a graphic symbol of the 
 
 * No representation of the screen is given bu" the altar of the Mani-zrau Society seen 
 in the plate contains the same symbols. See plate taken from Dr. Fewkes' pamphlet. 
 
THE WORSHIP OF THE RAIN-GOD. 285 
 
 "sacred spaces." The figure when applied to the pottery by the 
 supple hand of a Zuni woman, was believed to be endowed with 
 a spirit which bore the title of "made being" for whose ingress 
 and exit the encircling lines were left open. 
 
 (i.) The ancient Pueblo medicine jar also contains the symbols 
 of the sky-gods and the rain, and other nature powers. There are 
 circles and several spaces on this jar, and in these the "ancient 
 place" of the spaces, A; the region of the sky-gods, B; the cloud 
 lines C, and the falling rain D. These are combined and de- 
 picted to symbolize the storm, which was the object of the 
 worship in the ceremonials to which the jar was an appurtenance.* 
 See Figs, i, 2 and 3. 
 
 (2.) Another symbol representing the rain, storm, cloud, and 
 lightning is very common among the ancient Pueblos. It is 
 woven into the garments and painted upon the pottery and is 
 prominent in their sand paintings. It consists of three arches 
 with a horizontal space below with a zig-zag arrow above, and 
 perpendicular lines for the rain. See Fig. 3. 
 
 (3.) The Zuni prayer-meal bowl illustrates this conception. The 
 bowl is the emblem of the earth, — "our mother." (Fig. 4.) We 
 draw food and drink from it. The rim of the bowl is round, but 
 also terraced, as is the horizon, which is terraced with mountains 
 whence rise the clouds. The handle of the bowl is also a symbol 
 of the rainbow, as it is arched over the terraces and painted with 
 the rainbow figure. The two terraces on either side of the 
 handle represent the "ancient sacred spaces." The decorations 
 cf the bowl are significant. As the tadpole frequents the pool in 
 spring-time it has been adopted as the symbol of the spring 
 rains; the dragon fly hovers over pools in summer, and typifies 
 the rains of summer; the frog maturing later symbolizes the 
 rains of the later season; the feather-headed serpent also typifies 
 the water and the rain. Sometimes the figure of the sacred 
 butterfly replaces that of the dragon fly, which symbolizes the 
 beneficence of summer, for the Zunis think that the butterflies 
 and birds bring the warm season from the land of everlasting 
 summer. 
 
 It is a singular circumstance that a jar or vase has been found 
 among the mounds which contains a figure of a plumed serpent 
 which is furnished with wings, the lines on the wings being in 
 the form of arches and those on the body being in the form of 
 terraces or notched passages, the spaces being left open as they 
 were on the Zuni pottery. Was this vase a specimen which was 
 brought by some wandering Zuni into the Mound-builders' ter- 
 ritory, or was it the product of the Mound-builders' skill, mak- 
 ing the ornament represent the ancient myths which were ex- 
 tant? It would seem as if the figure represented the "water 
 
 *See Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology, 1882 and 1883, article by Frank H. Gush- 
 ing, p. 519, also Masks, Heads and Faces, by Ellen R. Emerson, p. 8. 
 
286 
 
 NAllVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 divinity" or the "rain spirit," though it is the only specimen 
 where the serpent, which was always among the Mound-builders 
 a water-god, is figured with wings and with step-lines. 
 
 II. A rain ceremony occurs at the initiation of children. There 
 was a tradition among the ancient Zunis that their ancestors 
 migrated from a distant point, but on their way they were obliged 
 to cross a stream, and in crossing the children fell into the stream 
 and became transformed into frogs, ducks, water-spiders, snakes 
 and butterflies, and were transferred to a kiva which was situ- 
 ated under the water in a spirit lake. After their arrival in the 
 village, certain supernatural messengers were sent to this village 
 under the water, who found that the children were again trans- 
 
 Fig. 5.— Butterfly, Dragonfly and Bird Symbols. 
 
 formed into supernatural beings and had taken upon themselves 
 the likeness of the chief divinities of the Zunis.* The children 
 were alter that time worshiped as ancestral gods, and were called 
 the Koko. They dwell in the depths of the lake, where are 
 "waters of everlasting happiness," and are reached only by 
 passing through the interior of the mountain by a passageway 
 which has four chambers in it. The Koko repeat the prayers 
 for rain, making their intercessions to the sun, Ya-totka, and 
 by them the plume-sticks are sent to the same great god. The 
 offerings of plumes to the sun are so numerous that at night the 
 "Sacred Road" can be seen filled with the feathers, for the "Soul 
 of the Plumes" travels over the road just as the soul from the 
 body travels from Zuni to the spirit lake. 
 
 *The first divinities were Ko-ye-me-shi. and Ko-mo-ket-si. They originally were a 
 brother and sister, but were afterward transformed into supernatural beings which dwelt 
 upon the mountains, the youth into a hideous-looking creature and the maiden into a.being 
 with snow-white hair (probably personifications of the black storm-cloud and the fleecy 
 rain-cloud). 
 
THE WORSHIP OF THE RAIN-GOD. 287 
 
 One of the most important characters in Zuni mythology, is 
 called the Koklo, This divinity visited the spirit lake, where 
 is the home of the Koko, and entered the kiva and viewed those 
 assembled there, but found that the "plumed serpent," whose 
 home is in a hot spring, was not there. He accordingly sent 
 two of the Koko called Soo-ti-ki, for the plumed serpent Ko-lo- 
 wit-si. They soon appeared, for they did not travel upon the 
 earth but by the underground waters that passed from the spring 
 to the spirit lake. Upon their arrival, the Kak-lo (tribal 
 divinity) issued his commands, that certain of the "children-an- 
 cestors," whom he designated as the Sa-la-no-bi-ya, should go to 
 the north, west, south, east, the heavens and the earth, to procure 
 cereals for the Zuni, and ordered that the serpent should carry 
 these with water to the Zunis. (Ashisi) and tell them what to 
 do with the seeds. He then visited the Zunis, instructed the 
 people regarding the children-ancestors and told them that the 
 boys must be made members of the Koko society. 
 
 Such is the myth which lies at the basis of the ceremony of 
 initiation and which explains the different parts of it, but the 
 true significance of the drama as a personified account of the 
 rain god is better shown by the ceremony itself, for in these the 
 actors both personate the gods and the operations of nature in 
 the process of rain making. The first actor is the representative 
 of the chief god, Koklo, who is the heralder of the coming of 
 the plumed serpent. Ko-lo-zvit-si, and may be regarded as the 
 personification of the wind or cloud that advances before a rain 
 storm. He arrives at the village and divides his time between 
 the kivas which represent the cardinal points, the zenith and the 
 nadir, and gives the history of the Koko and the gathering of 
 the cereals of the earth. The next actors who arrive upon the 
 scene are the impersonators of the Koko, "child ancestors," who 
 prepare plume-sticks and get ready for the initiation. After 
 them ten men who personate the rain clouds, KoyeviesJii, on the 
 mountains, pass through the village and inquire for the boys 
 who are to be initiated. The Sa-la-ino-bi-ya of the north, west, 
 south, east, heavens and earth, and a number of younger brothers, 
 who are the personators of the cardinal points and the bearers of 
 the plumed serpent or rain cloud, also appear on the occasion. 
 They wear masks of different colors. Those from the north, 
 yellow; from the west, blue; from the south, red; from the east, 
 white; earth, black; the heavens, all colors.* These take the 
 plumed serpent, which is the emblem of the rain cloud, and is 
 accordingly (as stated below) painted black above and with 
 white stars below, to the "kiva of the earth," and here leave the 
 image. This kiva is already decorated with two serpents which 
 
 ♦The following is a description of Ko-lo-wit-si. The serpent is made of hide, his 
 abdomen is painted white, his back black, and is covered with white stars, the tail end of 
 which is held by the priest, who constantly blows through a large shell, making the sound 
 which represents the sea monster. 
 
288 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 extend around the inner wall ot the room. At sunrise the actors 
 o-o to this kiva and present to the image, whose head is seen 
 projecting through an opening in a side wall, the plumed sticks, 
 which symbolize their prayers, and ears of corn, which symbolize 
 the objects which they want blessed. 
 
 The ceremonies for the initiation of the children follow this. 
 These consist, for the most part, in pouring water through the 
 body of the serpent into sacred bowls, and afterward pouring 
 different kinds of grain and seed into the blankets, which are 
 held before its mouth. Another part of the ceremony is that 
 which has regard to the sacredness of fire as well as of rain. In 
 this the representatives of the war god sit near the fire altar, 
 which is in the center of the kiva, and feed the sacred flames. 
 The actors, as they enter the kiva from above, turn a somerset 
 over the fire, by placing the head upon a stone slab, which 
 stands near the fire, and throwing their feet from the opening of 
 the kiva to the floor beyond the fire. They also pass out of the 
 kiva by a somerset; placing the head upon the slab, and so go out 
 of the opening feet foremost. 
 
 These singular ceremonies are kept alive by certain secret 
 societies, some of the members personating the mountain 
 divinities, Ko-ye-me-slii, others personating the winds, who are 
 the cloud bearers, others personating the divinities of the cardi- 
 nal points, still others the thunder-god, and the lightning. Each 
 of these societies has a kiva for itself, but the kivas represent the 
 different houses of the sky and have symbols which correspond. 
 
 It appears from this ceremony that the children of the Zuni 
 were brought to the worship of the rain-god in connection with 
 the other nature powers at their very initiation, and that there was 
 a supernatural air thrown overall the operations of the rain-cloud, 
 which must have impressed them through the remainder of their 
 life. It would be impossible for a child to pass through this 
 scene, in which the chief members of the tribe were the actors, 
 and in which his own relatives and godfathers were engaged, 
 without feeling that it was the most sacred event in his life, and 
 yet the whole interest was concentrated upon the part which 
 the rain-god had in the sacred drama. 
 
 III. The "solstitial" ceremonials of the Zunis also represent 
 the worship of the rain- god and dramatize the effect of the rain 
 upon the corn crop. These have been described by Dr. J. W. 
 Fewkes. He says: Both solstices are marked epochs in the 
 Zuni calendar and are celebrated by appropriate ceremonials. 
 The sun. at the approach of the summer solstice, is watched with 
 care by the priest of the sun, who determines the time by notic- 
 ing the light shining at sunrise through a depression in the 
 mountains called "the gate of Zuni," across the gnomon or 
 sun-post, which projects a few feet above the soil on the plain of 
 Zuni. and then announces the time for the rain dances to begin. 
 
THE WORSHIP OF THE RAIN- GOD. 289 
 
 The first of the solstitial rain dances is the most important, but 
 it is preceded by a singular ceremony, which is probably designed 
 to imitate the effect of the pouring rain, but is really a burlesque 
 rather than a serious ceremony. It is called "the ducking of the 
 clowns." The clowns are persons who wear peculiar mud-head 
 masks and who march single file under the walls of the pueblos. 
 While they march the women and girls stand on the roof of the 
 pueblo with jars full of water and pour it upon their heads, thus 
 completely drenching them. 
 
 There seem to have been three classes of dancers and three 
 kinds of dances. The most important were the Koko, who 
 were the intercessors for rain. These wore masks with heavy 
 beards of horse-hair and carried turtles that were said to have 
 been gathered at the sacred lake. They were painted with zig- 
 zag markings said to be rain symbols, and had upon their legs 
 rattles made of small hoofs and turtle shells. Some of them had 
 helmets, on which were figures of the sun and crescents and 
 other symbolic devices. These represent the beings called Koko^ 
 who are supposed to live in some far away region. They 
 approach the village a little after sundown and repair to one of 
 the kivas; the squaws file up the street with bowls full of food 
 and present it at the skylight of the kiva to the hungry Koko 
 below. A boy who personified the god of fire accompanied the 
 procession. Over his shoulder he carried a quiver and in his 
 •hand a fiery wand. His breast was ornamented with shell neck- 
 laces; he moved the fire wand back and forth as if it were incense. 
 
 Another dance is named from those who bear tablets with three 
 upright projections, each ornamented with a feather and gaudily 
 painted with figures in the form of crescents and bird^. Their 
 heads were wholly covered with cedar boughs; around the neck 
 were strings of shells made of turquoise and coral. These tablets 
 were all of them symbolic of the rain-cloud and the lightning.* 
 
 The ceremonials for rain are continued during the month of 
 August and culminate in a corn dance, as the corn is now ripening. 
 It is followed by a very ancient dance called 0-to-na-wey. In 
 this Ko-ye-jne-shi (ancient builders) appear as clowns carrying a 
 great abundance of cedar boughs. The final ceremony was a 
 procession of the priests of the bow, who visited the shrines and 
 placed prayer plumes in them. Here then we have the rain 
 ceremonies in which the sun at the solstices, according to the 
 calendar, and the zig-zag lightnings, the fire, various animals and 
 birds, objects of nature, cedar boughs and shells were personated, 
 all nature being drawn upon; but the efifect of the rain was a 
 special object of the dramatization. 
 
 IV. The snake dance is the most remarkable of all the rain 
 ceremonies. This dance has been often described and its ghastly 
 
 ♦See Plate. A description of tliese tablets will be found in tfie note at the end of this 
 c hapter. 
 
290 NA Tl VE A MERICAN S YMBOLISM. 
 
 scenes depicted, but its significance is poorly understood. It 
 was, however, nothing more nor less than a rain ceremony and 
 differed from all others only in that live snakes were used instead 
 of snake effigies. One ceremony was practiced by the Moquis or 
 Hopis at their village by the particular organizations which exist 
 there. 
 
 The following is a description given by Mrs. Matilda C. Steven- 
 son: The "snake dance" is introduced by the male members 
 going to the different points of the compass for six days gather- 
 ing snakes and depositing them in four vases. On the fifth day 
 a sand painting is made on the floor of the kiva; fetiches of the 
 cougar and bear are placed near it; the snakes are deposited on 
 it and are kept there by the novitiates, who use wands made of 
 eagle plumes. The Indians declare that the eagle possesses the 
 power to charm the snakes by flying about him and gently 
 caressing him with his wings. The out-door ceremony begins 
 with the process of placing the live snake in the mouth of the 
 novitiate. This is done by the chosen father, who grasps the 
 snake and places it before the face of the novitiate and prays 
 while he inhales the breath of the snake. After the snake is put 
 in his mouth the novitiate dances while an attendant caresses the 
 serpent with the eagle plumes. It is the ambition of the men to 
 prove their skill in the handling of the snakes, for by this means 
 they become the greatest jugglers and arise in the order. This 
 ceremony is repeated four days in succession. Afterward an all 
 night ceremonial occurs in the kiva for a final initiation of the 
 young men — when their power of endurance is taxed to the 
 extreme. 
 
 The legend of this people is interesting, but is too long to 
 give complete. In the legend the voyage of a young man, a son 
 of the high shaman, is described, and his visit to the house of 
 the spider woman. He passes fuur sentinels, equidistant from 
 one another, each a huge serpent, who held his head erect and 
 hissed at the youth. He enters into a rocky cavern, where are 
 many young men and maidens dressed in white blankets. He 
 is led to the house of the "mother of the sun" by the spider 
 woman, who lives under the great waters. He separated the 
 great waters with his large wand, and made a dry road by which 
 he passed to the house. Here he saw all the plume offerings of 
 his people to the sun. He was welcomed by the "mother of the 
 sun," who told him that the sun would return presently. He 
 is startled by a great noise, caused by the sun passing through 
 the waters to his house. His descent was through a huge reed. 
 Putting a foot on either side of the reed, he descended head 
 foremost.* 
 
 *The figure of a person descending head foremost, with feet spread, is common in the 
 codices of the Mayas. May not this refer to the same legend, or one similar to it, which 
 prevailed among this people? 
 
THE WORSHIP OF THE RAIN- GOD. 291 
 
 The spider woman said we will go with the sun to his father's 
 house in the east, for the mother's house was in the west. They 
 in company with the sun passed under the earth and afterward 
 ascended the reed that penetrates the eastern waters, and passed 
 over the world and looked down upon his people in Canon de 
 Chelly, and could read their hearts and could tell the good from 
 the bad. Returning to the earth the youth visited the cavern of 
 the snakes and took for his wives the two beautiful daughters. 
 On reaching his father's house he told him his adventures. His 
 father then said, "we will have a great feast to the snake and 
 antelope people in sixteen days." To this feast they invited only 
 those good in heart. The snake people came in four delicate 
 showers, each shower bringing the people ; the showers were 
 however invisible to the Hopitu. On the eighth day the people 
 danced, holding green corn stalks in their mouth, but the youth 
 was horrified to find that the snake people had been transformed 
 into snakes and that one of his wives had also become a snake, 
 and their children became snakes. 
 
 The legend of the flute people differs trom that of the snake 
 people, but it is nevertheless the "foundation myth" for a rain 
 ceremonial. It celebrates the migration of the flute people and 
 their encounter with the snake people and the alliance of the two 
 people,* It runs as follows: Lelanguh was the director of 
 the flute people. The music of his flute drives away the winter 
 and brings the summer rains. He was the director of many 
 people, and his insignia of office was the crook Pa-a-ya-a, which 
 was symbolic of longevity, to which were attached four rattles 
 ornamented with fluffy feathers of the eagle. The rattles were 
 used by him when he sang for rain, to water his lands. The 
 songs were sung to the rain people of the north, the west, the 
 south, the east, the zenith and the nadir. The six songs brought 
 the rain, and Lelanguh blew his whistle into the water which 
 fell upon the earth, making it bubble, at the same time praying 
 for more rain; and the earth was well watered. 
 
 Then follows the story of the migrations of the flute people. 
 It appears that these migrations were in obedience to the direc- 
 tion of an oracle, which was carried with the people very much 
 as the "ark" was by the Israelites in their wanderings and the 
 sacred boat among the Egyptians. f This oracle was in the shape 
 of a portable altar with a fetich of an ear of corn before it. This 
 altar Lelanguh erected upon his advent into this world. The 
 corn was trimmed with eagle and parrot plumes and had bits of 
 
 ♦See Mrs. Stevenson's account; also article by Mr. J. ^^'alter Fewkes in American 
 Anthropologist. 
 
 tTliis carrying a sacred oracle was a common thing among all the aboriginal tribes. It 
 was not always the same thing, but nevertheless served the same purpose. Among the 
 Chippevvas it was the shell which went before the people: among the Dakotas it was tjie 
 "sacred pipe,'' which was kept in the pipe-keeper's tent; among the Pawnees it was the 
 "sacred bundle"; among the Choctaws it was the "leaning pole"; among the Cherokees it 
 was the "sacred box " 
 
292 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 abalone shells and beads of turquoise suspended to it. Wherever 
 the people went this oracle was set up. The flute people came 
 at last to the home of the snake people and had four talks with 
 them. At last Lelanguh told the director of the snake people 
 that he knew "the secret of the rains" and could water the land 
 for them. "Well," said he, "if you can command the rain people 
 and know the secret of the rains we will be glad to have you 
 with us. If you know the secret you and your people must be 
 first, I and my people second. If you, indeed, know the secret, 
 hasten this rain that our land may be watered." "Wait," said 
 Lelanguh, "in eight days I will return to your village, and we 
 will go into the kiva." At the end of the eight days the director, 
 Lelanguh, returned with two young virgins and a youth, who 
 went into the kiva. The virgins and the young man were dressed 
 peculiarly, being covered with symbols which showed them to 
 be the personators of the rain cloud. The virgins wore white 
 blankets and the lower portion of their faces was painted black, 
 a white line across the mouth extending from ear to ear bordered 
 the black, symbolizing the rain cloud; their feet and hands were 
 colored black; their arms and legs in zig-zag of black, which 
 symbolized the lightning. The youth wore a white breech cloth 
 and eagle plumes in his hair. These remained in the kiva of 
 the snake people, (perhaps as personators of the rain cloud which 
 was to come.) On the fifth day the flute people feasted and sang. 
 At midnight they had sung four songs, when the rain slowly 
 approached. It came not in showers from the heavens but walked 
 over the earth. The waters were invisible to all but Lelanguh. 
 
 The people then painted their bodies and limbs white and put 
 on white blankets and breech cloths and followed Lelanguh, who 
 was accompanied by the "twin war heroes"* and carried the five 
 large wands, or prayer plumes, and advanced to the land of the 
 snake people. All the men had sunflowers on their heads and 
 carried corn and seeds of melons, beans and peppers. As they 
 neared the village the rain began falling around the land of the 
 snake people, but not upon it. After the fourth song, the rain 
 began falling upon the land of the snake people and the land 
 was well watered. The snake people wept for joy. Then Lelan- 
 guh gave to the snake director all the cereals that his people had 
 brought, and he was greatly pleased and said, "You are indeed 
 my father; you have brought us rain; you know the secrets of 
 the rains; the land shall be yours." Songs were then sung, on 
 alternate years to the west for rain, to the south, the east, the 
 zenith and the nadir, and invocations were made to the cougar 
 of the north, the bear of the west, the badger of the south, the 
 white wolf for the east, the eagle for the heavens, the shrew for 
 the earth, to intercede for rain. Different colored corn was depos- 
 
 *These war gods are common personages among all the Pueblo tribes. 
 
2 HE WORSHIP OF THE RAIN- GOD. 
 
 293 
 
 ited and prayer plumes planted at the points of the compass. The 
 plumes carried prayers for all things good. 
 
 Upon leaving the kiva the flute people saw their women 
 sitting on the hills around the village. The women wore white 
 blankets and the children had white plumes, which were proba- 
 bly the symbols of the rain-cloud. In a little while the land was 
 abundant with melons, beans and other vegetation, though noth- 
 ing had been planted. In this way the snake people and the 
 flute people became allied. The personating of this myth in the 
 drama of the flute society takes place every year. In the flute 
 drama the flute people and the snake people both appear. 
 
 V. The "snake dance," which occurs at the village of Walpi, 
 is more interesting than that which occurs at the Tusayan pueblo, 
 which was just been described. This is also a rain ceremonial, 
 and is pronounced very ancient by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, who 
 
 Mff. 6.— Snake Kilt. 
 
 says: "The reason for the whole ceremony lies far back in the 
 past, but has become more or less obscured by the progress of 
 time." The celebration of the snake dance lasts eight or nine 
 days, during which there are various preparations for the cere- 
 mony, the preparations being generally symbolic of the rain. 
 Among these we may mention: (i.) The making the charmed 
 liquid. (2.) Making the sand mosaic or dry painting on the 
 floor of the kiva. (3.) The smoking the sacred pipe and the 
 distribution of the prayer plumes. (4.) The beginning of the 
 snake hunts. (5.) The invocation to the four world-quarters. 
 (6.) Introduction of the snake boy and snake girl, who were the 
 personators of the rain-cloud. (7.) The snake race, which was a 
 race through certain sand paintings which represented the clouds 
 and rains, of the different cardinal points. (8.) The washing of the 
 snakes. (9.) The snake dance itself. In all of these ceremonies 
 the dress and decorations were symbolic of the rain-clouds and 
 of the falling rain. 
 
 The most interesting of these ceremonies was the race which 
 symbolized the passage of the wind through the rain-clouds, 
 though the washing of the snakes and the snake dance were the 
 most tragic and thrilling in their performance. In this snake 
 
294 NA Tl VE A MERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 race there were about forty runners and about eight priests, the 
 snake priests and the antelope priests moving in pairs. One part 
 of the ceremony consisted in placing the plank in which was the 
 si-pa-pu or "place of beginning" on the ground near a shrine, 
 each of the actors stamping upon it as they marched by. An- 
 other part consisted in the priests taking corn stalks and vines 
 in their mouths and marching slowly through platoons of the 
 actors. In another part four priests stood with crooks in their 
 hands and with white paint upon their bodies at intervals along 
 the trail made of colored meal, over which the actors were to 
 run; near the priests were sand paintings which represented the 
 rain clouds of the four cardinal points. The runners as they 
 passed the priests and went through the symbolic rain clouds, 
 were expected to strike the ancient crook, held by the priests. 
 All of this ceremony was a dramatization of the history of the 
 people and the operations of the rain. 
 
 The decorations of the priests and the symbols resemble that 
 which was used in the flute dance, the young man and the virgins 
 having exactly the same white garments and black lines upon 
 the face and body, but the main difference was that the ancient 
 relics which had been used by the Walpi were brought into the 
 ceremony. The articles used in connection with the ceremonies 
 were symbolic. Among these were (i) "the snake pipe," on which 
 was a rain symbol. This was smoked in silence. (2.) The 
 eighteen stone implements which were brought up by the ancients 
 out of the earth. (3.) The fifteen bent sticks, which were called 
 crooks. (4.) The plank, in which was the hole called si-pa-pu, 
 through which the ancients ascended. (5.) The plumed prayer 
 sticks, which were deposited m the shrines. (6.) The various 
 sand paintings or sand altars. These sand paintings were all 
 made in the same way. They contained four rows of semi-circles, 
 each row having a different color to represent the clouds, with 
 zigzag serpents shooting from the clouds, two of them male and 
 two of them female, with black parallel lines to represent the rain. 
 
 (7.) The sand painting referred to above was another symbol. 
 This was placed immediately above the plank in which was the 
 opening called Si-pa-pu, which symbolized the place of emerg- 
 ence for the ancestors of the people. The border of different 
 colors was symbolic of the "world quarters." Around the altar 
 or sand pictures were fetiches of the animals of the "world quar- 
 ters," which faced the figures of the clouds. This opening in the 
 floor was suggestive of the creation myth, but the sand paintings 
 were suggestive of the sky and the operations of the rain clouds, 
 thus making a combination of that which was below and of the 
 world above in one symbol. 
 
 (8.) Another article was the "whizzer," which was a thin 
 wooden slab, the faces of which were decorated with zigzag 
 bands; this was dipped into the charmed liquid of the sacred 
 
THE WORSHIP Oi THE RAIN-GOD. 
 
 295 
 
 bowl, which synibohzed the rain, and rapidly twirled so as to 
 imitate the sound of thunder The snakes were not so symbolic 
 as the decoration of the priests and dancers, though the fact that 
 they were carried in the mouths of the dancers and were kept 
 from biting by the feathers in the hands of the attendants, made 
 them significant perhaps of the lightning and the clouds, being 
 controlled by the gods or by those who personated the gods. 
 
 Fiij. : .—Antelope Priest. 
 
 The decorations of the Zunis and Hopis deserve attention 
 in this connection. Many of these were symbolic of the rain. 
 They are as follows : 
 
 (i.) The dance kilt. This was a symbolic garment, which 
 had a black band with a white border running zig-zag through 
 its center, representing the plumed snake, with arrow-shaped 
 marks representing the foot-prints oi the duck, and short par- 
 allel marks representing foot-prints of the frog, both water ani- 
 mals. On either side of this band were two sets of parallel 
 bands, representing rainbows. There was a fringe on the kilt 
 composed of little triangular metal plates. See Fig. 6. 
 
 (2.) Snake kilts were worn by snake men who carried, in their 
 
296 NA Tl VE A MERl CA N S YMBOLISM. 
 
 hands, snake-whips made of eagle plumes. The kilt of the 
 antelope priest differed from this in that it was a plain woven 
 garment, but had a border at either end which was ornamented 
 with stepped figures, to symbolize the clouds, zigzag lines to 
 represent the lightnings, parallel lines to represent the rain ; an 
 embroidered sash was attached to the belt of the antelope priest. 
 (3.) The decorations of the priest consisted of white, zigzag 
 lines on the legs, arms and body, and the chin was painted black, 
 the body a bluish color. He wore a white embroidered dance 
 kilt, held in place by a white girdle, and a white feather was tied 
 to his scalp lock, a wreath of cotton wood leaves about his head, 
 string of beads of shell and of turquois about his neck. He wore 
 buckskin anklets and red moccasins, thus making the symbolic 
 colors complete. In his right hand he carried a rattle and in his 
 left hand he carried a bowl filled with liquor. On his right arm 
 was a bundle of cottonwood twigs, in his left a plumed wand.* 
 See Fig. 7, 
 
 *A Tusayan ceremony has been described by Mr. A. M. Stephens, in which some novel 
 rain symbols appeared. A number of ancient slabs of wood were displayed, on which 
 were painted designs which represented the sky divinities under human forms. Some of 
 these had faces covered with arches; others had arches and rain symbols upon the skirts 
 which cover the body; others had faces surrounded with feathers; still others had a rain 
 symbol attended with the phallic symbol, but no faces; one had a single corn plant and no 
 rain symbol; one had the human form richly dressed and decorated with many symbols, the 
 face surrounded by stepped figures and the rain symbols above the face. These tablets 
 were carried in the final dance by about thirty girls who were dressed in white and blue 
 tunics, and who also carried a quantity of corn stalks, thus showing that the rain gods 
 were personified and worshiped as human beings. The dancers at the close stationed them- 
 selves in such a way as to form a horse-shoe. The phallic symbol on these tablets was 
 made up from the different parts of the rain symbol, which were skillfully arranged so as to 
 make it resemble a phallus. It had a small arch on either side and one above the phallus, 
 and lines below representing the rain. See plate. 
 
ETHNOGRAPHIC RELIGIONS AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP. 297 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 ETHNOGRAPHIC RELIGIONS AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP. 
 
 The review of aboriginal religions which we have been giving 
 has convinced us that there is a large amount of symbolism 
 which belongs to prehistoric times, and that there was a geography 
 of religion, as well as a history. This position is confirmed by 
 the study of the map, for we find that most of the symbols were 
 confined to certain limited districts, and were very uncommon 
 outside of those districts, thus making certain grand divisions 
 which are suggestive of a previous development. The boundaries 
 which limit these districts are, perhaps, not quite as definite as 
 those which now separate grand political provinces, but they are 
 more closely conformed to the physical peculiarities of the con- 
 tinent, and more distinctly marked by material barriers, such as 
 mountain ranges, forest belts, climatic zones, altitude, and soil, 
 all ot which seem to have had an effect upon the condition of 
 society, and so upon the form of religion. 
 
 This is a very important point, for it reveals to us the won- 
 derful and mysterious law which prevailed in native society, and 
 which unconsciously molded all institutions and customs. It 
 shows that there was a religious sentiment in the native mind, 
 which could not be hindered by any amount of social privation, 
 and which was not helped by educational privilege, but was 
 greatly influenced by natural surroundings. This sentiment was 
 constantly pressing upon the native mind, and was calculated to 
 bring it out from the lower grades and the darker superstitions 
 into a higher life and light. We do not know its source, but 
 imagine that the spirit of the Almighty through it is affecting 
 human creatures with the spiritual life which is in Him, as in a 
 great reservoir, this having a constant tendency to bring up human 
 thought to a higher level, and to reveal through nature His own 
 attributes and being. This does not do away with the doctrine 
 that there was a revelation, but, on the other hand, shows that 
 there was a necessity for it; and yet it furnishes a key to the 
 problem and enables us better to enter into the study of compara- 
 tive religions. The review of geography will therefore be appro- 
 priate at this time We are to study the subject of ethnographic 
 religions, but shall take ancestor worship as one of the series. 
 
 I. Let us take up the map of the continent and study out the 
 localities in which each form of religion has had its chief de- 
 velopment, notice the boundaries within which the symbols have 
 be:n discovered, and ask why it was that within such boundaries 
 
298- NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 the particular cult should have had its history. That there was 
 an evolution of one form of worship out of another, is one of 
 the first lessons taught us by the map. If we begin with the 
 localities where society was at its lowest stage, and where hu- 
 man nature was in its most degraded condition, we shall find each 
 form of religion corresponding to the physical surroundings as 
 well as to the social status. The process of development, how- 
 ever, appears as we go out from one district into another, tor we 
 may see that in those localities where society reached a higher 
 stage, and where the surroundings were more favorable to human 
 growth, there religion partook ot the social status, and itself 
 reached a higher grade. We find, then, that we are taking steps 
 upward, are following an ascending series, coming out of the 
 darkness into the light, out of the uncertain and indefinite 
 into the positive and well defined, each geographical district fur- 
 nishing not only a new phase of religion, but also one that was 
 more highly developed and more complete in its outline. The 
 districtsin which the different systems have been identified are 
 very instructive, for they show that there was a law of correla- 
 tion everywhere prevalent, and a conservation of influence every- 
 where at work. 
 
 The different religious systems may generally be arranged ac- 
 cording to the belts of latitude, and the order of succession may 
 be traced from the north to the south, each zone having its own 
 particular form of worship as well as its social status, mode of 
 life, and grade of development. The figure of a pyramid may 
 be employed in the case of aboriginal religions as well as in the 
 case of the architectural structures, for these stretch across the 
 continent in parallel lines, but arise in successive steps, their ad- 
 vance keeping pace with the advance of society. We notice that 
 the personal Element grows more intense with each successive 
 stage, and that that which in the lower stages was a dim and 
 shadowy animism, or spirit and demon worship, comes out at 
 last in the worship of a divinity whose attributes are entirely 
 personal. Monotheism does not seem to have been reached, yet 
 there was an approach to it, for the personality of the divinities 
 becomes more and more prominent, and the influence of the 
 great " culture hero" is at last almost supreme. Personality does 
 not belong to ancestor worship alone, for it appears in every local- 
 ity, a personal spirit having been ascribed to the rocks and the 
 trees, to animals and nondescript creatures, to the various nature 
 powers — rain and lightning, wmd, to the heavenly bodies, the 
 sun and moon — as well as to the culture heroes and ancestors. 
 The lowest stage was found among the Eskimos of the north, 
 who feared the demons, and the highest among the Mayas of the 
 south, among whom the personal divinity was symbolized. 
 
 The arrangement of the different systems of religion according 
 to the belts of latitude is very suggestive; it shows that the 
 
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300 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 climate had an effect upon them as well as the soil; the influ- 
 ence, perhaps, being first felt by the employment and the mode 
 of life; the social status, the religious beliefs and the customs 
 being correlated to these. We may take the different zones and 
 arrange the tribes or races according to their languages and 
 location, but we will find that there are certain centers in which 
 the mythology, the symbols and the customs show a certain 
 religion as supreme. The following are the systems which have 
 been recognized in the symbols, traditions and customs prevalent 
 among the aboriginal tribes, and now laid down on the map as 
 an approximate geography of the aboriginal religions on the 
 continent. There were two or three lines oi development, one 
 which followed the east coast, another the west coast and another 
 passed down through the central axis. Local tribes had their 
 particular forms of worship, but the steps or grades will be rec- 
 ognized in the parallels which correspond to the belts of latitude. 
 The following is the order: 
 
 I. Shamanism. This was the religion of the fishermen of 
 the Arctic regions. It may be regarded as the lowest form, 
 though it varied in its character according to the locality and 
 tribe. It was a system which prevailed through the entire 
 Arctic regions, including Greenland on the east, and Point 
 Barrow on the west, and extending down to the Tinneh tribes 
 on the Hudson's Bay, and the Aleuts in Alaska. Among the 
 Tinnehs and Aleuts it was in the extreme of degredation, the 
 myths being full of vulgarity, the customs senseless, and the 
 superstitions numerous. Here the shaman was a sort of relig- 
 ious juggler or magician, who exercised absolute control over 
 the people by means of his arts and pretentions. The people 
 themselves were divided mto castes, which were said to have 
 originated when all fowls, animals and fish were people. The 
 fish were the Chitsah, the birds were Taingees-ah-tsah, and the 
 animals Nat-singh.* These were the ancestors of the different 
 tribes, as well as their divinities. The shaman had great power 
 over these animals. The evil spirits were under his control and 
 demons were exorcised by his magic. He seemed to dwell in 
 the midst of the supernatural and to have power over all the 
 elements, and yet there was always a spirit which was beyond 
 his control, which the people recognized as the great ancestor 
 of all. This spirit assumed different shapes in different localities 
 and had different names given it by different tribes. Some have 
 called it the Great Spirit, recognizing monotheism here among 
 these darkened and degraded people as they do among the 
 hunter tribes and more advanced races of the south. The term 
 Great Spirit has been objected to as conveying the wrong ^dea, 
 but it is nevertheless suggestive in this connection, for the Great 
 Spirit is always identical with the great ancestor, t hough the 
 *See "Notes on the Tianeh Indians of British America," page 315. 
 
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302 NA TI ] 'E A ilERl CA N S YMB OLISM. 
 
 character of the ancestor is conformed to the character of the 
 people who worshiped it. Some authors maintain that a ben- 
 evolent being, who ruled over all and was the great ancestor of 
 all, was recognized by even the most degraded tribes. Others 
 maintain that there was a type of religion prevalent called heno- 
 theism, and that this has been mistaken for the worship of the 
 Great Spirit. Henotheism consists in the exalting of one divin- 
 ity above all others, making that one supreme. This divinity 
 was often a local one, and became the divinity of a tribe or dis- 
 trict, and was unknown beyond the tribe. It was often regarded 
 as the tribal ancestor, and so ancc;stor worship was introduced by 
 it, and yet the henotheistic conception was equally strong where 
 ancestor worship did not exist. 
 
 Shamanism was the leligion of the Eskimos. They imagined 
 that their ancestral spirit dwelt in the rocks, and that the shamans 
 had power to open the door.* The Eskimos of Point Barrow 
 have many tales in which a mythical person is described. This 
 person is sometimes a dog, sometimes a cruel man called Kagsuk, 
 sometimes a woman, sometimes an animal with six or ten legs, 
 called Kiliopak, and sometimes a fabulous beast. In Greenland 
 the great ancestor of all was a woman called Sedna, a woman 
 whose home was in the sea and who had control of the sea ani- 
 mals. The legend is that this woman was pushed into the sea; 
 she clung to the boat on both sides, but her husband struck her 
 with a knife; each time her fingers were transformed to sea 
 animals. He killed her and covered her with dog skin, and the 
 floodtide took her. Her home is now in the tide. The man 
 assumed the shape of a bird, but the woman is the spirit which 
 haunts all things. We may say then that ancestor worship began 
 even in the midst of shamanism. f 
 
 2. Totemism was the second form of religion. This pre- 
 vailed, as we have shown elsewhere, among the hunter tribes. 
 Its chief development was in the district which was bounded by 
 the Arctic Circle on the north and the fortieth degree on the 
 south, the district in which is Hudson's Bay and the chain of 
 the Great Lakes, and which may be called the forest belt of the 
 north. Totemism consisted in the worship of ancestors or of an- 
 cestral spirits which assumed the form of animals and were 
 called by animal names. It was the religion of the hunters; 
 they always carried with them either the skin, or the skeleton, 
 or head, or some part of the animal which they regarded as 
 their personal divinity. They also placed the figures of animals, 
 either painted or carved, over their houses, near their villages 
 and in their cemeteries, and ever lived under the protection of 
 these animal ancestors. It was a mysterious and complicated 
 
 * We C'lll attention to the plates which represent the svmboi.s found in the Easter 
 Islands. These pictographs should be compared to those found among the Aleuts 
 and the Thlinkeets of the north, for they convey the idea that similar systems pre- 
 vailed in both localities. 
 
 t Esquimaux Tales and Songs, in Journal of American Folk Lore, page 132. 
 
ETHNOGRAPHIC RELIGIONS AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP. 303 
 
 system. It had great sway; we may regard it as the second 
 stage through which ancestor worship passed on its way to its 
 complete development. 
 
 The symbols of animal worship or totemism convince us that 
 the animals were elevated to the position of ancestors and were 
 often regarded as the heads of houses, the leaders of the tribes 
 and the guardian divinities of the nations. We sometimes find 
 
 Fig. l.—Bear Idol from the Mounds. 
 
 among them human images, hut these are generally mythologic 
 creatures which perpetuated tribal myths, or were the representa- 
 tives of ancestors, and were recognized as such. The real divini- 
 ties were the animals, which were changed to mythologic creatures. 
 
 A specimen of this mythologic totemism can be seen in the 
 figure which is presented herewith — a figure which is in itself 
 quite mysterious. See Figs, i and 2. This has been described 
 by Thonias Wilson. It is an image which has the head of a 
 bear, the form of a man, but the symbols of sun worship on the 
 form. The image was found in a mound near Newark, Ohio. It 
 represents a human form clad in bear's skin, the head being 
 
304 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 brought over the crown and serving as a sort of head-dress after 
 the fashion of the lion's skin of Hercules and Alexander. "The 
 entire head of the b( ar is on the top of the head of the man. while 
 the arms of the man appear inserted within the skin of the fore 
 legs of the bear. He holds in his right hand an amputated head. 
 The hair of this head is strained tight away from the face and 
 drawn together and held at the feet of the statue. The features 
 
 /,ig^ 2.— Bear Idol from the Mounds— Front View. 
 
 of this face and of that of the image have no resemblance to 
 that of the Indian. There are ear ornaments in both figures 
 which have resemblance to those from Mexico and Central 
 America. In fact all the peculiarities of this figure point to 
 such a resemblance." 
 
 We class this image along with mythologic totems, for the 
 mask reminds us of those engraved on the shell gorgets and cop- 
 per plates from the mounds of Georgia and Tennessee and on the 
 so-called Exeter vase found in Nebraska. The bear skin and 
 head also remind us of the idols found in Nicaragua, in which 
 the human figure is covered with the monstrous head of a crocodile 
 
ETHNOGRAPHIC RELIGIONS AISD ANCESTOR WORSHIP. 305 
 
 or snake.* It was an old-world custom for the priest to wear the 
 skins of animals when they went to the sacrifice. The medicine 
 men in America wore the skins of animals, but this image sug- 
 gests the idea that they practiced human sacrifice. 
 
 3. The third stage was sun worship. This prevailed among 
 the agricultural tribes of the central and southern states. It was 
 the cult of that ancient people called the Mound-builders. It 
 also prevailed among the Indian tribes which lived in the same 
 region at the time of the discovery. There is evidence that 
 ancestor worship prevailed among the sun worshipers, as its 
 symbols are mingled with the sun symbols, which are so numer- 
 ous. Certain customs which represent it were practiced by the 
 living tribes, especially by the Natchez and the Muskogees, 
 These rites and ceremonies illustrate the pomt which we have in 
 mind. The sun was personified and was worshiped as a person. 
 The attributes of the sun divinity were symbolized under the 
 semblance of human images or idols, as well as under the form 
 of the sun itself 
 
 The early explcrers have described human images as very 
 common in the Gulf States. These images were generally found 
 in the dead houses or ossuary temples, and were supposed to 
 represent the ancestral divinities of the people. The images 
 were placed inside of the doors, and not only guarded the bodies 
 of the dead, but the treasures of the living, for the dead houses 
 were often the places where the treasures and sacred things of 
 the people were deposited. 
 
 We furnish a cut to illustrate this point, though the image 
 was found on the West India islands. See Fig. 3. It has been 
 described by Prof. O. T. Mason. f The carving represents two 
 individuals seated on a canopied chair. The chair has a high 
 back, ornamented with scrolls and concentric rings. Both indi- 
 viduals have embroidered skull caps, resembling the close-fitting 
 embroidered caps of the Indians, The legs have bands of em- 
 broidered cotton just above the calves, which resemble those 
 bands which were common among the Caribs, at the time of the 
 discovery. They may have been portraits, for the description 
 given of the natives is as follows : Their eyes were encircled 
 with paint so as to give them a hideous expression, and bands 
 of cotton were bound firmly above and below the muscular parts 
 of the arms and legs, so as to cause them to swell to dispropor- 
 tionate size. I This image was 31 inches in height. 
 
 Another figure, carved from a single log of wood, represents a 
 human image resting upon arms as well as legs. There are on 
 it earrings, or ornaments, and bands around the arms similar to 
 those on the seated images. The length of this is 43 inches. 
 
 *See "Bancroft's Native Races," Vol. IV, page 50. "Niciragua," Vol. 11, page 39 
 tSee Smithsonian Report. 188J, paee 831. See Chap. XII, Figs. 1 and 2, p. 251. 
 t Washington Irving. History ol Columbus. 
 
306 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 The discovery of these images in the West Indies suggests a con- 
 nection between the island and the continent in prehistoric times, 
 or at least conveys the idea that a similar custom of making idols 
 which should represent ancestors, prevailed in both regions. The 
 
 Fiff. 3.— Carved Images from the West Indies, 
 
 distinction of sex among the nature divinities is often shown by 
 the idols. The sun and moon were regarded as male and female, 
 and all the nature powers were arranged according to sex. The 
 mythologies of the aborigines were full of stories with regard 
 to the pairing of divinities and with regard to miraculous births. 
 These myths were sometimes embodied in the idols. 
 
ETHNOGRAPHIC RELIGIONS AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP. 307 
 
 We notice that such images were common, especially at the 
 south, showing that the southern races were all idolaters, but 
 animal figures or totems were more common at the north, sug- 
 gesting that the northern races were animal worshipers, the 
 difference between the two arising from ethnic causes as well as 
 from the influence of environment. Still there is nothing unrea- 
 sonable in the theory that both systems were prevalent in all parts 
 of the continent, even if they originated in separate centers and 
 found their full development in particular districts, for the spread 
 of symbolism from one district to another was very natural. If 
 we take the different religious cults of the Mississippi Valley, we 
 shall find that some of them were purely local and never went 
 beyond the bounds of their first habitat. Others were wide- 
 spread and became almost universal. 
 
 4. Sabaeanism, or sky worship, is the fourth form of aborig- 
 inal religion which we are to consider. This was also a local 
 cult. It found its chief development among the Pueblos of the 
 interior. It consisted in the personifying of the nature powers 
 and in making them divinities. There was perhaps not as much 
 of the element of ancestor worship in this cult as in those which 
 we have just considered, yet when we analyze the system and 
 study the symbols we shall find that it was not entirely lacking. 
 The chief peculiarity of sky worship was, that the sky was a 
 house, or ratner made up of a number of houses; the four 
 quarters, and the upper heavens or the zenith and the lower earth 
 or the nadir, each of them constituting a house or habitation for 
 the divinity. The houses all had different colors; that in the 
 north was yellow, in the east white, in the south red, in the west 
 blue, the upper sky spotted, the lower black.* The houses were 
 guarded by animals, each of which had a color corresponding 
 with that of the house. 
 
 The divinities of the Pueblos were varied. Some of them 
 were represented by rude images in the shape of animals which 
 were called fetiches, others by human images, which were really 
 idols, but at the same time reminded the people of their ances- 
 tors. The symbols of nature worship are peculiar. They rep- 
 resent all the nature powers personified, but personified under 
 the semblance of animals, birds, serpents and nondescript creat- 
 
 *These are the colors of the houses among the Znnis:. The fetiches or idols of the 
 Zunis were, yellow limestone mountain lions for the north, coyotes for ih west, red 
 wild cats for the souih, wliite w-lves for the east, eagles for tlie upper regions and 
 moles for the lower. The human-headed divinity was the tutelar god of several of 
 the societies, and was the hf>ro ot hundreds of JolK-lore t>iles His dress consisted of 
 the terraced cap representing a dwelling place among the clouds. His w. apons are 
 the rainbow, the lightning, and the tlint knife. His warriors are the mountain lion 
 ot the North and of the upper regio is. The shield had the image of a white bear, 
 eagle and two serpents pon it, all of them beings of the skies. The shie ds had 
 different colors— red, bine, yreen, yellow, white, black. Diff rent symbols were used 
 by other trib-^s, and t lie colors differ-d, but there wa^s the same concpption of per- 
 sonal gods ruling the sky. Kee Third Annual Report of Bureau of ;Ethnology. The 
 sun itself was a divinity whose beautiful hous- was under the waters— his father's 
 house in the east, his mother's house in the west, and he passed under the earth to 
 the eastern waters and passed over the world to the western waters. S e Tucsayan 
 Legends, by iMatilda Cox Stevenson. 
 
308 
 
 NAIIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 ures, the human form apparently being the ruler of them all. 
 The forces of nature, however, are represented in this way: The 
 lightning by serpents, the thunder by a bird, the sky by a dome, 
 the heavens by a turreted figure, the rainbow by a human 
 image bent in the form of an arch, the clouds by wmgs furnished 
 with feathers resembling knife blades, the water by certain plat- 
 forms or rafts, the four quarters of the sky by certain animals; 
 
 .„««-'i^. 
 
 Fig. It.— Idol J r 01 II Guulcnuda. 
 
 but in the midst of all and ruling over all was the image which 
 represented perhaps the human ancestry as well as the priest- 
 hood. The idols of the Pueblos were numerous, and were cov- 
 ered with the symbols of the active nature powers. While the 
 images were silent and motionless the symbols on the images 
 always suggest the activities of nature about them. Sometimes 
 the faces of the images are obscured by dark bands and white 
 lines, to symbolize the clouds and lightning. But the symbols 
 of the nature powers are always conspicuous and represent 
 action. We may imagine that the divine being is surrounded 
 by the elements, but is serene amid them all. The lightnings 
 
ETHNOGRAPHIC RELIGIONS AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP. 309 
 
 may play, the clouds lower, storms may rage, the rain fall, the 
 rainbow appear above the clouds, the turrettedsky may be filled 
 with feathery plumes, but a personal divinity controls them all. 
 Even the Moquis, a living tribe, have divinities of this kind. The 
 god of the surface of the earth is called Ma-cau-a. He is the god 
 of death, as well as the god of life, who controls growth. The 
 priest who personified him wore a mask with corn husk eyes and 
 
 '■* Z 
 
 ;^ /■> 
 
 
 1^ llj. 
 
 -Idol fnmi Gautcinuld. 
 
 his body was daubed with blood. They have a virgin god called 
 Mana, who was the bride of the sun, Dawa, and called the spider 
 woman. She was the mother of the war god, Pi-ho-kong. The 
 plumed serpent was the rain symbol among the Moquis. The 
 coil is a whirlwind symbol ; triangle, a phallic symbol ; the cross, 
 a sky or weather symbol; stairs or steps, cloud symbols; the 
 shield, a star symbol; the suastika, perhaps a fire symbol.* 
 
 5. The fifth form of aboriginal religion is what we may call 
 
 *j*pe J. Walter Fewbes on Tnsayan pijtosraphs, American A ntltr0p0Hgi.1t. Vol. V, 
 page 19. They have clolls with round face, freHied head, and two hoins, and many 
 idols which were personiflcatioiis of the nature powers. 
 
310 NATIVE AMERICAN iSMYBOLISM. 
 
 hero worship; this prevailed, to a certain degree, amonp^ the 
 savage tribes of the northwest, such as the Haidahs, but was es- 
 pecially manifest among the civilized tribes of the southwest. 
 Its chief development was represented in the so-called "culture 
 heroes," the law givers, which have made such an impression upon 
 the aboriginal literature of the country. There was, however, an 
 element of ancestor worship in this hero worship, for many of 
 the heroes were transformed from their original characters as law 
 makers, into ancestors. We find many sculptured figures in 
 Guatemala, which represent culture heroes as ancestors. We 
 present here two such figures from Pantaleon, Guatemala. These 
 figures have also been described by Prof O. T. Mason. See 
 Fio-s. 4 and 5. The description of this idol is as follows: On the 
 head was a turban with banded edge; on the front of the turban 
 an arrangement of plumes secured by a double knot; ear-rings, 
 gorgets and mask were suspended from a necklace; braided folds 
 as of cloth fell from the turban behind the ears, and a medallion 
 shaped ear ring in front of it; from the upper margin arose a 
 crest, which curved over toward the front and ended in a tassel. 
 The head of the old man in one of them had deep lines on brow 
 and cheek ; nearly the whole of the ear was taken up with cylin- 
 drical ornaments. The head-dress was composed of the body 
 of a bird with outstretched wings. In the other head the eyes 
 were represented as hanging from their sockets ; the long ears 
 were adorned with heavy ornaments; on the top was a small cap, 
 jauntily placed to one side. There is upon these images a variety 
 of symbolism which is suggestive of sun worship and nature 
 worship, but there is a prominence to the human face which con- 
 vinces us that human art has worked free from the symbols of 
 nature worship into the realm of portraiture. 
 
 We do not know their history, but there is one peculiarity 
 about these portraits which is very suggestive, conveying the 
 idea that ancestor worship was mingled with the hero worship. 
 There is the appearance of great age in some of the idols. This 
 may be owing to the fact that a venerable appearance would 
 heighten the spi^-it of devotion and so the idols would be held in 
 greater reverence. But it shows that ancestor worship was a 
 more elevating influence than either animal or nature worship, 
 and that it had even a more sacred character. We call attention 
 to the contrast between these figures or idols from Guatemala 
 and those which were images of the nature gods in Mexico. In 
 the latter the images are covered with the most horrid objects in 
 nature, crotalus jaws, serpents' fangs, serpents' tails and rattles, 
 the claws of beasts, grinning skulls, horrid looking eyes, muti- 
 lated hands, the ensigns of royalty placed upon them as if in 
 mockery, the whole figu/e the shape of a cross, making a trav- 
 esty of the most sacred symbol of religion. These idols of Gua- 
 temala are far more serene and kindly, and show the mild form 
 
ETHNOGRAPHIC RELIGIONS AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP. 311 
 
 of religion which prevailed among the Mayas. We call them 
 portraits rather than idols, for they have a life-like appearance, 
 and are free from the symbols with which the idols were 
 generally covered. They were not the portraits of the culture 
 heroes of the Mayas or the Mexicans, for these culture heroes 
 were mainly the personifications of the nature powers, and ex- 
 hibit the symbols of these powers in great profusion. 
 
 As to the localities where hero worship has been identified, 
 there is scarcely a city in all the region between the city of 
 Mexico and Lake Managua where the shrine of some of these 
 hero divinities is not found,* and scarcely a tribe which has not 
 an immense store of tradition concerning the same. The names 
 of the culture heroes dififer according to locality and age; yet 
 when we come to compare their character and history, we find 
 that they were nearly identical. To illustrate: The city of 
 Cholula, the capital of the ancient Toltecs, was the city which 
 tradition fixes upon as the seat of the worship of the great cul- 
 ture hero Quctzatlcoatl and the place where the greatest temple 
 to his name was erected. This is the place where the divinity 
 found refuge from his fierce enemy Tezcatlapoca, and the place 
 where, according to tradition, the " waters of the great deluge 
 were stayed." The pyramid of Cholula is the monument which 
 commemorates both events. The feather-headed serpent is the 
 symbol of the city, and represents the god of air among all the 
 nations of Anahuac. From this city his worship extended over 
 the whole country. Here was the image of Quctzatlcoatl. It 
 was adorned with a mitre, a short, embroidered tunic, a golddn 
 collar, the legs enclosed in a garter of tiger skin; a shield hung 
 from the left arm. and in the right hand a scepter, which termin- 
 ated in a crook like a bishop's crozier. Many of the ancient 
 cities of Central America, such as Palenque and Uxmal, also 
 had shrines to these culture heroes. This worship of the cul- 
 ture heroes was nothing more nor less than a form of American 
 paganism, and resembles, both in its highly developed ritual and 
 in its elaborate symbolism, and especially in its varied mythol- 
 ogy, the paganism of the ancient cities of Greece and Rome and 
 of the lands farther east. 
 
 6. This leads us to the sixth form of religion, viz: the worship 
 of the elements and the various nature powers. This was one of 
 the most important of the ethnographic religions, for it shows to 
 what extent the people were accustomed to carry their inven- 
 tions, and with what complicated symbols they covered their 
 divinities. These were : (i.) The feather-headed serpent, which 
 probably represented the rain cloud. (2.) The cross for the four 
 parts of the sky. (3.) The circle for the sun. (4.) The eye for 
 the rain drop. (5.) The garments for the clouds. (6.) The 
 
 * See p 402, chapter on Culture Heroes and Deified Kings. 
 
312 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 hair and head-dress for the fire. (7.) The leaves, cones and 
 vines for the growing vegetation. (8.) The head or beak of 
 birds for the creatures of the sky. (9.) The heads of animals 
 for the creatures of the earth, and other symbols for the elements 
 — fire, water, earth and sky.* Specimens of these have been 
 given in the chapter on "Culture Heroes;" others in the cuts 
 representing the figures described by Habel as portrayed on the 
 sculptured tablets of Cosumalhuapa f These tablets are covered 
 with a great array of symbols in the form of flaming suns, winged 
 circles, human faces with streaming locks, human arms with 
 birds' claws, the whole intertwined with serpents and vines, 
 death heads, masks made from animals' heads and human heads 
 — all of these symbols of the nature powers ; not a single face 
 among them which can be recognized as a portrait. These 
 tablets evidently represented the nature powers, while the idols 
 found at Pantaleon represented the portraits of ancestors. 
 
 Naturism was very prominent among the Mayas, but it was 
 also one of the most widespread and powerful religions of 
 America. It was well-nigh universal, and might be called the 
 religion of the American race. It consisted in the worship of 
 the elements — the earth, air, fire and water, the operations of 
 nature, such as the wind, rain, lightning, sunshine, water. It 
 also filled the world-quarters and the cardinal points with guar- 
 dian divinities. It deified the seasons, and made the days, weeks, 
 months and years to revolve around a central core, called the 
 kernel of the year, and had a calendar of its own separate from 
 that which was regulated by the sun. It was, to be sure, a wor- 
 ship of the sun and of the cosmic powers, but was also accom- 
 panied by a worship of the sky, and gave colors to the different 
 parts of the sky, which were sacred to the sky divinities. It 
 introduced mountain divinities and made sacred the colors 
 with which the mountains were covered. It also made known, 
 by means of its symbols, the divinities which controlled the 
 sea, the air and the earth, fire and water, the seasons, the 
 crops, the plants, the animals, the trees, the grain, the epochs 
 of creation, the events of history, as well as the destiny of man, 
 making all the elements subservient to their power. It gave 
 also a local cult to each city, as well as province, each temple 
 and shrine having the symbol of the nature powers in the shape 
 of crosses and masks and serpents and vines, all of them being 
 suggestive not so much of the personal divinities or the culture 
 heroes as of the unseen and supernatural beings which were sup- 
 posed to inhabit the sky and air and fill the universe with their 
 presence. It pervaded all the departments of life having control 
 over the different employments, such as agriculture, trade and the 
 
 *See Plates of the Rain-god and Air-god, pp. 414-415; a'so Fig. i, p. 403; also Air- 
 god and Rain-^od, Fig. 20, p. 279. 
 
 tSee page 271, Fig. 12, and compare with Fig. 5, p. 309, also with those on p. 279, 
 
ETHNOGRAPHIC RELIGIONS AND ANCES20R WORSHIP. 313 
 
 various arts. It also ruled over all classes, making them subject 
 to the power of the priest as well as the king. It even controlled 
 the various events of every individual's history, beginning with 
 the earliest period of infancy, going on through the different 
 ages of each individual, and gave the control of destiny, of time 
 and eternity for every person, into the hands of the priest, who 
 personated the gods of nature and who had access to their secrets, 
 and controlled even the seasons, as well as the future state, 
 
 Naturism introduced an elaborate system of symbolism — a sys- 
 tem which differed entirely from that of hero worship, as it was 
 founded altogether on the deifying of the powers of nature and 
 presented the cosmic divinities as always present. These sym- 
 bols or conventional forms were not confined to one stock or 
 race, but seemed to have been adopted by all tribes and races, 
 and were understood by all as having about the same significance. 
 The rude tribes had mainly animal totems; the mountain tribes 
 had more of the symbols of the sky; the Maya tribes had more 
 ol the " cosmic symbols". Nature divinities among the former 
 were represented under the animal semblance, such as the ser- 
 pent, panther, bear, eagle, raven, quetzal, or parrot, and owl, and 
 other zoomorphic divinities, but were represented among cer- 
 tain tribes under the form of tadpoles, toads, lizards, butter- 
 flies, and beetles, as well as snakes. Among the mountain 
 tribes the symbols were supposed to represent the storms, the 
 clouds, whirlwinds, snow and rain, and mountain divinities. Some 
 of these were composed of arches and crosses, parallel lines and 
 zigzags, each of which stood for a different element — the arch 
 for the sky, the cross for the winds, the zigzags for the light- 
 nings, the parallel lines for the tailing rain, the stepped figures 
 for the mountains, which were supporters of the sky, the feathers 
 for the clouds, the suastika for the revolving sky, the scroll for 
 the whirlwind, the Jerusalem cross for the water or sea, the 
 tortuous line for the rivers, and the bird-tracks for the creatures 
 of the sky. 
 
 The "cosmic" symbols among the Mayas represent the epochs 
 of the world. These are often combined with "time" symbols of 
 months and years and seasons, so that it is difficult to distinguish 
 the longer from the shorter period, for they are all mingled 
 together in a mass of symbolism and can not be separated and 
 scarcely analyzed, but generally they are very common objects 
 which are used for the time symbols, such as circles, crosses, 
 animal heads, serpents, plants, reeds, grains of corn, flint axes, 
 arrows, battle axes, machete, feathers, and occasionally human 
 faces, each object having received an arbitrary significance and 
 being represented in conventional shape. 
 
 Among all the tribes there were figures which represented 
 the motions of the sky and earth and the order of the seasons, 
 the very shape of the figures giving to us the idea of revolving 
 
314 NATIVE A MERICA N S YMBOLISM. 
 
 seasons and the turn which all nature takes, the bend of the 
 arms of the cross, or the turn of the scroll, the beak of the 
 birds, the coil of the serpent, as well as the circles, indicating 
 the motion of the sky, so that we have a map of the heavens, 
 with its sun and moon, winds, stars, seasons, currents, as well as 
 a map of the earth, with its caves, mountains, rivers, and four 
 quarters, also its various seasons, all of the' movements of the 
 universe being plainly represented as in a modern orrerary. 
 
 Different colors were also ascribed to the nature powers and 
 the heavenly bodies — the four quarters of the sky, the moun- 
 tains, seas, the upper and lower worlds, caves, all having colors 
 which were significant. The various objects in nature, which 
 have different colors, such as precious stones, shells, turquoise, 
 gems, crystals, mosses, leaves, grains of sand, feathers, reeds 
 and plants, were used as symbols of the nature divinities, and were 
 supposed to have a peculiar charm, especially in the healing of 
 disease and in securing the aid of the supernatural gods. There 
 were also certain symbols which represented spiritual things — 
 the feathers arranged upon a staff, called Pahos, were prayers 
 which were materialized.* The sacred tree stood for the 
 spirit of life or the soul; the serpent stood at times for the spirit 
 of evil, the malignant spirit; the arrow also stood for prayer 
 which penetrated the sky; the vine with nodes upon it stood for 
 speech or prayer which reached the ear of divinity. There were 
 symbols also to represent the state of the soul, a passage through 
 the mountain for the journey of the soul; shrines in the moun- 
 tains for the resting place of the soul ; the clouds and the turreted 
 hills, which were the sacred spaces in the sky, or the city beneath 
 the water, which formed the home of the soul. 
 
 *lhe use of feathers as prayer symbols was common with nearly all of the aboriginal 
 tribes, but was especially common among the Tusayans. They are explained by Mr. J. W. 
 Fewkes in his pamphlet called "Tusayan New Fire Ceremony," reprint from the proceed- 
 ings of the Boston Society of Natural History. Every breath moves them, and so 
 they are the symbol of the breath of the body and the breathing of the soul in 
 prayer. As the sun travels across the sky he sees the Paho in the shrine, places them in 
 his girdle and carries them to his western home, and distributes them to the world-quarter 
 chiefs. These world quBrter chiefs are the same as divinities or cloud chiefs; their servants 
 are the six plumed snakes, all of which are addressed in the prayers. In warrior societv 
 celebrations game gods are addressed. Altars and shrines were also the symbols of 
 the meeting place ofDivinity and the soul. These with the Tusayans were of three kinds, 
 (i.) Cloud Oharm altar with a medicine bowl at the junction of the six lines, and ears of 
 corn at the ends of the lines. (2.) Sand-painting altars with fire slabs. (3.) Symbolic 
 figures made in meal used in the flute ceremonial foot races. Keredores is a term used to 
 represent the upright frame work back of the sand pictures. 
 
ANTHROPOMORPHIC DIVINITIES. S15 
 
 CHAPTER XIII — CONTINUED. 
 ANTHROPOMORPHIC AND MOUNTAIN DIVINITIES. 
 
 We have now passed over the different ethnographic religions 
 and have spoken of the districts in which they predominated as 
 local cults, and the symbols which embodied them. In giving 
 this geography of religion and of mythology, we would not 
 be understood as claiming that the various forms of religion 
 were confined to the districts mentioned, or even that they pre- 
 dominated to the exclusion of all others, for many forms of 
 religion prevailed in all parts of the continent, and the sym- 
 bols and the myths which served as drapery to them were also 
 widely distributed. There was, to be sure, a striking correlation 
 between each form of religion and its environment, the mythol- 
 ogy always partaking of the material surroundings, and the 
 symbols also being affected by them; but there was nevertheless 
 a common basis for them. These all reveal the force of the 
 religious sentiment which prevailed among a people who were 
 so remote from the ordinary fountains of thought and the sources 
 of religious influence. They prove that man is naturally relig- 
 ious: and if he is not furnished with a religion, he will make 
 one for himself and will gather inspiration from the works of 
 nature about him. 
 
 There was one form of religion we have not touched upon, a 
 form which brought in the element of personality and gave to the 
 symbols a new significance and introduced others, so that we have 
 in itian entirely different set of myths and a distinct system of sym- 
 bolism. To this religion we have given the name of Anthromor- 
 phism. The term is derived from two Greek words, anthropos, 
 "man," and tnorpha, "shape." It means the representation of a 
 deity in human form and with human attributes. This is the 
 type of religion to which we shall invite attention. 
 
 I. Let us consider the character of anthropomorphism as it 
 existed in America. It was one of the prominent ethnographic 
 and religious systems in the world, but had a greater influence 
 here than anywhere else. It was prevalent throughout the con- 
 tinent, though its highest development was among the semi- 
 civilized races of the southwest, where the symbolism reached 
 its highest perfection. It was also prevalent throughout the 
 
 * The Mide charts and songs of the Ojihwas and the sand-paintings and mountain 
 chants of the Navajos furnish us witli illustrations in this chapter: but the idols of Mexico 
 and many of the sculptured figures of the Mayas arc nothing more nor less than images of 
 anthropomorphic divinities. 
 
316 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 eastern continent and was there among the highest types of 
 religion, only one higher form having been reached by the pagan 
 nations, viz.: monotheism. It was, in fact, the connecting link 
 between the prehistoric and historic religions, and was one ot 
 the most familiar types among the ancient nations. There was, 
 to be sure, often connected with it a degraded system of idolatry, 
 which receives condemnation from enlightened consciences ; but 
 notwithstanding this it resulted in a view of the personality of 
 God, which, upon the whole, was a benefit to mankind. This 
 only shows how the human mind works in the matter of relig- 
 ion, for it rises at one time to the greatest heights, but at another 
 falls into the most debased and degraded condition, but some- 
 how the religious sentiment advances with each movement, heav- 
 ing in tide waves the thought of man to a higher stage, where the 
 truth seems to be better apprehended. This is illustrated beau- 
 tifully in America, for here the aboriginal mind worked accord- 
 ing to its own laws and forces, without the influence of the 
 historic faiths and without the aid of revelation ; and yet it 
 seemed to have come with each advancing type nearer and nearer 
 to the apprehension that there was one supreme and personal 
 God. The type of religion which we called anthropomorphism 
 is removed but one step from this conception, and was itself in 
 the process of growth. 
 
 The natives of America were, some of them, bad enough in 
 their practices. They were full of cruelty, and some of them 
 were carried to extreme Irenzy; the dog-eating shaman, among the 
 Thlinkeets, would take the live dog in his hands, and while fol- 
 lowed by others as crazy as himsell would tear it to pieces with 
 his teeth; the Eskimo in his hut would tell tales of the bestial 
 indulgence and cruelty of Sedna, his female divinity of the 
 seas; the Thlinkeets would repeat the myths of the strange 
 amours of Ne-kilt-luss, the great creator, and represent the an- 
 cestors of the race as coming from the cockle-shells upon the 
 shore; the Navajo would tell about the hermaphrodite which 
 was born out of the union of the clouds and the sky on the 
 mountains, having no semblance except that of the dark storm 
 cloud and the fleecy cloud combined; the Zuni Indian would 
 tell the story of creation, and say that the creator lifted the sun 
 and sky from the earth, and was to be worshiped under the 
 semblance of the feather-headed serpent; the Aztec would re- 
 peat his myths about the god of war, death and hell, and fill 
 temples with the images or idols which were covered with the 
 ghastly array of skulls; and even the Maya devotee would 
 erect the image of the serpent, with open mouth and protruding 
 tongue, and worship this mask as the embodiment of his divin- 
 ity; still, notwithstanding all these cruel practices and degraded 
 customs, the conception of god was constantly rising. The habit 
 of ascribing human attributes to the divinity was only one evi- 
 
ANTHROPOMORPHIC DIVINITIES. 317 
 
 dence that progress was being made toward the truth. We may 
 regard then this habit of clothing the divinity in the drapery ot 
 the human face and form as a positive aid to devotion, for it 
 enabled the people to conceive of God as a personal being, and 
 to represent him not only as a national divinity, but as one who 
 ruled all nations and peoples. 
 
 We do not find in America any such conception of a holy being 
 as is contained in the Scriptures; nor do we find the thought of 
 one true and living God ruling over all thmgs, but so far as 
 symbols and myths could express it we may say that the con- 
 ception of God as a personal being, having personal feelings 
 and bearing a human semblance, was similar to that which was 
 common among the nations of the east and that which may be 
 easily recognized in the language of the word of God. To the 
 benighted and belated sons of men who inhabited this continent, 
 anthropomorphism was a great boon, for it brought them to a 
 higher conception of God than the mere nature worship ever 
 could have done. Though there was no Moses among them 
 who could go up the mountain's height and talk face to face 
 with God, nor was there any gift of law, revelation, or religion, 
 yet those who worshiped the humanized personal divinities v/ere 
 much nearer the truth than those who either worshiped animals, 
 or ancestors, or even culture heroes, for they had a view of his 
 personal attributes and were on the way to apprehend the unity 
 of God and his sovereignty over all creatures. 
 
 II. Let us turn to anthropomorphism as found among the 
 wild tribes. There were different phases which anthropomorphism 
 assumed in the various parts of the continent. Its chief devel- 
 opement was in Gautemala and among the ancient Mayas, but it 
 also prevailed among the lower and ruder tribes, though it was 
 here associated with animal worship and totemism, the zoomor- 
 phic and anthropomorphic divinities being strangely mingled in 
 their pantheon. It is a matter of surprise that so much of the 
 advanced forms of anthropomorphism existed among the rude and 
 savage tribes, and that even the gods of the world-quarters were 
 so frequently represented as personal beings which bore the 
 human semblance. The majority of them were, to be sure, 
 zoomorphic, as would be natural with the totemistic tribes; but 
 there were many divinities among them which had the human 
 semblance, for we find everywhere pictographs, rock inscriptions, 
 inscribed shells, carved relics and masks, as well as idols, contain- 
 ing the human semblance.* There are also many charts which 
 contain human figures or faces, and the chief divinities are rep- 
 resented in this way, but the subordinate divinities under the 
 
 * Here we would speak about the human hand, which has been recognized as an orna- 
 ment on the pottery and in the shells of tlie Mound-builders. This is different from the 
 human face and form, and yet it was expressive of the same thought, and was a very wide- 
 spread symbol. 
 
318 ; NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 animal semblance. There were also dances and feasts among 
 the wild tribes in which the individuals personated the divinities, 
 sometimes imitating the animals which they worshiped and 
 mimicking their motions; sometimes the birds; sometimes the 
 nature powers; sometimes the motions of the serpent, which 
 which was the symbol of the seasons, especially spring, at its 
 appearance after the long bondage of winter. The highest style 
 of dramatization was that in which the supernatural powers were 
 represented as personal beings. Moreover, the gods who repre- 
 sented the four elements, and who ruled the world quarters and 
 bore the sacred colors, assumed the human form for the sake of 
 conversing with their devotees, though they were capable of 
 transforming themselves into any shape. 
 
 We can not look upon these different manifestations without 
 believing that the personality was an element in the divine being 
 even in the minds of the untrained savages, and that all the 
 mysteries which were celebrated had regard to this element. 
 Some believe that the future state of the soul was often in the 
 minds of the initiates, and that much of the symbolism brought 
 out the thought of the unseen world, for the religious customs 
 which were practiced at the burial of the dead were in ac- 
 cord with this. The spirits of the departed were regarded as 
 still in existence, and food must be placed within the grave, or 
 in the house which was placed over the grave, and articles 
 for use within the grave. Moreover, the myths and symbols 
 which were perpetuated by the sacred mysteries bring out the 
 thought that an unseen spirit, who was perhaps equivalent to the 
 Supreme Being and Great Spirit, directed the mysteries and de- 
 signed to bestow gifts upon the people. There are many illus- 
 trations of this among the different tribes, for there are charts 
 and symbols, as well as myths and traditions, which perpetuate 
 the religious views of the aborigines. Some of these seem to 
 have been affected by the views which were brought in by the 
 white man, but others are purely aboriginal. The best illustra- 
 tion is that which is found among the Ojibwas, an Algonkin tribe 
 which still dwells on the borders of Lake Superior and the 
 head waters of the Mississippi River. The following is a sum- 
 mary of their beliefs: The chief or superior manito is termed 
 Kitshi Manido, approaching to the idea of the God of the Chris- 
 tian religion. The second in importance is Dzhe Manido, a 
 benign being, upon whom they look as a guardian spirit or good 
 spirit. Another is called Dzhibai Manido, shadow spirit, or 
 ghost spirit, for he rules the place of shadows. Aside from 
 these, there was the chief animal spirit, who is supposed to be 
 the national god and culture hero, represented as the giant rab- 
 bit, called Minabozho, who was subordinate to the Kitshi Manido, 
 but was the means by which his gifts came to the people. Op- 
 posite to these various divinities, but subordinate to them, were 
 
ANTHROPOMORPHIC DIVINITIES, 319 
 
 certain evil or malignant spirits, which assume the shape of ser- 
 pents and bears and birds. 
 
 The manner of securing supernatural gifts and favor with the 
 Kitchi Manido was by passing through the four degrees of the 
 sacred mysteries. These were guarded by certain malignant 
 spirits who assumed the shapes of serpents, bears and panthers, 
 and who opposed the passage of a candidate into the sacred 
 lodge, where he would receive the gift of immortality. These 
 were, however, under the control of the good spirit, and opened 
 the passage into the lodge at his command. When the candi- 
 date passes into the second degree he receives from Dzhe 
 Manido eyes to look into futurity; ears that can hear a great 
 distance; hands that can touch those which are remote; feet 
 which can traverse all space. When he has passed to the fourth 
 degree he is able to accomplish the greatest fetes in magic, and 
 to read the thoughts and intents of others. His path is beset 
 with dangers and points to which he may deviate from the true 
 course of propriety ; but at the end of the world his soul is 
 permitted to pass from the Mide-wigan to the land of the setting 
 sun, the place of the dead, upon the road of the dead. An 
 illustration of these different points will be found in the charts 
 which perpetuate the Mide songs of the Ojibwas,* which have 
 been preserved as very sacred, and which represent the ancient 
 mysteries, still so sacred among them. 
 
 We shall call attention to these charts, for they are the "sacred 
 books" of the Ojibwas and perpetuate the sacred songs, or the 
 Mide songs, exactly as the sand-paintings do among the Navajos 
 and the codices do among the Mayas, What is most remarka- 
 ble about the charts is that they represent about the same 
 fundamental truths or beliefs as those contained in the sacred 
 books of the east, and like them are given in poetical language 
 and were attended by songs that were designed as interpretations. 
 They are, in fact, the Vedas of this aboriginal tribe, and repre- 
 sent the religion as well as the literature of this people. 
 
 Nearly all o^ these charts begin with the story of creation 
 and end in the passage of the soul into the sacred lodge in the 
 heavenly spaces, but represent the processes by which the can- 
 didate is to appease the great divinity, who is unseen, but who 
 has revealed these mysteries to the people. The interpretation 
 of the chart reveals the fact that there was a foundation myth 
 which prevailed among all the tribes of the Mississippi Valley, 
 and, with variations, appeared among the tribes of the interior, 
 
 ♦.Schoolcraft says: The North American Indians have two terms for their pictographs 
 — Kekcewin, such things as are generally understood by the tribe; Kekeenowin for the 
 teachings of the Mides or priests. The knowledge of the latter is chiefly conhned to per- 
 sons who are versed in their system of magic medicine or their religion, and may be termed 
 hieratic. The former consists of figurative signs, such as are employed at places of sepul- 
 ture or hunting or traveling parties. It is also employed in the rock writings, nie//inabiks. 
 Many of the figures are common to both. This results from the figure of the alphab et be 
 ing precisely the same, but the devices of the medicine (Waheno), hunting and war s on^ 
 are known solely to the initiates, who have learned them. 
 
320 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOIISM. 
 
 and even may be recognized among the more civilized tribes of 
 the southwest. Let us first take the chart furnished by Henry 
 Schoolcraft: 
 
 It begins with the picture of a bird under an arch (No. i). This repre- 
 sents the medicine lodge hlled with the presence of the Great Spirit. 
 (2.) Next is the candidate for admission, holding the pouch from which the 
 wind IS gushing out. (3) A man holding a dish in his hand. (4.) Next a 
 lodge in which the Mide men are assembled. (5.) Next the arm of the 
 priest. (8.) The Mide tree, or the tree of life. (9.) The crane, which is the 
 totem o' the tribe. (10 ) An arrow, which penetrates the entire circle of the 
 sky. (II.) A small hawk, which is capable of flying high into the sky. 
 (12.) The sky, with the Great Spirit looking over it, a suplicating arm inside 
 of it. (13.) A pause. (i4-) Wabeno tree. (15.) A drumstick. (16.) The 
 sun pursuing his course until noon. (17.) The Great Spirit, filling all space 
 with its beams. (18-19.) A drum and tambourine, (20-21.) The raven and 
 crow, symbols of the nature powers. (22.) A medicine lodge and the 
 master, holding in his hands the clouds. 
 
 Let us next take the one given by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, and 
 the myth or legend which is attached to this. It is as follows : 
 Minabozho, the great rabbit, was the servant of Dzhe Manido, 
 
 Chart of the "Mide Wigan," or Sacred Lodge 
 
 the good spirit, and acted in the capacity of ancestor and mediator 
 and was the friend of the Indians. He looked down upon the 
 earth and beheld the ancestors of the Ojibwas occupying the 
 four quarters of the earth, and saw how helpless they were. The 
 place where he descended was an island in the middle of a large 
 body of water. He instructed the otter, whose home was in the 
 water. Here he built a sacred Mide lodge, "Mide Wigan," and 
 took the otter into the "Mide Wigan" and shot the sacred migis 
 into his body that he might have immortal lift.* This is the 
 myth. The following is the chart which embodied it : 
 
 The circle with the four projections (Nos. i, 2, 3, 4) represents the world 
 at creation, with the four quarters inhabited by the people (Nos. 5, 6, 7, 8). 
 The two oblong squares (Nos. 11-12) r-present the lodge guarded by two 
 malignant manidos(Nos. 9-10). Four human forms (Nos. 13. 14. 15. 16) rep- 
 resent the four officiating priests. Cedar trees are represented by Nos. 17, 
 18, 19. Nos. 21 and 22 represent a bear spirit. Nos. 23 and 24 represent a 
 sacred drum. Nos. 28 and 29 represent the entrance of the first and second 
 degrees. Nos. 30-34 represent the five serpent spirits who oppose the prog- 
 ress, one of which raises its body to form an arch for the candidate to pass 
 
 *The "migis" is considered tlie sacred symbol of the Mide Wigan, 
 any small white shell, 
 
 and may consist of 
 
ANTHROPOMORPHIC DIVINITIES. 321 
 
 under. Nos. 35-47 represent the four malignant bear spirits. Nos. 37-38 
 represent the door of the lodge. Nos. 39-45 represent the seven Mide 
 oriests. No. 48 the candidate receiving supernatural powers. No. 50 the 
 Bad Mide. No. 53, the third degree. Nos. 61-67, the Mide spirits who in- 
 habit this degree. Nos 59-60, the bear spirits. Nos. 69-80, the fourth de- 
 gree. Nos. 81-84, 88-96, malignant animal spirits. No. 99, the angular 
 pathway. No. loi.the end of the road. Above the fourth degree (110-114) 
 are the ghost lodge and the path of the dead. No. 113, the owl, which 
 represents the sou passing from the Mide Wigan or ghost lodge to the land 
 of the setting sun. 
 
 It would appear from this chart that even the savages had a 
 conception of a supreme being and creator, of a mediator, of an 
 evil spirit and of a divine or supernatural gift which came in 
 answer to offerings and prayer. They had also a view of a future 
 state and the passage of the soul after death into the sacred abodes, 
 which was not derived from the white man, but was aboriginal 
 and was perpetuated by the medicine men from generation to 
 generation. This conception accompanied the worship of anthro- 
 pomorphic divinities far more than that of the animal divinities. 
 The Ojibwas were not the only tribes which had charts and 
 symbols in which the human face and form were used to repres- 
 ent the personality of God and the super-natural being. The 
 Dakotas, Omahas, Ponkas, Winnebagos and Pawness all used 
 the same semblance. These tribes combined them with the sym- 
 bols of the nature powers, such as the lightning, water, air and 
 wind, in such a way that the human features could hardly be 
 recognized; yet when we come to understand the symbols we 
 see that the human semblances are given to the nature powers, 
 and that human attributes are ascribed to the supreme divinities, 
 the animal gods being subject to these, though they acted as 
 guardians to the sacred mysteries. 
 
 III. This brings us to the "mountain divinities," which were 
 worshiped by the tribes ot the interior, such as the Zunis, the 
 Moquis, Pimas, and especially by the Navajos. These were 
 always regarded as personal beings, having human attributes, 
 and were represented under human semblances, thongh they 
 were nothing more nor less than the nature powers personified. 
 They inhabited the mountain rocks and caves, and had the ap- 
 pearance of animals, with human faces and hands. These divinities 
 or spirits dwelt in different houses; but they were houses which 
 were hid away among the mountains, or water of the lakes, or 
 amid the clouds above the mountains, and can be called nature 
 divinities or mountain divinities. They, however, all possessed 
 the human form, or at least had faces, feet and hands like human 
 beings and could talk and act as if they were human. 
 
 It appears that the universe was peopled by supernatural 
 beings, and there was not a living creature, nor even an imagin- 
 ary object, which did not have its representative in the varied 
 "pantheon." The clouds, the rainbow, the storm, the thunder and 
 lightning, the snow and rain, the rocks, and the caves among 
 
/ 
 
 322 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 the rocks, the crystals formed among the rocks, the water, the 
 streams, the trees, the foliage on the trees, the birds, and the 
 feathers and the plumage on the birds, the animals, and even the 
 fur on the animals, were personified and made objects of worship. 
 The colors were especially dwelt upon as representing divinities, 
 and were regarded as the clothing with which the nature powers 
 were arrayed. There were not only divinities of the water, sky, 
 earth and fire, but there were divinities which represented the 
 different colors and the different elements. 
 
 It was a very brilliant and highly colored universe which the 
 people inhabited and which they imagined were also the habita- 
 tions of the anthropomorphic divinities. The houses of the 
 divinities had different colors — the black water and the white 
 water, the blue sky and the red sky. the yellow sunbeams and 
 the black rocks, the white lightning and the red lightning. The 
 colors had much to do with the worship of the divinities among 
 the eastern tribes, but here they were magnified and exalted to 
 a higher rank, and they had a great force in the religious cere- 
 monies of the people. The points of the compass were regarded 
 as sacred and had different colors, which were sacred to certain 
 divinities; but there were added to the four points three more, 
 to represent the zenith, nadir and the central point around which 
 the universe revolved, making seven spaces, six of which were 
 occupied by the divinities, the central one being the place where 
 the divinity and humanity met. Among some of the tribes there 
 were double spaces, making two worlds — the celestial and the 
 terrestial. Both worlds revolved about the central space exactly 
 as the nine worlds of the Chinese revolved around the throne of 
 the celestial emperor, and as the four peaks of the Hindoo 
 mountain stood around the central mountain of Meru, which 
 was regarded as the pillar of the sky and the navel of the 
 universe. The celestial spaces were occupied by the anthropo- 
 morphic divinities, but the terrestial spaces were guarded by 
 animal divinities which were represented in the red stone 
 fetiches,* which the people worshiped. There was a central 
 space in the sacred geography of the ancient natives of the east. 
 There it was always located in the city, and in the temple in the 
 midst of the city. With this people it was located in the pueblos. 
 Sometimes seven pueblos were built, perhaps to symbolize the 
 different spaces. 
 
 We would notice further that the dwelling place of the 
 
 *The central mountain amonpr the Navajos, as well as four mountains surrounding it. 
 (See the moinitain chart by Ur. Washington Matthews,) 
 
 There were six pueblos among the Zunis, one of which was the seat of dommion, or 
 central power. (See Bandelier.l . , c -^ , 
 
 A- checkerboard village with a larger edifice in the center was noticed at ban Larlos, 
 Arizona. (See Investigations in Southwest, p. 417.) This was of the Mexican type. Clus- 
 ters of the checkerboard pattern were found near Phoenix, Arizona. P. 444. Not only 
 from the discovery of totemic devices, but from other evidences, it is supposed that each 
 was the abiding place of a particular clan or gens. Cassa Grande shows three stories, with 
 a third story like a tower— one of them subterranean, making four. (Sighted from Bartlett's 
 Personal Narrative, Vol. II, p. 272.) (Bancroft's Native Races, Vol. IV, p. 625.) 
 
ANTHROPOMORPHIC DIVINITIES. 32g 
 
 divinities differed among the different tribes, the Navajos 
 representing them as dwelling on top of the mountains and 
 above the clouds, while the Zunis and Moquis represented them 
 as dwelling beneath the waters and below the mountains. Still 
 the houses in which the divinities dwelt, which were pictured 
 out by the Navajos, were formed of the clouds and were built 
 in terraces resembling the terraced houses of the Pueblos, but 
 had different colors, very much as the Babylonian pyramids had. 
 These many colored clouds were guarded by animal divinities, 
 but they could be reached by human beings, especially when 
 attended with the supernatural beings as companions. One of 
 the most beautiful tales, or myths, of the Navajos is contained 
 in the description of an individual who was seeking after his 
 spiritual body and who was led by two of the divinities through 
 the different clouds, the grey cloud, and the red cloud, to where 
 the body was lying. According to the myth each bank of 
 clouds contained a chamber which had a different color and was 
 guarded by some animal with a color corresponding to the 
 cloud. The house in which the soul body was lying was situ- 
 ated in a field beyond the clouds ; it had a door and sill, front 
 part and back part, each of which are mentioned as if they were 
 sacred. The body itself seemed to be held in its place by a 
 secret spell or charm which was broken by the presence of the 
 supernatural divinities and taken up part by part — hands, feet, 
 body, hair, even to the spittal, and carried back to the habitation 
 of the human being, who, as a soul, seemed to be disembodied. 
 The story reminds us of the Dakota myth of the souls of their 
 ancestors which passed up through the different terraces, which 
 were supported by the tree of life, and took the bodies of birds. 
 It required the greatest formality for these attended divinities — 
 the one before, the other behind the soul in its passage through 
 the clouds, and the myth is stretched out a great length in its 
 repetitions, but is very striking. This differs from the mythol- 
 ogy of the Zunis, who imagined that the houses of their divini- 
 ties were beneath the waters of the sacred lake, and were to be 
 reached by passing through the secret path through the 
 mountains. These houses, themselves, resembled the pueblos 
 in all particulars. Thus, we see that the different tribes drew 
 their ideas of an unseen universe from their surroundings. The 
 same contrasts are perceptible in the story of creation. With 
 the Navajos the gods were born upon the top of the mountains; 
 with the Zunis and Moquis their original home was in the cave 
 beneath the earth. 
 
 There are many myths extant among these partially civilized 
 tribes which exhibit their conceptions in reference to the appear- 
 ance of the humanized divinities. They are very beautiful and 
 full of poetical fancies; the imagery of them having been drawn 
 from the magnificent scenery of the region and is resplendent 
 
324 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 with the colors with which the rocks and mountains were clothed 
 and sparkles with the jewels and precious stones which abound, 
 and is as varied and striking as the vegetation which covered the 
 mountains. The symbols also of the different tribes were de- 
 rived from the scenery; many of them were invented to express 
 the operations of nature, though the tribes borrowed symbols 
 f -om one another as well as myths. Many of these myths and 
 symbols were embodied in the sand paintings, which for a long 
 time were unknown, but are now proving to be very interesting 
 objects of study, for they are like the missals written during the 
 middle ages. They are not only very beautiful, but they perpet- 
 uate the ancient traditions of the people; in fact, have preserved 
 the sacred book from destruction.* 
 
 These sand paintings show a wonderful taste for color, and at 
 the same time reveal an elaborate symbol which represents the 
 various nature powers — such as the wind, rain, lightning and four 
 points of the compass — also a familiarity with the sacred plants; 
 but the most remarkable thing is that the gods of the sky are 
 always represented as having the human form clothed with the 
 sunbeams and the colors of the sky and adorned with rainbows, 
 but controling the nature powers and guarding the plants. This 
 is one peculiarity of anthropomorphism. The divinity who has 
 the human form is really master of the creation and reigns 
 supreme over all the other powers. The best illustration of this 
 is given by the ceremonial and sand-painting called Hastjclti 
 Dailjis. This ceremonial was founded upon the story of creation, 
 which is as follows. Hastjelti and Hostjoghcn were the children 
 of Ahsonnutli, the turquois and the white shell woman, who 
 were born on the mountain where the fogs meet. These two 
 became the great song makers of the world and were the rain 
 gods.f These two gods were the mountain divinities which 
 were worshiped by the Navajos. They stand upon the mountain 
 tops and call the clouds together around them. Hastjelti is the 
 mediator between the Navajo and the sun. He communicates 
 with the Navajo through feathers, so the choicest plumes are 
 attached to the prayer sticks offered to him. They gave to the 
 mountain of their nativity (Henry Mountain, in Utah) two songs| 
 
 ♦These sand paintings were first discovered by Dr. Washington Matthews, but others, 
 have added to the descriptions furnished until quite a mass of literature has accumulated — 
 Mr. James Stevenson, Mrs. Mati da Stevenson, Mr. F. H. Gushing, Li> utenant Bourke, 
 Dr. J Walter Fewkes, and others having furnished many articles in reference to them. 
 
 tThey may be regarded as personifications of the white and yellow corn, for they were 
 conceived of ears of corn — the male from the white corn and the female from the yellow — 
 though they are also rain gods, the effect of the rain being confounded with the cause, as 
 it is frequentlv the case. 
 
 ifThe Tusayaus, according to Dr. Walter Fewkes, had sand-paintings and song makers, 
 which served an important part in their rain ceremonials. The Tusayans also had many 
 idols which were distinguished by their head dresses, most careful attention being paid to 
 the colors. The gods and goddesses of the Egyptians were principally distinguished by 
 their head dresses. These idols were placed before the altars and set in piles of sand. 
 They were sprinkled with meal and adorned with feathers. In many of the houses there 
 are large stone images standing in conspicuous places. A large collection of these idols of 
 the Tusayans and Zunis has been gathered at Washington, in the National Museum. 
 (See Tusayan Indian Dolls, by J. Walter Fewkes, Boston, Mass., 1894.) 
 
bnRKAO Of BTBNOLOOT 
 
 ?OOBTa AMNDiL REPORT Pt- r» 
 
 OJIBV/A MEDA SONG. 
 
 CHART OF THE MIDE SONG-SCHOOLCRAFT. 
 
ANTHROPOMORPHIC DlVlNIUJ^S. 3^ 
 
 sttid two prayers; then they went to Sierra Blanca (Colorado) 
 and made two songs and prayers and dressed the mountain in 
 clothing of white shell with two eagle plumes placed upright 
 upon the head. From here they visited San Mateo Mountain 
 (New Mexico) and gave to it two songs and prayers and dressed 
 it in turquois, even to the leggings and moccasins, and placed 
 two eagle plumes on the head. Hence they went to San Fran- 
 cisco Mountain (Arizona) and made two songs and prayers and 
 dressed that mountain in abalone shells with two eagle plumes 
 upon the head. They then visited Ute Mountain and gave to it 
 two songs and prayers and dressed it in black beads ; this mount- 
 ain also had two eagle plumes on its head. They then returned 
 to the mountain of their nativity to meditate, " We two have 
 made all these songs." 
 
 The myth which served as the foundation of some of the sand 
 paintings has relation to a song hunter and the Colorado river. 
 A Jerusalem cross was formed out of two logs — a solid one and 
 a hollow one. The song hunter entered the hollow log and 
 Hastjelti closed the end with a cloud. The raft was launched 
 upon the waters, but the Hostjobokon (river gods), accompanied 
 by their wives, rode upon the logs — a couple sitting on the end 
 of each cross arm. They were accompanied by Hastjelti and 
 Hostjoghon (divinities of the mountains), and two hunchbacks, 
 Naaskiddi (cloud divinities). These hunchbacks have clouds 
 upon their backs in which seeds of all vegetation are held, and 
 were perhaps the gods of vegetation. After they had floated a 
 long distance they came to (the ocean) waters that had a shore 
 on one side only. Here they found a people who painted pictures 
 and who taught them how to make sand-pictures. See Plate.* 
 
 In making their sand-paintings the Navajos prepared a sweat- 
 house and painted the rainbow on the outside. This rainbow 
 had the head and body, which hung down at one side of the 
 lodge, and skirted legs upon the other side. The entrance to 
 the lodge was covered with a black and white striped blanket, 
 which symbolized the black and white cloud, and two buckskins, 
 which represented daylight, or the twilight, or the dawn. Pre- 
 parations for the sand-paintings were very elaborate in some 
 cases, as in that of the ceremonial called Dailjis ; there were 
 deer skins, reeds and colored tubes filled with feathers tipped 
 with corn pollen and lighted with crystal, corn husks containing 
 bits of turquois, beads and abalone shells, baskets filled with 
 pine needles and corals, rugs covered with feathers, medicine 
 tubes and crystals. The actors or personators of the gods 
 adorned themselves with scarfs, belts, masks, eagle wands, rings 
 
 ♦In this we see the suastika as well as the cross; the one representing- the points of the 
 compass, the other the revolution of the sky. Also the staves, by means of which the god- 
 dess kept the logs whirling around with a constant motion. The chart is called the "Song 
 of the Whirling Sticks." 
 
326 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 and gourds. The bodies and limbs were painted white. One 
 wore knee breeches and a skirt of black velvet ornamented with 
 silver buttons, a robe of mountain lion skins fastened around 
 the waist with a silver belt. Another wore a red woolen scarf 
 and silver belt; grey fox skins hung from the back of the belt. 
 
 The first sand-painting was made up of three figures representing the 
 divinities, as follows: Hastjelti's chin was covered with corn pollen and his 
 head was surrounded with red sunlight, red cross lines on the throat, ear- 
 rings of turquois, fringed leggings and beade'1 moccasins. Hostjoghon has 
 eagle plumes, ear-rings, fox skm ribbons, beaded pendants, carried feather 
 wands brightened with red, blue and yellow sunbeams. Hostjobokon, was 
 similarly dressed and ornamented. The second painting represented the 
 raft of sunbeams which brought back the song hunters. This raft is the 
 shape of a Jerusalem cross, and was composed of black cross bars, which 
 denote pine logs; white lines, the froth of the water; the yellow, vegetable 
 debris gathered by the logs; the blue and red lines, sunbeams. The blue 
 spot in the center denotes water. There are four divinities— Hostjobokon 
 with their wives upon the arms of the cross or upon the logs. They carry 
 rattles and pinon sprigs in their hands, which bring the rains. Their 
 heads are ornamented with eagle plumes, and they wear turquois ear-rings 
 and necklaces. A line of sunlight encircles the head; white spots to repre- 
 sent ears; the chins are covered with corn pollen; red sunlight surrounds 
 the body; the skirts have a line of blue sunlight. Hastjelti is to the east 
 and has a white skirt; he carries a squirrel skin filled with tobacco; his 
 head is ornamented with an easfle's tail. Hostjoghon is to the west and has 
 a black skirt; he carries a staff, colored black, and his body is covered with 
 four colored stars. The Naaskiddi (cloud divinities) are to the north and 
 south; they carry staffs of lightning with eagle plumes and sunbeams. 
 The hunch upon the back is a black cloud, and on the cloud are eagle 
 
 glumes, for eagles lived with the clouds. The lines of red and blue which 
 order the black cloud denote the sunshine which penetrates storm clouds. 
 The white lines in the clouds denote corn and other seeds. A black circle 
 with zigzags of white around the head denotes the cloud basket filled with 
 corn and seeds. The mountain sheep horns, tipped with tail feathers of 
 the eagle are cloud baskets filled with clouds. A rainbow surrounds the 
 picture with the feet and skirts upon one side, the head, arms and body on 
 the other side. See Plate. 
 
 There are other sand-paintings which accompany the ceremo- 
 nies in which the medicine men undertook to cure the patients 
 who were wealthy and could afTord the expense.* Of these the 
 following is especially worthy of notice, because of the number 
 of human figures and the beauty of the colors: 
 
 In this sand-painting there are twelve figures beside the corn-stalk; four 
 of them are the hunch-backed cloud-bearers, with lightning staffs in their 
 hands, called Naaskiddi; four of them are the goddesses of the white 
 lightning called Ethsetlhe, and they carry in their hands the plume and 
 circles which symbolize the clouds, and they have their bodies painted 
 white; four of them represent the people of the white and the red rocks, 
 called the Zenichi. Their homes are high in the canon wall. The deli- 
 
 *It is said that the Navaios borrowed their ideas in regard to sand-paintings from the 
 Pueblo tribes. The Zuni and Tusayan tribes, the Mission Indians of California have sand- 
 paintings and also the Apaches. The prominent feature in them all is this: The divinities 
 are represeuted in the human shape, and the nature powers are symbolized in the orna- 
 ments and colors. 
 
 t The superstition which represents the rocks as abodes of spirits was common among 
 the Eskimos, as well as among the inhabitants of the Easter Islands. This led them to 
 carve the human face upon the rocks, and the rocks themselves into the shape of animals 
 with human faces. This was a species of animism, but it was owing to the animism which 
 prevailed that it was mingled witli ancestor worship and animal worship. 
 
ANTHROPOMORPHIC DIVINITIES. 327 
 
 cate white lines indicate their houses, which are in the interior or depths 
 of the rock.l and can not be seen from the surface. The people of the 
 rocks move the air like birds. They are painted in parti-colors, two of 
 them having one side of the body, includmg the arms, the legs and face, 
 red, the other side black, with cross-hatching or zigzags of black; the other 
 two having one side blue, the other yellow. The red denotes the red corn; 
 the black, the black clouds; the blue, vegetation in general; the yellow, the 
 pollen of vegetation. The white zigzag lines represent the white lightning; 
 the circles around the head zigzagged with white are cloud-baskets, which 
 are in the pyramidal form and capped with three eagle plumes. A lightning 
 bow is held in the left hands of these figures; the right hand holds a rattle 
 ornamented with feathers and decorated baskets. They wear white leg- 
 gings and beaded moccasins.* 
 
 The myth or sand-painting which best illustrates the belief in 
 anthropomorphic divinities is the one which accompanies the 
 myth called the "Mountain Chant," which has been described by 
 Dr. Washington Matthews, This myth celebrates the exploits 
 of a Navajo who was taken captive, and who was delivered by 
 Hastjelti, the great mountain divinity. In delivering him the 
 mountain god led him through the different houses which were 
 inhabited by the animals and various creatures which hide 
 among the mountains, such as the mountain bear, the mountain 
 rat, rabbits, porcupines, serpents, all of which were supposed to 
 have the human form. The various powers of nature are also 
 personified — the water, lightning, wind, storm and rainbow. The 
 following is the story: Hastjelti appeared to the captive while 
 he was bound in the tent of his enemies, and encourages him to 
 escape. He bestows upon him some magic bags which he is to 
 carry as a passport to the houses in the mountains. He even 
 volunteers to lead him and help him make his escape and puts 
 forth most miraculous feats of power to make his escape easy. 
 Their first adventure was when they reached the summit of a 
 steep precipice, near which is a tall tree growing; the divinity 
 flings out the white lightning like a lasso, wnich fastens around the 
 tree, and he brings it up near the precipice. On this they descend. 
 They next came to a deep caiion, which seemed to be impassable, 
 but Hastjelti blows a strong breath and instantly a great 
 white rainbow spans the caiion. He orders the Navajo to cross 
 on this. He points to a small hole in the cliff and says, "This 
 is the door of my lodge, enter." He blew on the rock, and in- 
 stantly the mountain opened and closed again, and saved him 
 from his pursuers. They passed through three rooms and stopped 
 in the fourth, when Hastjelti went out, and presently the voices 
 of the pursuers died away and were heard no more. When all 
 was silent Hastjelti returned and said: "Your enemies have de- 
 
 * These different colors in wliich the mountain divinities were painted remind us of the 
 tattooing and face painting of the Oiilnvas and Dalcotas. Mandans and other eastern tribes. 
 Among tlie Ojiinvas the face painting was done in connection with the sacred mysteries or 
 sacret societies and was a sign of advancement through the different degrees. With all 
 totemistic tribes the personating and the painting were designed to represent animal divin- 
 ities rather than mountain divinities. The Mandans paint themselves as deer, putting 
 white stripes on tlieir limbs, or as bald eagles, with whitened faces. They rul) green earth 
 on the face from the ear to the mouth and put Indian red on the body in spots. They place 
 white feathers on their heads, which wave slowly in the dances. See Catlin's Indians. 
 
828 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 parted; you can leave in safety." So, taking a tanned elk's skin 
 to cover his back, a pair of new moccasins, a pair of long, fringed 
 leggings and a shirt, he set out. 
 
 The Navajo, thus clothed, hastened on until he came near the 
 foot of a high pinnacle of rock, on which was a mountain goat 
 who bade him to go around the mountain, and then led him into 
 
 the mountain, where there were 
 four departments, over which 
 the rainbows extended in all di- 
 rections. From this place the 
 Navajo went to the house where 
 was an old man, with a sharp 
 nose, little bright eyes and a 
 small moustache, who led him to 
 the home of the bush rats, in 
 which were a little old woman, 
 two sons and two daughters, who 
 offered him food; but the wind 
 god, in a low voice, bade him 
 not to eat it, lest he be turned to 
 a rat himself In the next ad- 
 venture he came to a hill which 
 was difficult to climb. The di- 
 vinity bade him ascend, but to 
 close his eyes as he took the last 
 step. When he opened his eyes 
 he stood on the summit ot a 
 great mountain peak, seamed 
 with deep caiions, from which he 
 could see the place where he 
 had lived. As he went on his 
 way, the wind god, Niltci, walked 
 beside him. He brought a 
 great dark whirl-wind, which 
 dug a hole in the ground, and 
 a cavern with four chambers. 
 The wind god said, in a low 
 voice, descend into this retreat. He went down and rested 
 secure, while the dark cloud and the rain passed over him. He 
 heard overhead the great peals of thunder, the rushing of the 
 tempest, and the pattering of the hail-stones. The wind god 
 then told him that his enemies had been dispersed. He accord- 
 ingly went on, until about sunset he reached the top of a mountain, 
 when the snow began to fall and the wind to blow. Here 
 Hastjelti appeared and commanded him to go down a spruce 
 tree and pointed to a distant glen beyond the valley, in the side 
 of the mountain. Here, again, the god put forth his power and 
 spanned the valley with a flash of lightning and led the man into 
 
 Hasfjt tiytht Mounl(nn J>n imty 
 
ANTHROPOMORPHIC DIVINITIES. 329 
 
 a cavern, in which was the fire. There was no wood on the 
 fire, but four pebbles lay on the ground, which were gleaming 
 with flames, and around the pebbles were four bears, who were 
 colored like the pebbles — black, blue, yellow and white. These 
 bears brought out stores, and offered him food to eat. They 
 also unrolled a great sheet of cloud, and on it painted the forms 
 of cultivated plants — the same plants which afterward appeared 
 in the sand-paintings. In the next adventure the Navajo beheld 
 a tornado; the air filled with logs and uprooted trees. He 
 cried out to the storm and the tempest recognized him and sub- 
 sided. Before the next adventure the wind god said to him, 
 "those whom you meet are evil ones. I will go before you," 
 The two then came to a hole in the rocks, which was guarded 
 by two great rattlesnakes, which shook their rattles and struck 
 at them. Within the rocks was a bald-headed old man, who had 
 a little tuft of hair over each ear. This was Klictso, the great 
 serpent, who taught the Indians how to make sacrifice to the 
 great serpent. 
 
 From the home of Klictso they went to a place called Wind- 
 Circles-Around-a-Rock, and where they heard loud peals of 
 thunder. They entered a house of black clouds. It was the 
 house of Icni, the lightning god. He was also bald like the 
 great serpent, having only a little tuft of hair over the right ear.* 
 At each side of the house was a lightning bird — that in the east 
 was black ; south, blue ; west, yellow ; north, white.f From 
 time to time the birds flashed lightning from their claws and the 
 lightning was the same color as the bird that emitted it. J; The 
 next place that they reached was a dwelling filled with butterflies 
 and rainbows. Here the butterfly woman brought a beautiful 
 white shell filled with water and soap root, and bade the Navajo 
 to wash his body and dry himself with meal, and paint his face 
 with white earth. When the painting was done she worked his 
 body over until she moulded him into a youth of the most 
 beautiful form and feature. She gave him fine white moccasins 
 and a collar of beaver skin, and put plumes on his arms to 
 represent wings, and adorned him as the courier Akauiiiuli is 
 adorned. § 
 
 *This shows the idenity of tlie lightning with the great serpent, and makes it probable 
 that the Maya god, Xmucani. was also the lightning. This god is represented in tlie Cor- 
 tesian Codex as having a bald head and a tuft of hair over the ears. He is seated under tlie 
 Tree of Life, and is accompanied by the figure with the scroll about his eye, called Cucul- 
 can. Dr. Brinton thinks tiiey represent our first parents, the divine pair, called in the 
 Fopul vtth the creator and the former. 
 
 t These colors of the cardinal points varied with the different tribes, as will be seen by 
 the table given by Rev. J. O. Dorsey. 
 
 JThis conception of tlie bird throwing lightning from its claws is common among the 
 Dakotas and corresponds with the conceptions of the emblem of the American eagle, 
 which holds arrows in its claws. 
 
 §Tliis courier is the one who summons the people to the dances or sand-painting. The 
 legs and forearms are painted lilack to represent the storm cloud, with white zig zag streaks 
 to represent lightning, and had white spots scattered over tlieir bodies, and eagle feathers 
 in their liair, necklaces of shell, collars of beaver skin, plumes on their arms to represent 
 wings, fawn-skin bags in the hands, a girdle of shell around the waist, a short skirt covering 
 their loins. (See Mountain Chant, p. 424 ;^fig. 52J. 
 
330 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 The butterfly woman laid two streaks of white Hghtning on 
 the ground and bade him stand on them with one foot on each 
 streak, "for the lightning is yours," she said. She then pointed 
 out the lightning trail. This trail he followed until he arrived 
 at the house of the holy woman (Estsan-cigini), whose door was of 
 trees. Within on the east wall hung the sun and on the west 
 hung the moon. Here he was shown the kcthaivn, or sacrificial 
 stick, and was told how to make it. The next house that he 
 entered was two stories high, with four rooms on the first and 
 four in the second, and had four doorways with trees of differ- 
 ent colors for doors. Here dwelt four bear maidens; their faces 
 were white, with hands like human hands, but their arms and 
 legs were covered with shaggy hair and their teeth were long 
 and pointed. The bear woman was a great warrior and in- 
 vulnerable. 
 
 He then entered a house made of water, and found eight holy 
 young men, with arrows hanging on the wall, two standing at 
 each cardinal point, thus representing these points. He next 
 went to the house of the big oaks, whose door was made of red 
 sunbeams, and of which the walls were made of logs of different 
 colors. The east wall was black ; south, blue ; west, yellow, and 
 north, white. Here were young men and women in the form 
 of squirrels, with red and black stripes on their backs, who 
 taught him to make kethawns. He went to a house whose door 
 was of darkness, and was guarded by the bat, and was the home 
 of the skunks. He then passed to the home of the porcupines, 
 which was colored according to the cardinal hues. He next 
 entered a house made of black water, with wind for the door, 
 which was the home of the frog, water snake and the animals 
 of the water, and here learned some of their mysteries. The 
 next place was a house built of white rock crystal, the door 
 being made of all sorts of plants, and was the home of the 
 supernatural young women. 
 
 He also went to the house of cherries with a door of lightning. 
 Here he found the gods arranged around the fire holding arrows 
 made of the cliff-rose in their hands, and afterward to the leaf 
 mountain and found a house made of dew drops, with a door 
 made of plants. This was the home of the goddesses who had 
 long bodies. They had plumes on their heads and were so very 
 tall they seemed to touch the heavens. Leaving the house of 
 dew he came to the white water and the great spring, where 
 there was a house of corn pollen, the door of daylight. The 
 ceiling was supported by four spruce trees and rainbows ran in 
 every direction, making the house shine within with beautiful 
 colors. Hastjelti next took him to the house of brown water, 
 and led him to the top of a high hill where he could see his own 
 home. When he arrived at home it took him four days and 
 four nights to relate his adventures and to instruct his hearers in 
 
ANTHROPOMORPHIC DIVINITIES. 331 
 
 the mysteries which he had learned. On the fifth day they sent 
 out couriers to invite the neighbors to a great feast and dance, 
 and then the sand-paintings were introduced. 
 
 There are four sand-paintings which embody this mountain 
 chant, each representing the visit of the Navajo chief to the 
 different houtes in the rocks and the people which he there met, 
 with the various objects which surrounded them. 
 
 The first represented the home of the snakes, which was a house mide 
 of the dark water. In the center of the picture was a circular cavity to 
 represent the water, which was sprinkled with charcoal.* Surrounding 
 this are four parallelograms representing the rafts of sunbeams.! 
 
 This figure of Hastjelti, the divinity who befriended the Nav- 
 ajo prophet, differs from the wind god in appearance. He is 
 represented as wearing a white skirt, bordered with black lines, 
 to symbolize the black clouds. He carries the squirrel pouch 
 in his hands, in which is the food of the gods. He wears on 
 his head plumes, which are also symbols of the clouds. He has 
 moccasins of different colors and garters. He is the chief moun- 
 tain divinity of the Navajos. 
 
 The second picture represents the painting which the prophets saw in the 
 home of the bears in the Carrizo Mountains, and contains the figures of the 
 mountain divinities and the plants which they protect. There is in it the 
 same rainbow, sunbeams, rafts, and the same water bowls. But on the 
 rafts are the four gods which have the human form; each one with the feet 
 placed upon the raft and the head extending so as to represent the cardinal 
 points. These divinities are painted different colors also, to represent the 
 world waters — blue, black, white and yellow. The arms are half extended 
 and are adorned with lines to represent lightning, and black to represent 
 the clouds. They carry in their hands, suspended by a string, a rattle, a 
 charm, and a basket. They have skirts of red sunlight, adorned with sun- 
 beams, also ear pendants, bracelets and armleis, made of blue and red 
 turquois, the prehistoric jewels of the Navajos. Their forearms and legs 
 are black, to symbolize the rain-clouds, zigzag marks to represent lightning. 
 At the side of each of the gods is a plant which has the same color of the 
 god, a stalk of corn in the southeast painted white, which belongs to the 
 eastern god, which is white; the bean stalk in the southwest belongs to the 
 southern god, both painted blue; the pumpkin vine in the southwest belongs 
 to the western god, both of them yellow; the tobacco plant belongs to the 
 god of the north, both of them black. Each of these four sacred plants are 
 represented as growing from five white loots in the central waters, but 
 
 * The water is the abode of the spirits of life, and the water-jars were regarded as 
 sacred. Cushina: says: When a woman has finished a vessel, with its ornaments and sym- 
 bols, she will tell you. with an air of relief. "It is a made being." The space in the orna- 
 ments was the exit trail of the or being. When the vessel cracks you can hear the voice of 
 this "made being," supposed to be the voice of the associated being as it escapes. 
 
 t These rafts are called, according to Dr. Washington Mstthews, ca'billol, or "rafts of 
 sunbeams," the favored vessel on which the divine ones navigate the upper deep. When a 
 god has a particularly long journey to make, he takeS two sunljeanis, fastens them together 
 and is borne off whither he wills. Red and blue represent sunbeams and the morning and 
 evening skies. External to the sunbeam rafts, standing on them, are the figuses of eight 
 serpents— two white ones to the east, twe blue ones to the south, two yellow in the west and 
 two black in the north. These snakes cross one another and seem to stand on the arms of 
 the cross^ The neck is blue crossed with four bands of red. Outside of the eight snakes 
 are four more of greater length, which fosm a boundary to the picture. These have differ- 
 ent colors and may represent the rain-gods of the world-quarters. In the west is a black 
 figure representing a mountain, in which the snake divinities dwelt. From the summit of 
 the mountain to the central waters is a line on which are four foot-prints which represent 
 the track of the bear, one of the mountain divinities. In the northwest of this picture is 
 the figure of a wind-god, who awpeared to the young man and went with him to the home 
 of the snakes. He is called Niltci. 
 
332 NA Tl VE A M ERICA N S YMB OLlSM, 
 
 spread out from the center to the circumference— alternating with the godi 
 The gods form one cross and represent the four cardinal points. The 
 plants form another cross and represent the mtermediate pomtsof the com- 
 pass. The gods carry beautifully embroidered pouches in their hands, the 
 pouches being the shape of birds. Near the gods is a figure of a suastika * 
 which IS formed by crossing the center, the arms of the suastika bemg 
 made of plumes; these are the cloud baskets which are carried by the gods. 
 Surrounding the picture is the rainbow deity, with the body pamted in 
 different colors, to represent the rainbow, and the hands and feet black, to 
 represent the black clouds and the white lightning. The rainbow is always 
 a female and reminds us of the Iris, the Greek goddess, who personated the 
 rainbow. The third picture commemorates the visit to the lodge of the 
 dew, whose door was made of plants of many kinds, and contains the figures 
 of the goddesses with long bodies. 
 
 The third picture of this series was made in accordance with the in- 
 structions received in the house of cherries with the door of lightning. In 
 the picture the naked figures of the goddesses were first drawn and colors 
 given to them appropriate to the points of the compass which they occu- 
 pied in the house of the dew-drops— white for the east, blue for the south, 
 yellow for the west, black for the north. To indicate their great height the 
 figures were twice the length of any in the other pictures. Each is clothed 
 in four garments, one above another, for no one garment could be made 
 long enough to cover such giant forms. The appendages at the sides of 
 the heads represent the head-dresses made of skins of different colors, 
 which the goddesses are said to wear. Each one bears, attached to the 
 right hand, a rattle, a charm, and a branch of choke-cherry in bloom. Some 
 other adjuncts of the picture— the red robes embroidered with sunbeams, 
 the forearms and legs clothed with clouds and lightning, the pendants from 
 wrists and elbows, the blue and red armlets, bracelets and garters— are 
 properties of nearly all the anthropomorphic gods shown in these pictures. 
 The rainpow, which encloses the group on three sides, is not the anthropo- 
 morphic rainbow; It has no head, neck, arms or lower extremities. Five 
 white eagle plumes adorn its southeastern end; five tail-plumes of some 
 bluebird decorate the bend in the southwest; the tail of the red-shafted 
 flicker is near the bend in the northwest; and the tail of the magpie ter- 
 minates the northeastern extremity. Throughout the mvth not only is the 
 house of dew spoken of as adorned with hangings and festoons of rain- 
 bows, but nearly all the holy dwellings are thus embellished. It is the task 
 of the shaman, when the work of painting is completed, to put the corn- 
 pollen, emblem of fecundity, on the lips and breast of each divine form, 
 and to set up the bounding plume-sticks around the picture. Then the one 
 who gives the feast enters and is placed sitting on the form that belongs to 
 the east— the white form— and looking eastward. Then the colored dust 
 from various parts of the divine figures is taken and applied to correspond- 
 ing parts of the patient, and many other ceremonies are performed which 
 it is not mv purpose to relate here. When the patient has departed many 
 of the spectators pick up the corn-pollen, now rendered doubly sacred, and 
 put It in their medicine-bags. Some take dust from the figures on their 
 moistened palms and apply it to their own bodies. If the devotee has dis- 
 ease in his legs, he takes powder from the legs of the figure; if in his head 
 he takes powder from the head, and so on. 
 
 *The suastika. with bent arrows for arms, is novel but this indicates that it is a sky 
 symbol— probably denotes the revolving sky. The circles denote the sun and the crescent. 
 the moon and the central cross the cardinal points, the colors the different colors of the sky, 
 
COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. 333 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS AND ANCESTOR WORSHIP. 
 
 The custom of erecting columns which were commemorative 
 of the departed is as old as history and widespread as the human 
 family. It, in fact, began in prehistoric times with the earliest 
 race, but has continued into historic times and still survives 
 as the custom among all nations. The pattern or style of mon- 
 ument varies with different nations, but perhaps the earliest 
 style is that which developed into the standing stones of Great 
 Britain, Northern Europe, Western Asia and India, and which 
 still survives in the gravestones and monuments which are found 
 in our cemeteries everywhere. There were other styles which 
 appeared at a very early date, perhaps as early as the standing 
 stones, and which spread over the different continents from a 
 common center. It becomes, then, an interesting task to study 
 the different types, and to follow out the lines along which 
 they were transmitted. The starting point of these monuments 
 may not be very easy to find, yet we may begin at almost any 
 point and trace them from race to race and from continent to 
 contment, and make them objects of study. When we do this 
 we find problems arising which are the most perplexing and 
 difficult, problems concerning the origin of man, the spread of the 
 human race, the progress of art and the development of symbol- 
 ism, and many others equally as important. These must be 
 heeded as we start in upon the broad field, and must be borne 
 in mind as we advance, for we may find clues to their solution 
 as we study the different monuments. 
 
 I. Let us consider the general custom, i. The main question 
 which arises here is the one which relates to the history of com- 
 memorative art and its spread among the different races. We 
 find this illustrated in the monuments of Europe. This habit of 
 erecting a column as commemorative was introduced at an early 
 date and has largely prevailed. 
 
 The erection of the standing stones in the form of a circle was 
 very common in Europe, but wherever it appeared was evidently 
 symbolic of sun worship; and yet, strange to say, the circles 
 almost always surround some central burying place, and are in 
 reality both commemorative and symbolic. The decoration of 
 these standing stones, with cup marks and channeled circles and 
 loops and intaglio battle axes was a second stage in the same art. 
 Angel faces and wings, crosses, wreaths, circles, and other em- 
 
334 NA TIVE AMERICAN h YMBOLISM. 
 
 blems and symbols, came in after historic times. These mark 
 the third stage and show the change from Paganism to Christian 
 symbolism. Mr. Joseph Anderson, the author of "Scotland in 
 Pagan Times," has given some very interesting facts in this con- 
 nection. He says: "The typical form of the stone age burial 
 custom was the chambered cairn, but we find these occasionally 
 encircled by stone, settings or circles of standing stones, but 
 when the circle is associated with a cisted cairn the circle always 
 appears as the principal member while the stone setting originally 
 rose as an adjunct ol the chambered cairns of the stone age. It 
 acquired its dignity and importance in the subsequent age, by 
 the degredation of the stone structure, and came at last to stand 
 alone as the most distinguishing and characteristic mark of the 
 bronze age burial. The burial ground is fenced off from the 
 surrounding area by a circle of stones, sometimes mere natural 
 boulders, rolled into their places, at other times tall slabs, set 
 erect on their ends, and at still other times surrounded by a 
 trench and embankment of earth. Ocasionally the stone circle 
 is doubled, the inner circle being formed of smaller slabs. From 
 the frequency with which these burial circles are found to con- 
 tain a plurality of interments, it is obvious they are not the 
 monuments of single individuals, but family or tribal burial 
 grounds. The stone setting then is the external sign by which 
 the burial ground is distmguished from the surrounding area. 
 Like the cairn, it is the visible mark of the spot of earth to 
 which the remains of the dead have been consigned. The 
 colossal size of their pillar stones, the magnitude of the area- 
 enclosed, the care and labor expended in trenching and fencing 
 are features which give to these singular constructions a peculiarly 
 impressive character. This impressiveness is especially charac- 
 teristic of such a circle as that of Stennis in Orkney. It stands 
 within a trench enclosing an area of two and one-half acres. 
 The diameter of the area is 366 feet, the trench 29 feet, the stones 
 17 feet apart, the highest 14 feet. 23 m all. We are unable to 
 define the limits of the area in which stone circles are found, but 
 they are not confined to either Scotland or Britain, or even 
 Europe." The best specimen of stone setting in circular form is 
 that contained in the memorable works at Avebury, England, 
 which we have several times described, but without giving an 
 explanation of its use. See Fig. i. Another class of monumental 
 stone settings, much more rarely met with than the circular 
 groups, consist in the group of upright stones or alignments. 
 
 Mr. Anderson also speaks of the standing stones which are 
 found arranged in alignments* rather than in circular groups, 
 and classes them under the same head of commemorative col- 
 umns. He says : "There is a relationship of type between 
 
 *See Scotland in Pagan Times, by Joseph Anderson, page 131. 
 
COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. 335 
 
 these monumental stone settings, for the cairn is associated with 
 both classes, those arranged in alignments and those in circles." 
 He speaks of the alignments found in Scotland, and says there 
 is a relationship of type. The cairn is associated with settings 
 of standing stones when they are arranged in alignments. These 
 are, like the circles, adjuncts to a sepulchral cairn. On the hill 
 side of "many stanes," in Caithness,* is a group that consists of 
 twenty-two rows of standing stones, one hundred and fifty feet 
 inflength, the number exceeding four hundred. Looking at the 
 magnitude of the work, and the immensity of the masses of indi- 
 vidual stones, we discern indications of confidence of power to 
 overcome the forces of nature, of organization, and co-operation 
 which are the necessary concomitants of civilization. This is an 
 explanation of the standing stones in Scotland and Great Britain, 
 but it may be applied to the standing stones and alignments of 
 the north of France, especially those at Carnac,t in Brittany. 
 
 
 
 Mff. 1.— Circle of Standing Stones at Avehury. 
 
 These consist of eleven rows of unhewn stones, the largest being 
 22 feet above the ground. The avenues originally extended for 
 several miles, but at present are 3378 feet in length, 328 feet in 
 breadth and tapering to 200 feet at the tail. There is at its head a 
 cromlech of 62 menhirs — thus confirming Mr. Anderson's po- 
 sition. The province of Brittany has 23 alignments, one half of 
 those in all France. They are generally associated with either 
 dolmans or cromlechs and may have marked the burial places 
 of the common people, or battle fields, but this is only conjec- 
 tural. They are the monuments of the bronze age, and are 
 associated with the dolmens which were burial places through 
 that age. The relation of the standing stones to the summer 
 solstice has been studied by Mr. A. Lewis and others, and it is 
 held that the northeast opening of the circles was designed to 
 admit the rays of the rising sun at the time. 
 
 Miss A W. Buckland has spoken of the proximity of these 
 
 * See "Scotland in Pagan Times," by Joseph Anderson, page 121. 
 
 t See Archreology in Western Europe, American Antiquarian, Vol. X, No. i. page 14. 
 346S dolmens, 1577 menhirs, 457 cromlechs, 56 alignments; 6 alignments represent 3000 
 menhirs. 
 
336 NA Tl VE A MERICAN S YMBOLISM. 
 
 alicjnments, circles and dolmens to the sea coast, and says that 
 they are not found in central Europe, thus furnishing a hint as 
 to their origin. The theory once prevailed that they were intro- 
 duced along with the other tokens of the bronze age by Phoe- 
 nician voyagers, but this like the theory of their having been 
 erected by the Druids, is now rejected by many. Sir John 
 Lubbock says megalithic monuments resembling these are found 
 all over Europe. There are stone avenues in Moab. Standing 
 stones were erected in memorial of some particular event. 
 Arctic travelers mention stone circles and stone rows among 
 the Esquimaux. Even in Australia, stone circles are said to 
 occur. Lafitau figures a circle of upright stones in Virginia, 
 carved at the top to rude representations of human faces. 
 
 2. Another question is, were they ethnographic lines which 
 were followed, or shall we recognize a process of development 
 which had no regard to the races. In answering this question we 
 shall avoid all theory and shall only study monuments which 
 have appeared among the different races, and especially those 
 which are known to have been commemorative. We shall begin 
 with the far east and shall follow the lines which have been 
 marked by the great races in their various migrations, making 
 it a point to study the different types of art which were 
 adopted by each, and especially the symbolism which was pecu- 
 liar to each. V/e think by doing this we shall certainly ascer- 
 tain the line of transmissions which ultimately reached this 
 continent and introduced the art into America. 
 
 (i.) There were three different lines of transmission : one by 
 the Aryan, the second the Semitic, and the third by the Tura- 
 nian race. We can hardly tell which was the earliest, though 
 the simplest type is seen in the northwest part of Europe, 
 where we find the standing stones and the other commemo- 
 rative monuments of the widespread Aryan or Indo-European 
 race. We trace the same custom in its transmission through the 
 commemorative art, which spread into Egypt and Phoenicia and 
 many parts of western Asia, and are preserved in the various 
 monuments, commemorative columns, obelisks and sculptured 
 stones of the Mediterranean coast. 
 
 (2.) We can see the Semitic line illustrated by the burial cus- 
 toms of Egypt. In early historic times the mastaba of this race 
 contained the body, which was placed in a sarcophagus and buried 
 in the depths of the tomb. This mastaba was undoubtedly the 
 same as the stone cist, and was an outgrowth of the same custom of 
 burial. Whether the obelisk was placed outside of the mastaba 
 is uncertain. A little later the mastaba changed to the pyramid 
 and the body of the distinguished dead was buried in its depths. 
 This, however, obscured the memory of the deceased. While 
 the portrait of the deceased was painted on the case or coffin 
 which contained the mummy, and the deeds were recorded in 
 
COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. 337 
 
 the hieroglyphics upon the cell inside of the pyramid, there was 
 nothing to remind the living of the exploits of the dead. The 
 obelisk was then a necessity, and soon became conspicuous as 
 a commemorative column. It was covered with hieroglyphics 
 and contained the record of the dynasty. The portrait of the 
 king was carved into the statues, and often proved as commem- 
 orative as the obelisk ; but these were monuments for the living, 
 while the obelisk was designed as a mortuary record. The same 
 custom was observed by the Phoenicians, but in a different form, 
 for the Phoenicians were base idolaters. There are sculptured 
 figures near Kana which resemble portraits. These are placed 
 along the foot of the mountains, or in the side of the valleys, or 
 on the rocky terraces, and are in lonely and wild places, near 
 large natural caves. The history of these is unknown. They 
 all look toward the rising sun, and are hewn out of the rock.* 
 Other tablets have been found in Phoenicia which contain animal 
 figures, some of them standing erect and contending with one 
 another. These may have been totems, or possibly they repre- 
 sented the divinities. We do not class them with the mortuary 
 records. The obelisk was common also in Assyria. The one from 
 Nimroud, now in the British museum, is an ancient specimen. The 
 rock-cut tomb in Lycia has two columns in front of the door, 
 but they are in the Ionic style and are modern. The monu- 
 ments of Amrith are much older. They are called spindle 
 columns, but are truly majestic. They are cylinders which arise 
 from a square platform and terminate in a cone. The propylon 
 of Xerxes at Persepolis is another specimen which, though mod- 
 ern, contains the column. At the gate of the lions at Mycenae 
 is a column which is supposed to have been symbolic as well as 
 commemorative. Many other specimens might be cited, but 
 enough has been said to show that the custom was prevalent 
 among the entire Semitic race, and that it influenced also the 
 Hellenic race. 
 
 (3.) Another line will be found in the Turanian race, who were 
 ancestors of the great Mongolian race, and perhaps also ancestors 
 of the Malay race, though there is some uncertainty as to the 
 identity of these two. The Turanians have been regarded, how- 
 ever, as the so-called ground race. The custom of erecting 
 mortuary columns was the basis of the art of all these races, 
 and it may be that we shall yet trace the line of transmission 
 back to a common center, making the Phoenician and Hittite 
 monuments the outgrowth of the same custom prevalent among 
 Egyptians, Assyrians, Chaldeans, Chinese, Malays, and the wide 
 spread Indo-European races, thus proving not only the unity, 
 but also indicating a connection between the races of the west 
 with those of the east in prehistoric times. 
 
 *Tlie work is very rude, but was quite ancient. 
 
338 JSATIVE AMERICAN SRMBOLISM. 
 
 II. The custom of erecting commemorative columns prevailed 
 in America. How do we account for this ? Was it introduced 
 from some other continent, or did it originate here? It is a sin- 
 cTular fact that there are few commemorative columns in the 
 eastern part of this continent. A few standing stones have been 
 discovered situated in the Mississippi Valley. We do not know 
 that they were commemorative. There are many specimens ot 
 ancestor posts, however, on the northwest coast, which give rise 
 to the thought that the custom must have been introduced from 
 some other continent. If we place these along with the so-called 
 portrait pillars found in the southwest provinces, we shall have 
 a confirmation of the thought. We shall it for granted that the 
 Turanian stock is to be located in the northeast and southeast 
 coast of the continent of Asia, and that it formed the under- 
 lying stratum of the entire Polynesian race, though the lines of 
 migration have not been followed up. The commemorative 
 columns of the entire region will come before us for our study. 
 These connect closely with the totem posts or ancestor posts of 
 the northwest coast. This race seems to have migrated eastward 
 and may be divided into two great branches — one located in 
 Mongolia, the other in Polynesia and perhaps upon the Ameri- 
 can continent. The religion of the Turanians was largely ancestor 
 worship and abounded in commemorative colums. We do not 
 find totemism as developed in this as among some other races, 
 nor do we find sun worship as prevalent. Ancestor worship and 
 hero worship predominated. This accounts for the difference 
 between the cults which prevailed in the Atlantic and the Pacific. 
 The Atlantic furnishes but little evidence of an ancestor worship, 
 but in the Pacific it prevailed extensively. There seems to have 
 been a transmission, not only of the system itself, but also of the 
 custom of erecting ancestor posts, over the entire region occu- 
 pied by the Turanian race. 
 
 Erman, in "Travels in Siberia," says the Ostyaks and Samoyedes 
 were in the habit of erecting images in honor of deceased parents. 
 These images were set up in their " yurts." and received divine 
 honors for a greater or less time, according as the priest directed. 
 The body was buried with a nart and reindeer for use in the next 
 life, also a tinder-box and pipe and tobacco ; but the image in 
 the tent represented the deceased husband, and at every meal an 
 offering of food was- placed before it. The image of Ortik, one 
 of their deities or deified heroes, was also often seen. This was 
 only a bust, without legs, the face made of plated metal, the 
 body a sack stuffed with hair and skins, the whole figure dressed 
 in a linen frock. This suggests the idea that the transmission 
 of the custom of erecting ancestor posts may have been from 
 Siberia to the coast of America, for the use of the copper plates 
 upon the totem posts of the Haidahs was very common in con- 
 nection with their ancestor posts. Still the evidence is much 
 
COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. 339 
 
 stronger in favor of the transmission from New Zealand to this 
 coast, for the resemblance between the New Zealanders and the 
 Haidas is very striking. We here quote from Ensign Albert P. 
 Niblack, United States navy, who has made a study of the Haida 
 totem posts and has furnished the most valuable information in 
 reference to them. 
 
 Drawing a parallel between the Haidas and the New Zealand- 
 ers, he says : "In point of physical resemblance both are of the 
 Mongoloid type and both live on groups of islands whose climates 
 are remarkably similar. Poole says of the climate of the Queen 
 Charlotte Islands that the most graphic comparison he could 
 draw was with that of the northern islands of New Zealand. 
 Their political organization of the tribe, their ownership of, land, 
 and their laws of blood revenge are similar. The men tattoo 
 with designs intended to identify them with their sub-tribe or 
 household, and they ornament their canvas, paddles, house fronts, 
 etc., in somewhat the same manner as on the northwest coast." 
 Dixon (1787) is quoted as saying that the cloaks of the Haida 
 and Tlingit were the same as those worn by the New Zealanders. 
 A Haida fortified house on an island of the Queen Charlotte 
 group was built exactly on the plan of those of the savages of 
 New Zealand. The adzes made of jasper, the cloaks of shred- 
 ded bark, and the paddles from the Queen Charlotte Islands and 
 those from New Zealand are so much alike that it takes a close 
 inspection to distinguish them." 
 
 We quote a description of a house, given by Featherman,* for 
 it may be taken verbatim and applied to those on the north- 
 west coast." "The frame was constructed of posts painted red, 
 carved into an ancestral image. The sloping rafters were sup- 
 ported by a ridge pole which was supported in the middle by a 
 post, carved at the base to represent a human figure, who was 
 represented as the founder of the family. In front of the an- 
 cestral image was the fire place, which was a shallow excavation 
 marked by four slabs of stone sunk in the ground. A narrow 
 opening, only large enough to admit a man on bended knees, 
 was used as an entrance. The roof was lofty, and projected at 
 the front gable end so as to form a kind of awning, generally 
 occupied by the head of the family. The house was surmounted 
 at the end of the ridge pole by a carved human figure. The 
 sleeping places were partitioned off on both sides of the room 
 by low slabs of wood. There was no chimney ; the smoke could 
 only escape through the door or window. The burial place was 
 almost always within the enclosure, near the family dwelling." 
 The description of the war canoes ot the New Zealanders will 
 answer for that of the Haidas. They were the property of the 
 whole tribe, and measured from 60 to 80 feet in length, 5 or 6 
 
 *See Featherman's "Social History of the Races," p. 170. 
 
340 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 feet in width, 4 feet deep, and capable of carrying about 80 per- 
 sons ; the bow jutted out in the form of a spur and rose to the 
 height of about 4 feet; the stern was from 12 to 15 feet high, 
 2 feet wide; both were ornamented with grotesque devices 
 executed in bas relief. At burial the body was placed in a canoe 
 shaped coffin and was interred in some secluded spot in the forest 
 and surrounded by a palisade. The body of a chief was placed 
 in a tomb which was surrounded by carved figures, representing 
 
 
 Fig. ^.—Haida Houses and Totem Posts. 
 
 the illustrious dead, with their tongues projecting from their 
 mouths. The funeral ceremonies were concluded by immolating 
 some of the wives and slaves of the dead chief. The corpse was 
 buried. The clothes of the dead chief were preserved in a 
 carved chest, which was considered an heir-loom in the family 
 and a sacred relic. All their gods were known by specific 
 names and were recognized either as hero divinities — men who 
 in ancient times had distinguished themselves — or were simply 
 impersonations of the elements. 
 
 ' This description should be compared with the one given by 
 Ensign Niblack. He says : "The carved columns are in front 
 
COMMEMORA TIVE COL UMNS. 
 
 341 
 
 of the houses, generally in contact with the front, the doorway 
 or entrance being through a hole in the column about three feet 
 from the ground.* The villages are situated along the shore 
 with the houses in a single row, a few feet above high water. 
 The houses are not very far apart. The beach in front of them 
 serves as a street and as a place for hauling up canoes. At the 
 end of the village is the grave-yard with its variety of sepulchers 
 and mortuary columns of ancient and modern form. Scattered 
 through the village m front and at the corners of the houses are 
 the commemorative columns. Each village practically consti- 
 tutes a tribe. The canoes have 
 projecting prows, high spear-sterns 
 and flaring gunwales, and a grace- 
 fully rounding cross-section. The 
 war canoes are said to have formed 
 a distinct class in themselves. The 
 evidence is that the Haidas bor- 
 rowed their style from the New Zea- 
 landers. In confirmation we quote 
 
 -:s^^m-i0^~ 
 
 >...*JUlir> 
 
 Fig. S.—Haida Houses. 
 
 further: The Haidas have been the center of impulse on the 
 northwest coast, and in their development they may have influ- 
 enced the adjacent tribes to a great degree, but the weight of 
 evidence is that, with no great originality in themselves, they 
 yet present the curious and puzzling circumstance that they 
 extensively borrowed their ideas from the other stocks, but 
 developed what they have borrowed with marvelous skill and 
 independence. They seem in themselves to have typified or 
 intensified the representative characteristics of the Indian stocks 
 of the northwest coast. Whether they have originated or bor- 
 rowed their ideas can not be made apparent with the data at 
 hand, but it may be well to here state briefly the peculiarities of 
 the Haida as they have struck the writer in their relation to the 
 other Indians of the region. 
 
 The details of the method of house-building among the Haidas 
 will be understood from the study of the cuts. See Figs. 2 and 
 3. The living room was excavated below the surface, as seen 
 in the dotted line. The fire-place was in the middle of the room. 
 The totemic figures will be seen in the column in front. The 
 
 *See sketch of house in Fig. 2. Entrance, A; the fire, B, burns on the bare hearth 
 or on a frame-work made Of logs; there is an excavated interior; the upper ledge is at the 
 level, D, lower platform at C. See also cut of a village on page 347. 
 
342 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 entrance to the house was through the column. The ornamented 
 front of the house above represents the wolf totem. The orna- 
 mented front with corner posts represents an ancient style of 
 house-building. The house to the left has an ornamented front 
 to represent the eagle totem. The column to the right represents 
 the bear totem, with the frog at the bottom. Of the three houses 
 given in Fig. 3, one shows the eagle totem, with the entrance 
 through the whale; another represents the method of roofing and 
 the details of the smoke-hole; the third represents the Thlinkit 
 style of house front. 
 
 III. The explanation of the commemorative columns found 
 upon the northwest coast will be in place. We shall find that 
 these contain the same general art forms as those found in New 
 Zealand, but at the same time embody a mythology and a totem 
 system, which was peculiar to the region, 
 
 I. Let us consider this totem system. Mr. Frazer says that 
 
 F\fi. It. — Silver Bracelet. 
 
 "while totemism as a religion tends to pass into the worship first 
 of animal gods, and, next, of anthropomorphic gods with animal 
 attributes, it was often localized." The peculiarity of totemism in 
 North America was that it introduced a relationship, which cut 
 across the kinship ot blood and introduced one of religion, and 
 was entirely arbitrary. It was the source of a new lineage which 
 was to be recognized wherever the totem was seen. The crest 
 of one clan was enough to bring the members of all the clans 
 which bore the same totem into a new and novel brotherhood. 
 This relation was generally shown by the animal figure, which 
 constituted a crest or coat-of-arms, though there were tribes — 
 such as the Navajoes and the Apaches of Arizona — which had 
 no animal names, but instead took topographical names, such 
 as red rock, salt springs, black water, grassy hill, coyote pass, 
 Cottonwood jungle. Others took the names of plants — walnut, 
 juniper, cottonwood, rush, willow, tree-in-water, arrow reed.* 
 
 The system among the savages consisted in the identification 
 of the individual with his totem under a specific name. Adair 
 says: "When his lineage is known to the people his relations, if 
 
 *See Journal of American Folklore, "Gentile Organization ot the Apaches," Vol. Ill, 
 p. Ill, by Washington Matthews. 
 
COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. 
 
 343 
 
 he has any, these greet him in a familiar way, invite him home 
 and treat him as a kinsman." The clan totem is a material ob- 
 ject, which a native regards with superstitious respect, believing 
 that there exists between him and, every person who bears the 
 same totem a special relation which is equivalent to a blood kin- 
 ship. They all believe themselves the descendants of a common 
 ancestor, and bound together by common obligations and a 
 common faith in the totem. This is seen in the customs formerly 
 prevalent among the tribes in the Gulf States. The same custom 
 now exists among the tribes on the northwest coast. Here an 
 Indian, on arriving at a strange village, would look for a house 
 indicated by its carved post as belonging to his totem, and make 
 for it. The master of the house comes out, and perhaps makes 
 a dance in honor of his visitor, and protects him from all injury. 
 A captive is brought into the village, but it behooves those of 
 his totem to present themselves to the captors and sing a sacred 
 
 Fig. a.— Silver Bracelet. 
 
 song, and offer to redeem the captive. Here, then, we have the 
 same system which prevailed among the savages of the interior, 
 but modified, for in this case the father adopts the captive or the 
 stranger, instead of the mother. The person becomes a member 
 of the family rather than of the clan. This constitutes the main 
 difference, a difference which has been brought about by the 
 influence of ancestor worship beyond the sea. The mother rule 
 has changed to the father rule. The clan has changed to the 
 family as the unit of society, and we now have patriarchy with 
 nearly all the features which distinguished that system in oriental 
 countries. It was a change, however, which appeared mainly in 
 the Haidas, for the Thlinkits still retain matriarchy. 
 
 It was very rare that human figures were used to represent 
 totems, though they were sometimes used to show the mythol- 
 ogies which prevailed. Wherever the human figure is seen, we 
 may conclude that a higher type of totemism has been introduced. 
 Generally it is a type which has been influenced by sun worship 
 or by ancestor worship, reverence for the animals having been 
 transferred to the heavenly bodies. Among the Puebloes the sky 
 was the habitation of the ancestors and the nature powers were 
 deified, but the clans all retained the animal names, the clans of 
 the Zunis being named the crane, eagle, bear, coyote ; those of 
 
344 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 the Jemez coyote, corn, pine, evergreen, oak, sun, eagle, water, 
 antelope, and badger. There were no commemorative columns 
 among any of these tribes of the interior ; but the fetiches and 
 the diminutive idols, which were adorned with the symbols of 
 the nature powers, were to the Pueblos reminders of their divin- 
 ities, just as the carved specimens, tablets, inscriptions and shell 
 gorgets with human figures, served as reminders to the people 
 farther east, such as the Indians and the Mound-builders. 
 
 2. The ancestral columns are totemic, but they contain figures 
 which illustrate the traditions, folklore and mythology of this 
 singular people. The carved column in front of the model of 
 the Haida house is an illustration. The surmounting figure rep- 
 resents Hoorts, the brown bear, which is the totem of the head 
 of the household. At the bottom is Tsing, the beaver, the totem 
 
 Fig. 6, — Silver Bracelets. 
 
 of the wife and children. Above it is the figure of the bear and 
 hunter, which perpetuates the legend of the laison of the wife 
 with a hunter, and is a warning to wives to be faithful to their 
 husbands. It shows a belief in the possibility of human connection 
 with animals. Above the bear and hunter is Tetl, the great 
 raven, having in its beak the new moon, in its claws the dish 
 containing fresh water. According to the legend of the creation, 
 the raven stole the dish from the daughter of Kanuk, and flew 
 with it out of the smoke-hole. He also stole from his uncle the 
 new moon, which he imprisoned in a box. Above the raven are 
 four disks, which serve as an index of the rank of the owner. 
 Each disk commemorates some meritorious act. 
 
 Another illustration is found at Fort Wrangel. Here there 
 are two posts, one to show the descent on the female side, the 
 other on the m.ale side. The genealogical column of the mother's 
 side has at the top the eagle, the great totem or crest of the 
 family; below that is the image of a child; below that the beaver, 
 the frog, the eagle, the frog, all showing the generation and sub- 
 families of the female side. The male totem has at the top the 
 
COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. 345 
 
 portrait of a chief wearing a conical hat ; below that is the family- 
 crest, the crow ; next below a child, then three frogs, and at the 
 base the eagle, the great totem of the builder's mother. In 
 front of another chief's house a very natural-looking bear is 
 couched on top ot a pole, gazing down at his black foot-tracks, 
 which are carved on the sides of the column.'* 
 
 Another illustration is found in the plate which represents the 
 columns found on Prince of Wales Islands, Alaska, as compared 
 with the so-called "Tiki," which stands, together with several 
 others, near the tomb of the daughter of the king of New Zea- 
 land. Two of the columns from Alaska are evidently modern, 
 for they contain the image of a priest with folded hands, and of 
 an eagle resembling the American eagle. The angel above the 
 priest and the figure of a man with hand pointing upward, signi- 
 fying that in heaven the god of the white man dwells. The 
 only native totem on this column is the eagle at the top, which 
 is the crest of the chief Skowl, who is said to have erected the 
 column in derision of the missionaries.f The other figure, to the 
 left, represents the head of a European — white face and black 
 whiskers; two figures of children, one on either side. This per- 
 petuates the story of the disobedient children, who wandered 
 away and were kidnapped by the trader. Below this is the crane, 
 with an instrument like a draw shave in its hands. T\\t crane 
 was an expert with tools, but they were stolen, and the crane now 
 utters the cry, "I want my tools!" The next below is Hoorts, 
 the bear, holding in its paws the butterfly. It perpetuates the 
 story of creation. When the raven, the great Tetl, created the 
 world, the butterfly hovered over its head, and pointed to the 
 place where the bear lived. Below this was the giant spider, 
 sucking the blood of a man. The story is that the spider was 
 an enemy to man, but it was taken by Teskanahl, the divinity, 
 and thrown into the fire. Instead of burning, the spider shriveled 
 up and turned into a mosquito and so escaped, carrying a small 
 coal of fire in its claws. The mosquito does not kill a man, but 
 sucks his blood and leaves a coal of fire in the bite. The lowest 
 figure is Koone, the totem of the owner. The New Zealand 
 post represents, in the lower figure, the dvinity Mani, who, ac- 
 cording to the Maori tradition, fished up the islands from the 
 bottom of the sea. The protruding tongue of the upper figure 
 shows that it is one of the numerous defiant statues which abound 
 on the islands. We notice an approximation to the horrid orna- 
 mentation of the Mexican pillars, which represent their gods, but 
 we find the four ornaments which remind us of the sacred num- 
 ber of the wild tribes. 
 
 3. We notice in all of these totem posts certain features which 
 are common. First, the tall hat, which resembles that of the 
 
 *See Alaska, "The Sitkan Archipelago," by E. R. Skidmore, p. ^y. See Fig. 2, p. 340. 
 fThe plate illustrating this will be found in Smithsonian Report for 1888, p. 327. 
 
346 NA TI VE A M ERICA N S YMB OL ISM. 
 
 Chinese, is over the heads of many. Second, the frog is carved 
 upon the post, but is seldom used as a crest. Third, the eagle, 
 the bear, the wolf and the crane, are generally the totems. 
 Ii"ourth, the raven is the great divinity, who was the creator and 
 ruler of all. Fifth, the Orka, or whale-killer, a species of por- 
 poise, the beaver, the dragon fly, sea lions and other figures are 
 used to perpetuate certain legends. These are frequently com- 
 bined together in a grotesque way, the tongue, generally, pro- 
 truding from the mouth so as to make a connecting link between 
 the figures, and the large eye being carved upon the different 
 parts of each figure. Sixth, the totem posts are carved so that 
 the figures rise one above the other, making a genealogical tree, 
 but the pipes, dishes, rattles, paddles, mortuary boxes, paint 
 brushes, and other tools, are carved pell-mell on the different 
 sides. Seventh, the nature powers, wind spirit, clouds, man in 
 the moon, thunder bird, are personified and carved in the shape 
 of animals or human beings. 
 
 The creator of all things and the benefactor of man was the 
 great raven called by the Thlinkeets Yetl, Yeshl, or Yeatl, and by 
 the Haidas, Ne-kil-stlus. He was not exactly an ordinary bird, 
 but, like all old Indian mythical characters, had many human 
 attributes, and the power of transforming himself into anything 
 in the world. His coat of feathers could be put on or taken off 
 at will like a garment, and he could assume any character what- 
 ever. He existed before his birth, never grows old, will never 
 die. Numerous are the stories of his adventures in peopling the 
 world and giving to man the earth, fire, fresh water, life, fish, 
 game, etc. 
 
 This story of creation as well as belief in the cause of the 
 changes of the weather, and a thousand other superstitions are 
 noticeable. The imagery is entirely that which is peculiar to the 
 northwest, and contains the figures of whales, animals of the 
 sea; bears, wolves and animals of the forest; eagles, cranes, 
 ravens, creatures of the air, as well as many fabulous creatures, 
 all of them peculiar to this region. Some have imagined that 
 they recognized the monkey, but the grotesque figures with a 
 human form and animal head, such as the wolf, beaver, etc., 
 might be easily taken for a monkey. It is not likely that the 
 monkey was ever seen, or portrayed, by the natives here. The 
 conventional figure of the orka or whale killer, the bear, the sea 
 lion, of the crab, crow, whale and other animals were often 
 carved upon the boxes, tattooed upon the person, woven in the 
 ceremonial blankets, and twined in the basket hats in such a 
 way as to be recognized only by those who were familiar with 
 the figures. Strips of silver (see Figs. 4 and 5) made into brace- 
 lets, representing the bear and raven, show the custom of placing 
 their totems upon their personal ornaments. The same custom 
 is seen in the woven garments which cover the bed of the chief 
 

348 NA TIVE A MERICAN S YMBOLlSAf. 
 
 Shaks and in the Chilkat blankets which han^ on the wall 
 above his head. In this we have the bear totem repeated several 
 times — the stuffed bear at the side, the woven bear on his gar- 
 ments, another bear on the wall, a bear's head on the table. 
 
 The ornaments are modern, but they contain the same symbol- 
 ism as the ancient heir-looms. The same may be said of the 
 carved pipes and other specimens. One of these already pic- 
 tured* resembles a totem post. It represents at the top the figure 
 of the eagle; next below, the orka, or whale-killer; next, the 
 raven, known by its beak ; lowest down, known by its tongue. f 
 The figure of the bear-mother is a slate carving, finished in the 
 round. It perpetuates a legend.J The daughter of a chief spoke 
 in terms of ridicule of the bears. The bears descended and took 
 
 Fig. 7.— Carved Slate Disk. 
 
 her captive and made her the wife of the chief of the bears. She 
 became the progenitor of all the Indians bearing the bear totem. 
 The carving represents the agony of the mother in suckling her 
 child, which was half bear and half human. The slate disk, (see 
 Fig. 7) represents the orka or whale-killer. This is known by 
 the fins, the nose and the eyes. We see from these specimens 
 that the carvings are designed to perpetuate the legends, but that 
 there was a different style of carving among the different tribes. 
 Mr. Niblack says: "Every carving and pictograph is pregnant 
 with meaning, but the task of tracing out the legends and com- 
 paring them with those of adjacent regions is difficult. No idea 
 of the ethnological affinities can be found without comparison of' 
 
 *See Fig. t, in Chapter XIII, p. 278. 
 
 tSee article on Ethnographic Religions, p. 311, Fig. 6. Xlbid., p. 312, Fig. 8. 
 
COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. 349 
 
 the mythology." Mr. James Deans, who is familiar with the 
 different tribes, and has made a study of the totem posts, says 
 that each tribe has its own way of carving and its own set of 
 myths, so that one is not sure that he is giving the right inter- 
 pretation unless he knows the tribe to which the carving belongs. 
 
 The following is a description, given by Mr. Deans, of the 
 totem posts and carved images which have been gathered from 
 the different tribes of the northwest coast and placed in front of 
 the Haida house, near the Anthropological building in Jackson 
 Park, Chicago. He begins with a post not seen the cut, which 
 contains many carvings of male and female figures. On the above 
 mentioned column, reading from below, the first is the carving of 
 an Indian with his head encircled by feathers. This represents the 
 owner of the house in front of which this column stood. The 
 second figure is the raven, called by these people Caugh. This, 
 the raven, is the phratry or principal crest, along with the eagle 
 phratry, of all these people. The next is the dogfish, which 
 along with the raven phratry, was the crest of the man who had 
 this house built for himself The third figure is a man, perhaps 
 designed to represent the owner of this totem post. The fifth 
 figure is a woman with head-dress, and is evidently a figure of 
 the housewife. Above her is the figure of a killer or fin-back 
 whale, with two young ones, one on each side of its mouth. The 
 sixth figure is the crest of the wife. The young ones show her 
 to have had a family, which, like herself, would have the whale 
 crest. The next or seventh figure is that of a woman, showing 
 that the wife was connected by birth with the tribe in which she 
 lived. The upper or last figure is the eagle, and designates the 
 phratry to which she belonged. 
 
 The second column (Fig. 8) is a Haida column. This house 
 formerly stood in the middle of the Haida Indian village of 
 Skidegat's Town, so called from its chief always taking the title 
 of Skidegat. The house belongs to a man whose name formerly 
 was Choscah, or raven. It was the first house in the village be- 
 longing to the Cathlins Coan hadry (point of the waves people), 
 who came and settled in the town of lllth-cah-gutla (hut between 
 streams) called Skidegat's Town, as above mentioned. These 
 people were driven from their home by tidal waves and by 
 ravages of war. When they came to Skidegat they lived all 
 together by building their houses in a row; their descendants live 
 all together in the same style to-dav 
 
 The figures on the post are: lowest, the bear with man's head 
 dov/nward; second is the spout-fish (lown); on each side of it is 
 the Chemouse of the Sinesheans, which is a symbolization of a 
 river snag, a floating snag or oftener a tree. To an Indian sail- 
 ing down the rapid streams of the Pacific slope these snags are 
 dangerous, and a superstitious dread has painted them as monsters 
 of the worst kind ; so, in order to be safe, they adopted them as 
 
350 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 a crest. The Haida tribes borrowed this crest from these Sine- 
 sheans. The next figure is a head with large eyes. It is shown 
 as holding on with its mouth to the tail of the lown. This is 
 the head of a bear as is shown by the tan gue (bear's ears) 
 placed on each side of the head. From this head upward is a 
 large dogfish. It is shown as having a woman on its back. 
 
 Fly. S.— Haida Totem Posts at the World's Fair. 
 
 Above the woman's head is another bear's head, with tan giie. 
 Above all is the tail of the dogfish, shown between two little 
 images. The following I consider to be a correct reading of the 
 carvings on this post: First, the bear with a man's head down- 
 ward; amongst the natives of southern Alaska symbolized a 
 strange custom. When any one built a house a slave was killed 
 and his blood sprinkled on the post, his body generally being 
 buried beneath it. the bear on the post being the crest of the man 
 who built the house, and the man being the slave who was killed. 
 I have been unable to find that such a thing as killing a slave for 
 
COMMEMORA TI VE COL UMNS. 35 1 
 
 such a purpose was ever done amongst the Haida. In this case 
 I speak knowingly, as I helped to dig up the post, and I found 
 that no slave had ever been buried there. In fact the man who 
 built the house says he killed no slave. 
 
 There are two stories told by these Haida people with regard 
 to a man's head being upside down on the post. The first I shall 
 give is the one told by the builder of the house: The bear was 
 the crest of the man Chaouk, by whom the house was built. His 
 intention being not to follow the old usage of his people by 
 having the doorway in the post, he had the man's head put on in 
 order to have no blank space, as well as to exemplify an old 
 story, which runs thus: Long ago, a little boy wandered away 
 and got lost in the bush. A hungry bear found him and ate him 
 up. The second stOry is founded on a usuage common among 
 these people: If a man owed just debts to another, he was 
 politely asked three times to pay it, and if then he refused, no 
 more was said of the debt by the party to whom the money was 
 owing, but he quietly waited until he had money enough to build 
 a house, when, among other carvings, he had the image of the 
 debtor put on in the shape of a man with his head down, and his 
 crest above him, in order that the people might know who it 
 was, A debtor seldom waited until the third time, well knowing 
 the consequences. 
 
 The next figure is the lown or spout fish. It was put on to 
 show the crest of Choouto's first wife, who was a daughter of 
 Crosaw, chief of Hieller, on these islands. The Chemouse on 
 each side were put on for ornament more than anything else, al- 
 though no doubt there was a connection between it and the wife. 
 The two bears' heads above show a double relationship between 
 this chief and the bears, which came about as follows: He inher- 
 ited his uncle's crest, which was a bear, as well as the bear crest 
 of the village Cathlins Coan (Point of the Waves), in which he 
 was born. Together with these heads is a woman's head and a 
 dogfish. This represents an old legend among these people, the 
 legend of Hathlingzo (Bright Sunshine). She was a woman 
 who, long ago, went to the open country in order to dig roots 
 for food. After she had plenty, she went to the seaside to wash 
 them. While there a dogfish came along and turned her into a 
 sort of mermaid — half woman and half dogfish. This is said to 
 symbolize the storm clouds, which, in that land of mountains, 
 often quickly turn the bright sunshine to a storm. This story 
 may also symbolize the Cathlins Coan hadry or people, when 
 they left their own country and settled at Skidegat. The dog- 
 fish being the crest of the town of Illth-cah-gutla, or, as it is 
 generally called nowadays, Skidegat's Town, from the chief, who 
 also takes the name of Skidegat, so by becoming that town's 
 people, they became entitled to the dogfish crest. The two 
 wooden men with the tail of the fish between them, with Taden 
 
352 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 Skeel on top, may signify this man and his uncle Clads-an-Coond, 
 and it may not. Probably they meant that he was a chiet at two 
 times or places. The three circles, black and white, are three 
 degrees of aristocracy. They also show that he was allowed to 
 have three dances, and to wear circles around his neck while 
 dancing. This carved column is forty-two feet in length and is, 
 like all the others, made of red cedar. 
 
 The third post is an Alaskan one from Tongass,on the south- 
 ern boundary of that country. This one is also about forty-two 
 feet in height. The carvings on it are: i. The lowest, a bear 
 holding a raven, although it looks more like a fur seal, which I 
 should certainly say it was if the post was a Haida one. 2. Next 
 above is bear, a frog with a bear's tongue in its mouth, and a hat 
 with eight rings. As for the signification of the carvings on this 
 post, I may say that the bear at the bottom was the crest of the 
 people whose house this was. The bear holding the crow or 
 raven, as is shown here, would show that the bear and the raven 
 were foes and that the bear had the best of him, though accord- 
 ing to the Haida tribes it would show an old legend about the 
 bear and the fur seals. 3. Next above was the phratry of the 
 man who owned this house. He also was one of the Cauhada 
 gens. 4. Next above is the frog with the bear's tongue in its 
 mouth, which showed the bear and the frog to have been friends. 
 This frog I believe is the bear's wife's crest. The highest figure 
 — the head and hat with eight degrees — must have been the 
 husband, because the hat is on a bear's head. This post is badly 
 finished, A Haidah carver would never put such a post out of 
 his hands, and if he did he would be laughed at by the rest of 
 the people. 
 
 The next column, fourth in order, is a Haida post. It is of 
 far better finish, and is worthy of a Haida. This post has for its 
 figures, first and lowest, a scamsun or sparrow-hawk, the door- 
 way to the house being in the belly of the bird. The next is a 
 frog; the next a being with a bear's head and a human body, 
 holding on to the dragon fly ; the next a crane ; on the top is 
 the Taden Skeel of three men, showing the chief's successors. 
 This one, as well as No. 3, is exhibited by Mr. E. D. Ayer, of 
 Chicago, 111, to whom, I believe, it belongs. The description 
 given of this post is rather imperfect, and a stranger could glean 
 but little information from it. The large bird on the bottom can 
 hardly be called the sparrow-hawk. It should be called the 
 mosquito-hawk. The Haida legend of its origin is as follows : 
 Long ago the land was mostly covered with water, and when 
 the water left it was very swampy. Then the sun was very hot, 
 far hotter than it is nowadays. This swampy ground bred mos- 
 quitos of an enormous size ; they were as large as bats. These 
 bats are well known to most people from their habit of flying 
 about by night. These insects were so large, and their bite so 
 
COM MEM OR A TIVE COL UMNS. 3 3 
 
 deadly, that many people died from them. The country was 
 slowly being depopulated from this cause. The people com- 
 plained until the god Ne kilst-luss heard their cry, and sent the 
 butterfly to investigate. On its return, it gave a woful account 
 of the people's condition. Hearing this, Ne-kilst-luss sent the 
 mosquito-hawk to live on them and drive them away, which it 
 did. Now that the sun is less hot, and scamsums plentiful, the 
 people can live. One legend is that the scamsum was an enor- 
 mous bird, which still lives in the mountains, from which it 
 flies over the sea, in order to destroy the killer-whales, or, as 
 the Haidas call them, the scannah. Its body is the thunder- 
 bird, the clapping of its wings the noise, the lightning a fiery 
 dart sent out of its mouth, in order to kill these whales. The 
 next figure is evidently a frog, showing that the party who had 
 this house was allied to that crest or gens, or, what is not unlike- 
 ly, they might have been connected with Skidegat's family. The 
 next is rather difficult to decipher, owing to the head, which is 
 evidently a bear's, being upside down. It has the tan guc (bear's 
 ears) on it plain enough, showing it was highly connected with 
 the bears. From its mouth to the mouth of the figure above is 
 a band, which is held by the under figure. This shows a con- 
 nection between the two. In the third post it shows friendship 
 existed between the two figures — that is, the bear and the frog. 
 In this case the animals shown are different. The lower figure 
 I consider to be a bear, and the upper I believe to be either 
 a butterfly or a mosquito, and doubtless symbolizes the old story 
 of the butterfly sent out by the ancient god Ne-kilst-lass. The 
 figure above seems to be intended for the dragon fly, which also 
 is an enemy to these pests; although I consider this portion of 
 the carvings to be neither more nor less than a rendering of the 
 above legend. A number of years ago I saw in the old village 
 Yukh, Queen Charlotte's Islands, a rendering on a very old 
 totem post of the same myth. The figure with the long beak is 
 a crane or heron, and doubtless was the crest of the wife of the 
 man who built this house. The three figures on top belong to 
 the family of Skidegat. The first chief of that name adopted it 
 in order to put on top of his column. It is a mythological tale 
 of the west coast, and is as follows: Long ago the god, Ne- 
 kilst-lass, for a frolic, turned himself into a beautiful woman, and 
 three men fell in love with her and, some say, married her, al- 
 though this totem post shows it belonged to one of Skidegat 
 family. This ends the totem posts from northern British Co- 
 lumbia. 
 
 The next is a house of a different sort and belonged to the 
 Quackuhls of Vancouver Island. Instead of a totem post these 
 people generally paint their crests on the front of their houses. 
 The paintings on this one represent the sun on each side of the 
 doorway,with the thunder bird above the door. This is the style 
 
354 
 
 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 of this bird, as is shown by these people. This house, the notice 
 on side of the wall says, belonged to the Nu-enshu clan of the 
 Quackuhls, on Vancouver Island, British Columbia. The next 
 carving is a doorway from a house at Billa Coola, in the interior 
 of British Columbia. It is a bear, and was the crest of the peo- 
 ple who lived in the house. 
 
 4. The study of the ornaments and figures on the mortuary 
 boxes aids us greatly in interpreting the symbols found on the 
 totem posts. These boxes were commemorative, but the figures 
 are largely mythologic. To illustrate: The cedar box (see Fig. 9) 
 
 i'7(/. :i. — Cedar i>o.r. 
 
 used by the Thlinkits as a depository for the ashes of the dead, 
 contains on its front the figure of the bear, with eyes, ears, paws, 
 mouth, breast, all portrayed in an allegorical way. The slate box 
 (see Figs. 10 and ii), an heir-loom, contains on the lid two figures 
 or faces. The upper one, with rows of teeth and protruding tongue, 
 is lioorts, the bear. The figures in the upper corners represent 
 the ears, with an eye in each. The lower figure on the lid con- 
 tains the face and flippers of the sea lion. The head of the sea 
 lion can be seen in the handle on each side of the box. The 
 face in front is that of the bear, having in its mouth the hunter; 
 the paws of the bear are in the lower corners. In the Haida 
 drawings, an eve is placed in the breast, ear, paw, tail and other 
 parts of the body, with the belief that each part has the power 
 of looking out tor itstlf There are certain conventional signs 
 which indicate to the natives v. hat animals are meant. With the 
 
COMMMWnATIVE COLUMNS. 355 
 
 brown bear, it is the protruding tongue ; with the beaver and 
 wolf, the character of the teeth; with the orka, the fin; with the 
 raven, the sharp beak; with the eagle, the curved beak. Certain 
 groupings are generally recognized as portraying certain well- 
 known legends, such as the bear and hunter, the raven and 
 moon. In the Chilkat blankets, the colors are interwoven to 
 form a totemic pattern. These blankets are very common, and 
 have become so conventional in their style that they are recog-^. 
 nized. The figure of Hoorts, the bear, is common on them. 
 The same is true of the ceremonial shirts, though sometimes the 
 figure of the wolf is seen upon them, instead ot the bear. It 
 will be noticed that all parts of the body of the bear, such as 
 the ears, paws, breast and legs, have eyes looking out. This 
 illustrates the personifying tendency and at the same time shows 
 
 /•'/(/ Ui.— tSlatr lio.r 
 
 the superstition which the people had. They imagined a spii it 
 io be in every part of the body. This spirit was able to rule- 
 and direct the part even as the totem spirit did the whole body. 
 IV. The question of the origin of the ancestor posts here 
 comes up. On this there will undoubtedly be a difference of 
 opinion, for one class will hold that these originated on this 
 continent independently, as the result of the system of develop- 
 ment here, while another class will hold that they prove a contact 
 between the races and are the result altogether of a transmitted 
 cultus. Our position, as already indicated, is that the resem- 
 blances between the Polynesian and the Haida symbolism js too 
 strong to resist the conviction that much of it was borrowed. 
 While there was an American system which consisted in the 
 widespread totemism or animal worship, yet there was a Polyne- 
 sian or Asiatic ancestor worship mingled with it, which gave a 
 new tinge to and which ultimately resulted in that very unique 
 system which is now our object of study. We maintain further 
 that there was in Polynesia a very extensive esoteric system, which 
 embodied in itself many of the religious conceptions which pre- 
 vailed in the far east, and that the very conceptions were by this 
 
356 NA Tl VE A MERICAN S YMBOLlSM. 
 
 means transmitted and adopted by the natives and became em- 
 bodied in these ancestor posts, the difference between the sym- 
 bols of the two wide areas being owing to the underlying ground 
 work, but the resemblances being owing to the transmitted ele- 
 ments. We recognize the resemblances both in the customs and 
 in the symbols, and shall therefore call attention to these and 
 afterward point out the differences. 
 
 *» The resemblances are very numerous. The following have 
 been noticed as common in New Zealand: i. Cremation of the 
 bodies and the preservation of the ashes. 2. The keeping of 
 the head in a box or carrying it about the person. 3. The cre- 
 mation of the husband and immolation of the widows and slaves. 
 4. The burying of the bodies in canoes. 5. Erecting the statues 
 with protruding tongues in the midst of cemeteries. 6. The 
 preservation of garments and making them "taboo." 7. The 
 glorifying the memories of heroes and ancestors by the carved 
 figures. 8. Naming the divinities, and calling them ancestors, 
 
 /;<7- 11— Lid (if llir B'Ki-. 
 
 and off^Ting saciifices to them in the cemeteries. We can cm- 
 pare these with Ensign Niblack's description of the mortuary 
 customs among the Haidas: i. On the death of a chief the body, 
 after lying in state for a year, is finally burned on a funeral pyre 
 and the ashes and burned bones are deposited in a mortuary box 
 or house. 2. Formerly the head was preserved separately in a 
 box. 3. Certain slaves were selected to be sacrificed at the funeral 
 of their master, and their bodies were cremated with his, that 
 their spirits might accompany his to the next world. 4. In some 
 cases pillars were erected, and the mortuary boxes were placed 
 on them, while at the base of the pillar was the canoe, but in other 
 cases the canoe itself became the burial place. 5. Carved columns 
 and boxes and ornaments on which a protruding tongue connects 
 the various figures are common. 6. The ceremonial apparel of a 
 deceased chief was always placed with his personal property in 
 boxes and preserved for many years. 7. The height and elabor- 
 ateness of the carved columns were generally signs of the wealth 
 of the individual. 8. The carving on the boxes, sculpturing on 
 
COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. 357 
 
 the rocks, and the drawings, paintings and tatooed patterns were 
 "totemic pictographs" which perpetuated legends concerning the 
 various divinities, which were either animals, birds or creatures 
 of the sea, or in some cases wind spirits and nature powers, each 
 represented by an eye in a wing, or limb, or claw. The symbols, 
 however, illustrate how pregnant with meaning every carving and 
 pictograph was, and how difficult a task it is to trace them out 
 and compare them with those of adjacent regions, and how im- 
 portant a knowledge of the legends is to the proper interpreta- 
 tion of the figures. No idea of the ethnical affinities of the 
 various stocks can be formed without comparative mythologic 
 and ethnologic study. "In the ceremonial institutions, in the 
 elaborate dance paraphernalia, in the carved heraldic columns, in 
 the varied m.ortuary customs, in all the practices of highly im- 
 aginative and inventive tribes of Indians, we have similarities 
 and differences so bewildering, that it is difficult to trace the 
 mutual influence of the different ethnic groups." 
 
 Still the commemorative columns of New Zealand and the 
 northwest coast are worthy of study. If they do not prove a 
 contact between the two races, they show at least a transmission 
 of religious conceptions, for there are many resemblances be- 
 tween them. These consist in the position of the hands, the 
 abdominal protuberance, the protruding tongue, the arrange- 
 ment of faces and figures in stories, and the attitude and 
 location of the images, as well as in the appearance of the 
 phallic symbol. In New Zealand, the abdominal protuberance, 
 the hands usually resting on the abdomen, represents the immor- 
 tality of the soul and the longevity of the gods. Here, too, 
 the tongue was significant, as it was a symbol of life, the pro- 
 truding tongue signifying the departed life. It appears that in 
 the act of death, the voice or spirit was drawn out by the god. 
 The word unn means, in the New Zealand language, to pull out. 
 The iin?/s are sacred pieces of carved wood, with which the 
 cemeteries were decorated. The TiH in New Zealand was a 
 protecting genius, a kmd of household god or ancestral spirit. 
 
 There were in the Exposition at Chicago two remarkable im- 
 ages which illustrate the distribution of symbols throughout the 
 entire western coast of America and on the various islands of 
 Polynesia. One of these, Irom the Marquesas Islands, was in 
 the collection of the University of Pennsylvania, in the Liberal 
 Arts building. It represents the god Tiki Akau, and has the same 
 attitude and position of hands that the Tiki from New Zealand 
 have. The peculiarity of the idol is that there are symbols on 
 either side of the wide open mouth like the horse-shoes and the 
 double arches, which are sky symbols with the Zunis and Moquis. 
 The hands also are apparently made to represent the phallic 
 symbols — the four fingers making arches and the middle finger 
 a single line. The other image was to be found in Emmons' col- 
 
358 NA TIVE A MERICA N b YMBOLISM. 
 
 lection in the Government building. It was labeled a shaman's 
 guard — a spirit to protect the grave of a shaman. It is a lull- 
 length image, and resembles the idol Irom the Marquesas in the 
 shape of the body and position of the arms and hands, but the 
 expression of the face is more like that of an Indian. The 
 peculiarity of it is that there are on the shoulders and breasts 
 and the hollow of the thigh, carved heads of animals, the two 
 animals' lower heads being near the pelvis, reminding us of the 
 serpent heads which are seen projecting from the thighs of the 
 gold figures of the Chiriquis, depicted by W. H. Holmes. On 
 the northwest coast, the image over the grave of the sham.an 
 was supposed to be a spirit which guarded the shaman.* 
 
 The phallic symbol is also significant in both regions. Ellis 
 speaks of certain carved figures or batons on which the divinity 
 is represented by the phallic symbol. The same symbol is used 
 on the northwest coast and signifies life as a gift of the divinity. 
 The arrangement of the figures and faces in stories is also signifi- 
 cant, for they betoken ancestry and a long line of descent, the 
 number of stories proving the superiority of the family. 
 
 Still further details in the symbols of the two regions may 
 also be recognized. To illustrate : the custom of sacrificing a 
 slave at the dedication of a house and planting the totem post 
 over the body was formerly common among the Haidas, and 
 weapons are still preserved which were used for the express pur- 
 pose of slaying slaves. In New Zealand, Ellis says, some of the 
 buildings for the abode of their Gods were actually laid in human 
 sacrifices, and the central pillar supporting the roof of one of 
 the sacred houses was planted upon the body of a man who had 
 been offered as a victim. Similar resemblances may be recog- 
 nized between the my thologic creatures of the two regions. There 
 were many such mythologic divinities, some of them creatures 
 of the sea, others of the land, and others of the air, and yet all 
 had nearly the same ofifice — the shark serving the sam.e ofifice 
 which the whale-killer did among the Haidas, a fabulous bird 
 corresponding to the raven, and certain gods or genii serving as 
 protective divinities, as the images protected the graves of the 
 medicine men. The most romantic accounts are given of the god 
 of the sea and his combat with the tempest, while the bird is sup- 
 posed to dwell by the rock which was the foundation of the 
 earth, and contained within himself the tempest, just as the raven, 
 who was the great creator, was also the thunder-bird of the 
 Haidas. The superior gods and men, the animals, the air, earth 
 and sea were supposed to originate in the procreative power of 
 the supreme god, hence the significance of the phallic symbol. 
 
 Illustrations of these points may be found by studying the 
 works ofEllis,t the missionary, and comparing the myths, espec- 
 
 *The symbols on the Marquesas idol are given elsewhere. 
 tSee Ellis' "Researches." Vol. I; pp. 97, 99. 258, 295. 
 
COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. 359 
 
 ially the myths of the deluge, the creation, about the Pleiades, the 
 passage of the sun by a hidden path and many others, with 
 myths which are extant in various parts of North America. 
 
 V. The most important feature in the commemorative columns 
 of the northwest coast remains to be considered, namely, the 
 individual totemism which was embodied in them. These col- 
 umns are called ancestor posts, but they are properly totem 
 posts of individuals rather than of clans. Accordmg to Mr. 
 Frazer, there are three kinds of totems: i. The clan; 2. Sex; 
 3. Individual. The clan totem is the one which is the most 
 common throughout the hunter tribes of the eastern coasts. The 
 sex totem is more common among the Polynesian tribes, but the 
 individual totem is the system we recognize among the Haidas 
 and the Thlinkeets. In the first system there is no place in a 
 tribe or clan for any person whose kinship is not fixed and only 
 those persons can hold a totemistic relationship who are either 
 born into a clan or adopted into a clan, with the artificial kinship 
 specified. In the last case descent is important, but it is not 
 absolutely essential, for rank and position depend upon one's own 
 property or prowess or personal qualities. 
 
 I. Individual totemism can not be traced from ancestors directly, 
 because it often exists where there is the most unsatisfactory 
 recognition of ancestry, whether it be of paternity or maternity. 
 The confounding of animals with their known ancestors, and 
 reverencing them as they reverence ancestors, was a result of 
 totemism among this people. The belief in a possibility of a 
 human descent from natural objects, such as rocks, animals and 
 trees, exists universally among primitive peoples, but this belief 
 here took the shape of regard for certain creatures of the sea or 
 land or air, and gave rise to a wonderfully varied and grotesque 
 series of myths concerning these animals, which became em- 
 bodied in the many and elaborate symbols. According to this 
 system the individual became so fully identified with his totem, 
 which was generally one or another of these fabulous animals, 
 that neither his own name or that of his parents could be made 
 known, tor it was entirely swallowed up in the name and history 
 of the animal whose totem he bore. As a result, the columns 
 were no longer the records of the clan or the tribe, but they 
 were erected for the exaltation of the individual and of his family 
 while living, or for the glorification of his name after he was 
 dead. This exaltation, however, depended more upon the amount 
 of property which the individual had accumulated than upon 
 personal prowess or upon genealogical descent. 
 
 In a strict sense, the village was the tribal unit; but the head 
 of the household in the village which, through inheritance, 
 numbers and influence, predominated over the others, was nom- 
 inally chief of the village. Besides the principal chief there were 
 others who were the heads of the principal households or clans 
 
360 A'^4 Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 of the village; their raj;ik or claim to distinction and respect was 
 proportioned to the degree of their wealth, age, superiority, the 
 general good fortune and prosperity of the group of persons 
 of which they were the head. The chief was not treated with 
 any marked deference on ordinary occasions, but in ceremonies 
 a degree of state was formally kept up to impress visitors. Often 
 the alliance of the medicine men was gained by purchase, and 
 the chief and shamans combined to hold themselves in the res- 
 pect and fear of the community. The chiefs generally had a 
 carpenter in their household who was especially expert in build- 
 ino- houses, carving wood, stone, horn and bone, slate and metal 
 implements and ornaments, and household utensils; though there 
 we're wood carvers whose specialty was to make and paint 
 totemic or mortuary columns. Some of the women were expert 
 basket makers, and weavers of cloaks and mats of cedar bark and 
 wool, makers of dance and ceremonial costumes. Tattooing 
 was a fine art and was common to both sexes. The figures or 
 conventional representations of their totems, pricked in charcoal 
 or black pigment, served to identify the individual with his totem. 
 The ceremonial masks and head dresses of the chiet were made 
 by his carpenter. These masks were painted with the totemic rep- 
 resentations of the owners, and were, by their hideousness and 
 grotesqueness, calculated to strike terror into the minds of the 
 spectators, and to give the appearance of some superhuman be- 
 ing to the person who wore them. The completeness of the 
 disguise was an object with the chiefs as well as the medicine men, 
 so they were carehil not to show their own faces. This disguise 
 of the person under the semblance of his totem was continued 
 after death, so that the mortuary boxes and the ceremonial 
 blankets in which his ashes were deposited were covered with 
 the totemic figures instead of portraits. 
 
 2. A ceremonial ownership came in along with individual totem.- 
 ism. The relief carving on the totemic columns and totem posts 
 was done either by the owner or by persons hired for the pur- 
 pose. This carving was often arbitrary and fanciful, and yet 
 identified the individual with his totem while he was livmg and 
 after he was dead, and introduced a sort of ceremonial owner- 
 ship which was carried out in painting or carving his crest on 
 every article of personal property. The simplest implement or 
 utensil is ornamented with some pictograph relating to the 
 legends of the totem to which he belongs. Tattooed on the 
 body, woven into fabrics, etched on the metal bracelets and orna- 
 ments, painted on the house fronts, drawn on the canoe outfits, 
 emblazoned on metal,«wood and stone, the totem of the Indian 
 is his earliest and latest care. 
 
 The totemic ownership extended to the canoe, the paddles, the 
 houses, the villages, as well as to the utensils and tools. In the 
 case of the canoe the totem was indicated by carving or painting 
 
COMMEMORATIVE COLUMNS. 361 
 
 the bow and stern with elaborate totemic patterns. The canoe 
 is to the northwest coast what the camel is to the desert and the 
 horse is to the Arab. It reached its highest development here. 
 Classified according to shapes, sizes and uses, there were four 
 kinds — hunting, family, transporting and those used in time of 
 war. They were all adorned more or less with totemic sem- 
 blances. The houses in the villages were also totemic in 
 character. Formerly the doorway or entrance was through a 
 hole in the carved column, and the posts within the houses were 
 generally covered with carved figures. The villages are invaria- 
 bly situated along the shore, the houses arranged near a shelving 
 beach in rows, with one or more carved columns in front of 
 each. At the end of the village is the grave-yard, with its 
 variety of sepulchres, and scattered throughout the villages, in 
 front and at the corners of the houses, are the mortuary columns 
 similar to those in the grave-yards. Each village practically 
 constitutes'a tribe, but the totemic system often operated to make 
 the alliance between the phratries and totems of different villages 
 stronger than the clannish feeling due to close ethnical affinity 
 of any particular household. Still there were villages which 
 were brought under the control of some one chief and were 
 held under a suzerainty. An individual distinguishes himself 
 and becomes wealthy and a leading man in the village. His 
 totem, which has been an obscure one, rises in importance. 
 Under his successor the totem widens in its number and influence 
 and finally comes to be ranked as a ruler over a territory. There 
 was, in fact, a change from tribal or clan descent to property, 
 and the territory over which the chief held sway was the limits 
 of the totemic rule. 
 
362 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 CHAl'TEK W. 
 
 PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES. 
 
 We have now passed over the entire region occupied by the 
 uncivilized tribes and have considered their religions in their 
 order. We have found that various animals, the serpent, the 
 sun and moon, fire and water, idols and human images, myth- 
 ologic creatures, winged creatures, ancestors, and even the 
 cardinal points were, in a manner, worshiped by them, the cult 
 varying according to the locality. There remains, however, one 
 important work, that is to trace out the particular personal 
 divinities and to identify them by name and locality, and to 
 describe the office and character which they bore in the minds of 
 the people. This is a work which has been done for nearly all 
 civilized races, both in the east and the west, and there are few 
 divinities anywhere, whether in historic or prehistoric times, 
 which are not known by name. A sort of classical mythology 
 could be written about them, but somehow the divinities of the 
 uncivilized races are not so well known and so every dictionary 
 is destitute of their names. The task is a difficult one, and yet 
 there are certain things which aid us greatly in identifying these 
 aboriginal divinities. 
 
 1. In the first place, the chief divinities were generally "Culture 
 Heroes," which were regarded as the tribal ancestors and guardian 
 spirits, but also as great creators and transformers, the beginning 
 of nearly all tribal history, going back to the creation. 
 
 2. The character of these "Culture Heroes" generally corres- 
 pond with that of the'people who worship them, those ot the lower 
 or degraded tribes having a very low character, and those of the 
 more advanced tribes being characterized by exploits which were 
 full of a certain kind of barbaric heroism. 
 
 3. The myths which perpetuate the names and exploits of the 
 divinities, especially those of the "Culture Heroes," generally con- 
 tain an imagery which remarkably corresponds with the scenery 
 of the habitat over which these divinities had their sway. The 
 study of the scenery in particular localities is a great aid in 
 identifying them. 
 
 4. There are occasionally certain traditions connected with 
 certain objects in nature, such as rocks and caves, streams and 
 waterfalls, lakes and sandy beaches, trees and mountains, rivers 
 and oceans, which convey the idea that these scenes were con- 
 tinually haunted by the spirits of the divinities. The influence 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES. 363 
 
 of these traditions was felt so much that savages rarely passed 
 by the objects without making an offering to the spirit of the 
 divinity. 
 
 5. Various relics are found in the different parts of the conti- 
 nent which may be taken as images of the divinities, or as 
 embodying the myths concerning these divinities. These relics 
 are in the shape of carved pipes, engraved shells, masks, rock 
 inscriptions, amulets and charms, idols, as well as the figures on 
 the inscribed rocks and on the effigies of earth, nearly all of 
 which were designed to be symbols of the supernatural powers. 
 The study of the relics, and especially the comparison of their 
 peculiarities with those given in the myths, will enable us not 
 only to identify the divinities, but to carry back the cult to pre- 
 historic times, thus showing that the same "Culture Heroes" 
 were worshiped in the earlier and later times. 
 
 With these points in mind, we propose now to go over the 
 territory occupied by the uncivilized tribes, taking the different 
 tribal groups in their order, and making a special study of the 
 divinities which were the most prominent in those groups, and 
 especially those which were regarded as their culture heroes. 
 We shall begin with the rude fishermen of the north and search 
 out their myths, with the idea of ascertaining the chiet divinities. 
 We shall then pass to the hunter tribes on the northwest coast, 
 from those to the hunter tribes along the chain of the great 
 lakes, from these to the nomadic tribes of the prairies, and from 
 these to the mountain tribes of the Central and Southern States, 
 leaving out the tribal divinities of the Gulf States as belonging 
 to a solar cult, which is very different from that of the wild tribes. 
 We shall find that in all these northern regions, the chief divini- 
 ties are presented under animal names and animal shapes, though 
 many of them were nothing more nor less than the personification 
 of the nature powers, but clothed with the imagery which the 
 prevalent totemism or animal worship would suggest. Many of 
 these are "Culture Heroes," which were common to all the tribes, 
 having a similar character everywhere. These bear such resem- 
 blance to the "World Makers" of the old world that we are forced 
 to believe that there was a transmission of legends and traditions 
 from other continents which filtered through and effected the con- 
 ception which the natives had of the creation. Occasionally 
 there is a trace of that grand perception of a supreme being, who 
 was the great first cause of all, exactly as there was among the 
 earliest races of the far east, and in classic lands, and which is 
 an inherent quality in human nature, however much it may be 
 obscure d. 
 
 1. We begin with the divinities of the Eskimos, taking the 
 entire group which occupied the shores of the Arctic sea, and 
 which stretched from Greenland to Alaska, embracing the cen- 
 tral districts. The chief divinity and culture hero was a phan- 
 
364 NA Tl VE AMERICAN S YMBOLISM. 
 
 torn, in the shape of a huge dog, which was really the spirit of 
 the sea. though the spirit figures in the shape of a woman, 
 called Sedna, who lives in the sea. There are, beside this, other 
 divinities which were personifications of the nature powers. One 
 of these figures is a triad in the shape of three sisters, the three 
 symbolizing the different parts of the thunder storm. One ot 
 them strikes the fire and makes the lightning {Ingulitnng), 
 another rubs the skins and makes the thunder [Udlugitung), the 
 third makes the rain and is a rain god. They live in a house 
 made of whale ribs. Their faces are entirely black, reminding 
 us of the thunder clouds, but they wear clothes which symbolize 
 the rain clouds. There were supernatural beings among the 
 Eskimos who were owners of the stars and constellations and 
 revolve with the stars. There are also other spirits which haunt 
 the rocks, but which are in the shape of bears, birds and other 
 animals. They are called tornaits. 
 
 The tornait of the stones live in the large boulders, which are 
 supposed to be hollow and form a house, the entrance of which 
 is only visible to the Angakoq or Shaman. The bear is the 
 
 Fig. l.—The Whale Killer. 
 
 most powerful among the spirits. The spirits of the dead are 
 also very active. They knock wildly at the huts which they 
 cannot enter. There are also spirits in the air. When the 
 storms rage and the sea breaks from its icy fetters, and the ice 
 floes break with loud clashes, the Eskimo believes he hears the 
 voices of these spirits. Sedna, the great divinity, lives in the 
 sea, and is the divinity of the sea. She is sometimes controlled 
 or summoned by the Shaman or Angakoq. She comes up 
 through the hard rocks, and the wizard hears her heavy breath- 
 ing. She is harpooned and sinks away in angry haste. 
 
 The deluge myth prevails among the Eskimos, but it may 
 have come irom the missionaries. Still there is one feature of 
 the myth which is very remarkable. The story is, that the 
 waters rose to the top of the mountains, but after they retired 
 they left the mountains covered with a cap of ice. Some think 
 that this is a tradition of the glacial period, others that it is only 
 one method of accounting for the glaciers which still exist in 
 Alaska and elsewhere. There is also a myth concerning the man 
 
5 O 
 
 
 — <!«!_; .^ . 
 
h-., 
 
 I<1«'. 
 
 li.' 
 
 *i. 
 
 IIJOLS AT COPAN. 
 
 ALTAR AT COPAN. 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES. 365 
 
 in the moon. The same tradition of the "man in the moon" is found 
 among the Haidas. The story, according to Judge Swan, is as 
 follows: The moon, koong, discovered the man, Eethlinga, about 
 to dip his bucket in a brook for water. It sent down its rays, or 
 arms, and caught the man, and took him, with his bucket, up to 
 itself, where he has since lived, and can be seen every lull moon, 
 when the weather is clear. The man is a friend of T'ktil, the 
 spirit of the winds, and at the proper signal empties his bucket, 
 causing it to rain upon the earth.* 
 
 The Eskimos have perpetuated the name and memory of their 
 chief divinities by identifying them with the objects of nature 
 and making the very rocks and streams and heavenly bodies to 
 be their abodes. There is one remarkable thing left out from 
 their mythology, namely, the northern lights. There may be, 
 indeed, myths in reference to these, but they are not on record. 
 There is a myth concerning the northern lights among the 
 Chippewas. The story is that during one severe winter famine 
 and distress came upon the people. An old chief, the oldest 
 man in the nation, was informed in a dream that the anger of 
 the great spirit could be appeased by human sacrifice. Lots 
 were cast and three braves were selected for sacrifice. The spot 
 selected was the summit of a neighboring hill covered with 
 woods. The three were fastened to sticks and burned alive, by 
 the magicians, in silence, unattended by spectators. The weather 
 moderated and afterward there was an abundance of game — 
 buffalo, bear and deer — in every wigwam. A feast of thanks- 
 givings was offered. During this ceremony the northern sky 
 was illuminated by brilliant lights. Among the lights three huge 
 figures of a crimson hue were seen constantly dancing. These 
 the magicians proclaimed to be the ghosts of the three warriors 
 who had been offered in sacrifice. 
 
 II. We turn next to the divinities of the Haidas and Thlinkits. 
 The chief divinity and culture hero of this region is the raven. 
 This may be, perhaps, considered as a spirit of the forest, and 
 at the same time a personification of the nature powers. The 
 raven was the creator and ancestor of all the tribes. There were, 
 however, other divinities which were the spirits of the sea. 
 Among these, the whale killer, a species of porpoise, was the 
 chief. There is a figure carved on the rocks near Fort Wi angel, 
 Alaska, which represents the orka or whale killer. See Fig. I. 
 Many other animals and birds, which were common on the 
 northwest coast and nowhere else, were regarded as super- 
 natural beings. 
 
 The Smithsonian has furnished various cuts which represent 
 human faces and conventional signs, which were carved upon 
 the rocks. These show that the same superstition which pre- 
 
 *See Smithsonian Report for 1888, p. 323. 
 
366 NA Tl VE AMERICAN S YMBOLISM. 
 
 vailed among the Eskimos prevailed also among the Haidas, that 
 the rocks were haunted by spirits. The same superstition also 
 seems to have prevailed among the uncivilized tribes elsewhere. 
 This is illustrated by the mammiform images from Porto Rico, 
 which represent both the shape of the island and the guardian 
 divinity of the island.* 
 
 There is an image found inscribed on the rocks in the Easter 
 Islands which represents a mythical creature, half human and 
 half animal, with bowed back and claw-like arms. According 
 to the natives this was intended to represent the god Meke- 
 Meke, the great spirit of the sea. Mr. William J. Thomson says 
 the figure bears a striking resemblance to the decoration on a 
 piece of pottery which he once dug up in Peru while making 
 excavations in the graves of the Incas. See Fig. 2. This animal 
 might be taken for a monkey. 
 
 Mr. James Terry and others have claimed that the monkey 
 may be seen carved upon the totem posts of the Haidas. No 
 such animal figure, however, has been found on the northwest 
 coast. The figure which he has taken to be the monkey is 
 nothing but the bear with the human face and form. 
 
 There are many myths which are descriptive of these ancient 
 creatures. These myths are often very beautiful, tor they are 
 full of word pictures which bring the scenery before us, but at 
 the same time are full of fabulous adventures, and show the 
 strange imaginings of the natives in which the sea, land, and the 
 creatures of the earth and water and sky were all mingled 
 together. Images of these divinities were frequently embodied 
 in the sculptured figures, were woven into garments, or were 
 tattoed upon the bodies of the natives. The myths and symbols 
 served to perpetuate their memory and make them very sacred 
 in the minds of the people. At times the individuals would 
 tattoo the figure of different animals upon their persons — upon 
 their arms, breast, and legs, conveying the idea that each part of 
 the body was controlled by a different divinity. There are 
 figures in the reports of the Ethnological Bureau which repre- 
 sent this. In one a man has a fish tattooed on his arm, a cod split 
 open on his breast, on each thigh the octopus, below each knee the 
 frog. The back of the same man has the wolf split in halves 
 and doubled. A woman has on her breast the head and fore 
 paws of a beaver, on each shoulder the head ot an eagle, or 
 thunder bird, on each arm the halibut, on the right leg the 
 skulpin, on the left the frog.f 
 
 The Haidas have many myths about the raven, the whale, 
 the wolf, bear, salmon, and whale-killer, all of which were totems; 
 stories of their adventures as human beings, which are exceed- 
 ingly novel and interesting. Occasionally there is a trace of sun 
 
 *See chapter on EthnoRraphic Religions. See Report of Romers Collection of Relics 
 from Porto Rico. tSee Annual Report for 1892, p. 69. 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES. 367 
 
 worship, for the sun and moon are personified here, as among 
 other races, but it is a sun worship which is mingled with animal 
 worship. One tradition is that the sun descended from heaven, 
 in the shape of a bird, and was transformed to a man. He 
 built a house, and on his house front, on either side of the door, 
 a sun was painted. The uprights represented men carrying suns. 
 These were the slaves of Senttae, the sun. The crossbars con- 
 necting the uprights were also men, but the beams were sea lions. 
 Thus we see all the kingdoms were mingled in their mythol- 
 ogies, the animal, the astronomical, and the human, to represent 
 
 ^ig, Z— Image on a Hock, Easter Islands. 
 
 the divinities which ruled the people. There is one heraldic 
 column, or gens tree, on which at the top there is a slave extend- 
 ing his hand as though he were talking. His name signifies "he 
 who gives presents to strangers." Above the man is a mask 
 surrounded by wooden rays, which represent the rays of the sun. 
 There are also masks which the natives use in their dances, 
 which have the beak of a bird, and are surrounded by a circle 
 which represents the sun, but have a human eye. The masks 
 worn in feasts often represent birds, animals, and human faces. 
 These masks embody legends which are preserved about their 
 divinities, which were birds, animals, human beings and ancestral 
 spirits. The myths are also suggestive. These are full of 
 descriptions of the gods of the sea and land and sky, though 
 they bear the human semblance. One myth represents a man 
 with long hair, who is the spirit of the sea. The myth is 
 embodied in a column. In this, the man with a split skull 
 stands on his head. Above him is another man seated. Above, 
 
368 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 this man is a wolf, and above that a beaver. The uppermost 
 figure is a halibut. Here, then, we have again creatures of the 
 sea, wild beasts of the forest, and human figures, all mingled 
 together in myths and symbols, and covered with the air of the 
 supernatural. Some of these myths are very suggestive, for they 
 remind us of legends which were common among the Greeks, as 
 well as of the traditions which are contained in the Scriptures. 
 In one carved column, one figure represents Yetl with the new 
 moon in its bill, and a dish of fresh water in its claws. The 
 story is that he stole the stars from the boxes in which they were 
 imprisoned by the lord of the tides. When the sun shone forth 
 for the first time, all the people were frightened and ran in all 
 directions — some of them into the mountains, some into the 
 woods and some into the water. This was connected with the 
 discovery of fire, thus repeating the legend concerning Prometheus, 
 who discovered fire and let out the spirits from the box. There 
 is also another story of the sun that broke away and burned 
 its path in the sky, reminding us of Phoebus and his chariot. 
 
 How such myths came to be prevalent here is the mystery. The 
 same is true also of other myths, as for instance, the one which 
 reminds us of the story of Jonah in the whale's belly. The myth 
 is that the raven went into the whale's belly, which frantic with 
 pain, rushed ashore, while the invisible Hooych (raven) walked 
 quietly out and was ready for another adventure. There is a 
 variation of the same story, in which the whale killer is repres- 
 ented as in the whale's belly. This whale killer was believed to be 
 a demon called Skana. He could change himself into any shape. 
 The story is that the whale killer was kept alongside of a canoe. 
 The young men amused themselves by throwing stones at him and 
 broke his fin. Upon this the whale killer changed himself into a 
 canoe, partly broken, with a man by the side of it, who exclaimed, 
 "You have broken it." Next the canoe is seen going over the 
 first breaker, with the man sitting in the stern. When the canoe 
 came to the second breaker, it went under and came up outside 
 of the breakers a whale killer and not a canoe, and the man or 
 demon in the belly of the whale killer. This is a common anec- 
 dote with all the tribes of the northwest coast, and is of ancient 
 origin, antedating the coming of the white man. See Plate.* 
 There is another drawing among the Haidas, which symbolizes 
 the winds and clouds; the center figure is Tkiil, the wind spirit; 
 on the right and left are its feet, which symbolize the long 
 
 *In the plate, Fig. i represents the legend of the raven and the fisherman. According 
 to the story, Skana put on a magic hook to his line and caught the raven. He pulled the 
 raven's beak entirely off, when the raven changed to a man. tig. 2 represents the moon, 
 who drew the man up with his bucket of water. Fig. 3 represents the raven in the belly ot 
 the whale Fig. 4 represents the raven who has the power of changing himselt into any 
 shape Fig. 5 represents the wind spirit. The Chilkat blanket and ceremonial shirt show 
 the totemic legend ot the owner and represents Hoortz, the bear. The legs and feet are 
 drawn up at the side. The face is in the middle, reminding us of the figure on the Gest 
 stone, which has a human face at the top, the legs, arms, hands and feet are bent up at the 
 sides. This is a human-tree image, instead of a human animal. 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES. 369 
 
 streaming clouds, and on each side above are the wings, which 
 symbolize the different winds, each designated by an eye and 
 separated by patches of cirrus clouds. When T'knl wants a 
 certain wind to blow he gives the word and the oi"her winds 
 retire. The change in the wind is usually followed by rain, 
 which symbolizes the tears which stream from the eyes of T'kul. 
 But we need not dwell longer upon these myths. It is plain 
 that the nature powers were personified, and that the names of the 
 divinities were identical with the various animals and creatures 
 which abound here. 
 
 III. The divinities of the Algonkins are next to be considered. 
 The chief divinity and "Culture Hero" of this wide-spread stock, 
 seems to have been the personification of the dawn, under the 
 figure of the rabbit. It reminds us very much of the divinities 
 of the far east, which figured under the shape of a hare. The 
 religious conceptions of the Algonkins were very striking, for 
 they represent this dawn god and culture hero to be the great 
 creator and ancestor who survived the flood. The divinity is 
 draped in the imagery which is taken from the scenery amid 
 which the Algonkins lived. It is very easy to identify him as 
 the divinity of the Algonkins on this account. Still we must re- 
 member that there were different divinities among the Algonkins 
 and that they varied according to the locality over which they 
 had sway. This shows how strongly this people, which belonged 
 to the same stock, were influenced by their surroundings.* They 
 were a wide-spread people, whose habitat stretched from Hud- 
 son's Bay to the north of the Potomac, and from the banks of 
 Lake Superior to the mouth of the St. Lawrence. They were a 
 wild hunter race, and their divinities were such as hunters would 
 be likely to worship. There were differences in their gods, but 
 they were differences which came from their surroundings rather 
 than from inheritance. We shall make subdivisions of their 
 territory, and study the correspondence between the imagery 
 which they have used and the scenery of the specific region, for 
 this is very striking, 
 
 I. We begin with the gods of the Abenakis. These generally 
 bore the shape of animals, but mainly animals which were known 
 to the Abenakis — wolf, fox, whale. Still there was a personal- 
 ity about their animal gods which made them seem to be almost 
 human, for the lines between the animal and the human were 
 entirely obliterated and all were blended into a combined picture, 
 in which the scenery served as a background. They had their 
 sway in the eastern provinces, and were very unlike the divini- 
 
 *Dr. Boas says: The comparisons which we have made show that each group of legends 
 has its peculiar province, and covers a certain pjrtion of our continent. We found a num- 
 ber common to the North Pacific and Arctic coasts. Another series we found common to 
 the territory between the North Atlantic and the Middle Pacific coasts The Kiowa tale 
 and the northwestern tale indicate a third group, which seems to extend along the Rocky 
 mountains. — Folklore Journal, Jatiiiary-March, iSqi, p. iS. 
 
370 NA Tl VE A MERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 ties which ruled the region along the great lakes and which were 
 reverenced by the western tribes, such as the Mississaugas, 
 Menominees and Ojibways. Various reasons have been given 
 for this dissimilarity in the gods of the Algonkins, some writers 
 ascribing it to the influence of the scenery and surroundings, but 
 others recognizing in it the effect of contact with other countries. 
 Mr. Charles Leland says that the myths which are still afloat 
 among the natives of the eastern tribes along the coast of Maine 
 have great resemblance to the Scandinavian myths, and makes 
 out that the gods which ruled here were exact counterparts of 
 the Scandinavian gods. He also suggests that these myths were 
 introduced by the Norsemen, during their various voyages, long 
 before the times of Columbus, and that they were adopted by the 
 natives with which they came in contact. This, however, does 
 not account for the strange character of the myths of the western 
 tribes, for if the eastern myths contain fragments of the ancient 
 Sagas, the western myths contain the fragments of the still more 
 ancient Scripture story, the location of these being still farther 
 in the interior and more remote from any historic country. 
 
 There is something very mysterious about this transmission of 
 myths? Why are there so many more resemblances to the 
 Scripture narrative in the myths of the Algonkins than in those 
 of any other tribe? Shall we admit that there were strange 
 visitors among the natives of the region, concerning whom there 
 is no record at present, and that these visits, whether of pagan 
 Norsemen or Icelandic Christians, had the effect to introduce 
 among the natives the stories which abounded both in the "Eddas" 
 and in the sacred Scriptures? We do not claim for any American 
 race the marvelous feat of remembering Scripture traditions 
 throughout all their history, for we ascribe the preservation of 
 these traditions in Europe to a written literature. Whatever 
 portion of the tradition is found among the Algonkin tribes 
 must have come from a filtering process, rather than from the 
 embalmment of tradition. May it not be that there were influ- 
 ences which crept down from the early colonies in Iceland and 
 transmitted both pagan and Christian legends, and that the Al- 
 gonkins of the east and of the west appropriated them, but 
 clothed them in imagery drawn from the different localities? 
 
 Carlisle makes the Scandinavian myths a development of 
 paganism. "There was a natural religion which brought a recog- 
 nition of the forces of nature as godlike and personal agencies as 
 gods and demons not inconceivable to us." "The infant thought 
 of man, opening itself with awe and wonder on this ever stupen- 
 dous universe, might bring out something very genuine." "The 
 work of nature, for every man is the fantasy of himself, the 
 image of his own dream." But how these facts of Scripture 
 history could be suggested by the works of nature is difificult to 
 understand. "These do not come from the unnamable subtleties 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES. 371 
 
 of spiritual law, to which many pagan fables owe their shape." 
 The Abenakis are supposed to have held the great eastern di- 
 vinity — the sun — asthcir"Culture Hero," while the western tribes 
 situated on the great lakes are supposed to have had the rabbit 
 and the muskrat and loon as their chief divinities, because these 
 animals were better adapted to the water and to the scenery of 
 the interior. 
 
 The myths which have been gathered by certain writers — Rev. 
 S. T. Rand, Mrs. W. Brown and others — illustrate this. They 
 are legends which are afifixed to certain spots, which serve to 
 make them sacred to the minds of the natives. The objects of 
 nature thus became myth-bearers, and through the influence of 
 these traditions are still reminders of the strange divinities which 
 ruled here. There are not many divinities, and such as are 
 spoken of, were personifications of the different animals which 
 abounded, such as the whale, the wolf, the wolverine and the 
 moose, the wolverine being the divinity which corresponded to 
 the Scandinavian Loh and was called " Loks." The story of 
 the creation, or rather the deluge and re-creation of the earth, is 
 not conspicuous among the Abanaki traditions. In place of 
 this there is a series of transformations and local adventures in 
 the forests and in the sea, and which makes the whole scenery 
 alive with supernatural beings, very much as the scenery in the 
 north is filled with the spirits of the divinities which the Eskimo 
 worshiped and as the Scandinavian scenery was alive with the 
 spirits of the pagan divinities. f 
 
 2. We turn now to the divinities of the western tribes, including 
 those of the Delawares, Ojibways, Blackfeet, Ottawas and Crees. 
 Here we find animal divinities again, but the chief of the divini- 
 ties is a sort of culture hero and creator. He presides over the 
 territory of each tribe and is identified by certain objects in that 
 territory. His name varies according to the tribe m which he 
 rules, though there is a similarity between the names. He is 
 called by the Delawares Manibozho and is identical with the 
 hare, the giant rabbit.* Among the Menominees he was called 
 the Manibush. He was born from a virgin, the daughter ^f 
 Nokomis. He was a little white rabbit with quivering ears. He 
 was the means of destroying the evil manitou, or the great fish. 
 He transformed himself into a pine tree, but he at last went away 
 and dwelt in a wigwam which is preserved in a large rock near 
 Mackinaw.f This rock is noted for the tradition which still 
 
 *Journal of American Folklore, September, 1891, p. 193. Ojibways, Nanaboghu; Nipp- 
 sings, Wisakedjak; Crees, WisakketcHak; Massasaugas, VVanibozhu: Menominees, Mani- 
 busli. 
 
 t In the Ottawa legend, Nenaw-bo-zhoo is swallowed by a great fish that dwelt in a cer- 
 tain lake. He is identified by certain objects of nature, as follows: On a smooth rock on 
 the Ottawa river, there are prints of human footsteps, and a round hole about the shape and 
 size of a kettle. These are believed to be the tracks of Nenaw-bo-zhoo, and the kettle 
 which he had dropped. The great rocks of Hint on the east shore of Grand Traverse bay 
 are the bones of the stone monster, his brother, whom Nenaw-bo-zhoo slew. A depression 
 in a rock near Thunder Bay Point is Nenaw-bo-zhoo's grave, and a mountain, some ten 
 
372 NA TIVE A M ERIC AN ,S YMBOLISM. 
 
 lingers about it. It is in the shape of a wigwam and is still 
 sacred to the hare. The island itself is in the shape of a turtle 
 and is supposed to be possessed by the turtle divinity.* 
 
 Dr. Brinton says the names of the four brothers were, Wabun, 
 the east; Kabun, the west; Kabibonokka, the north, and Shawano, 
 the south. Wabun was the chief and leader. The tribes on the 
 Potomac in 1610, said, "We have five gods, the chief is the 
 mighty hare, the other four are the four winds; the rays of light 
 are his servants; the morning star, which heralds the dawn, was 
 sacred to* him; seated at the east, at the place where the earth 
 was cut off, in his medicine lodge, he sends forth his messengers, 
 called Gijigonai, to make the day." 
 
 Among the Winnebagos the earth-maker was called Maiimia, 
 the wolf When the world was created he was sitting on a piece 
 of ground lacing the east, because the east was the source of 
 light. At the creation there were four brothers. The green 
 wolf, black wolf, white wolf and grey wolf It is very likely 
 that some of the wolf effigies which prevail in Wisconsin were 
 identified with the name and memory of this divinity. 
 
 The most remarkable account of the culture hero of the 
 Algonkins is the one which was preserved by the Delawares in 
 the book which was called the "Walum-Olum." According to 
 this account the rabbit was the chief divinity as well as creator. 
 The account is given elsewhere. We only call attention to it 
 here to show the similarity of the conception among the Algon- 
 kins everywhere. 
 
 We take it for granted that this tradition of the flood could not 
 have come from a mere local freshet, for there is no tribe that 
 would date the beginning of its history and the process of creation 
 with a local freshet. We maintain that the resemblance between 
 the flood myth of the Iroquois and the Algonkins, and the 
 deluge myth of the eastern nations, is too great for any one to 
 ascribe it to a local freshet. Moreover, the cosmogony of the 
 two continents are very similar. We shall dwell, theretore, upon 
 this point, because it is important. We shall find that there are 
 certain points in these cosmogonies which are very prominent. 
 These are as follows: 
 
 (i.) This divinity existed before the flood and was a great man- 
 itou and creator.f -This is not saying that there was only one 
 being who was a creator and ruler, for there were, according to 
 the American mythology, as many creators as there were tribes, 
 each tribe claiming that the great m.anitou was their special 
 
 miles long, which has the appearance of a man lying on his back, is his image. The pieces 
 ot native copper found along the shores of Lake Superior, he took from his treasure house 
 inside the earth, where he sometimes lived. He studied how the spider weaves her web to 
 catch flies, and invented the nets for catching hsh. (See American Hero Myths.) 
 
 •^Lewis Cass and Schoolcraft say that offerings of tobacco were made to the turtle. 
 
 poly 
 man. 
 
 tRev. A. L. Riggs, C. L. Pond, M. Eells and others maintain that the Indians were 
 ,'theists, that the Great Spirit was used as an accommodation borrowed from the white 
 
SUGAR LOAF ROCK ON MACKINAC ISLAND. 
 
374 NA Tl VE A MERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 ancestor and ruler. This was probably the meaning of the 
 Great Spirit when used among them. The term was used out 
 of accommodation to the white man. The Great Spirit had no 
 semblance, and was a very indefinite being to the savage. The 
 term might apply to the great manitou or creator, though to the 
 particular tribe he might be the great rabbit or hare or any other 
 animal which existed before the creation. It might be the per- 
 sonification of the sun, and yet was not known or worshiped as 
 such. 
 
 (2.) The manner in which he came into existence is to be noticed. 
 Generally it was by an untimely birth, through the side or arm- 
 pit of his mother, which caused her death. In most of the 
 legends there were two brothers, one good and the other evil,* 
 who struggled for the mastery, like Esau and Jacob, before they 
 were born. In this respect the myth reminds us of the Scandin- 
 avian myth and also one contained in the ancient Vedas of the 
 Hindoos. This conception of a hero, born of a virgin, who 
 contended with his brother who had caused the death of his 
 mother, and who afterward becarne the creator and transformer as 
 well as benefactor, is very common throughout the globe. f It 
 is accounted for by many as the result of personification, the 
 light being the great benefactor, but the darkness being the great 
 enemy of mankind. This conception is at the basis of the myth- 
 ology of the east and vvas common in Egypt, Assyria and India, 
 According to most writers, it was transferred to Scandinavia, and 
 there formed the basis of the strange mythology which has been 
 preserved in the ancient sagas. It may also have traveled further 
 west and become the basis of the myths concerning the culture 
 heroes and the great divinities here. 
 
 If the eternal struggle of Ormuzd and Ahrimam, light and 
 darkness is so prominent in the Zend-Avesta of the Persians, 
 and was also embodied in the story of Thor and Midgard in 
 Scandinavia, and of St. George and the Dragon in Great Britain, 
 we see no reason why it may not have been transferred to 
 Iceland and been embodied here in the story of Glooscap and 
 Lox, or Manibozho and his brother. Certainly when one comes 
 to the part of the story which refers to the struggling ot the two 
 brothers in the mother's womb, and the issue of one of the 
 brothers from the mother's arm-pit, thus causing the mother's 
 
 *Dr. D. G. Brinton maintains that this distinction between good and evil spirUs was 
 only symbolic of light and darkness and had no reference to moral qualities. There is a 
 plausibility in this view, yet the distinction between a benefactor and a mischief-maker is 
 plainly illustrated by the character of the two brothers. Glooscap, who is called a cheat 
 and a liar, is, nevertheless, a benefactor, while Loks, who is his enemv, resembles the 
 Scandinavian Loki, a mischief-maker. The animals are somewhat significant. Glooscap 
 is the rabbit, or hare, and Loks is the wolverine, a stealthy animal. 
 
 tThe chief Cusic (1825) called it the good mind and the bad mind, but Father Brebeuf, 
 missionary in 16^6, described it as the struggle of loskeha (the white one) with his brother 
 Tawiskara (the dark one). Thus two centuries have given the tale a different or a modern 
 bearing, through the Christian influence. E. G. Squier says that Manibozho is always 
 placed in antagonism to a great serpent, a spirit ot evil, but Father Lejeune, in 1634, makes 
 no mention of a serpent. It is not certain that the serpent was the type of evil among the 
 natives, but was ratlier the embodiment of the nature powers, the lightning. 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES. 375 
 
 death, it seems as if it must have been borrowed, and could not 
 have been an original invention among the American savages. 
 
 This struggle between the two brothers is very v/ide-spread in 
 America. The Miztecs hold that two brothers dwelt in the garden. 
 One was the wind of nine spirits and the other the wind of nine 
 caverns. The first was an eagle, which flew over the waters ot 
 the enchanted garden. The second was a serpent with wings, 
 which flew with such velocity that he pierced rocks and walls. 
 Among the Dacotahs. the combat is waged between Unk-ta-he, 
 the god of waters, and Wauhkeon, the thunder bird. 
 
 Schoolcraft has recorded a myth in which four sons were 
 born at a birth, which caused the death of the mother. The 
 first was the friend of the human race, Manibozho. The second 
 presides over the land of souls, Chipiopos. The third is the 
 rabbit, Wabosso, who rules the north. The fourth was the flint 
 man which supplies fire to men from the stones which are scat- 
 tered over the earth, Chakekenapok. Manibozho killed the flint 
 god, tore out his bowels and changed them to trailing' vines. 
 Then he himself gave them lances, arrows and implements and 
 taught them how to make axes, snares and traps. He placed 
 four good spirits at the four cardinal points, whither the calumet 
 is turned, in smoking at the sacred feasts. The spirit of the 
 north gives snow and ice, so that men may pursue game. The 
 spirit of the south gives melons, maize and tobacco. The spirit 
 of the west gives rain, and the spirit of the east gives light. 
 The voice of the spirits is thunder, 
 
 (3.) The third fact, which is common in all the myths, is that 
 there was a great flood which came and destroyed the whole 
 race that covered the earth. The cause of this flood is not 
 always the same. By some it is said to have originated in the 
 sins of the people, and others, in the jealousies of the gods. 
 
 Among the Ottawas the god of the deep was jealous of the wolf. 
 He killed the wolf and made a great feast, to which sea serpents 
 and water tigers were invited. During this feast Manibozho, the 
 great divinity, changed himself to a black stump. The sea 
 serpent coiled himself around the stump. Manibozho then fled, 
 pursued by the monsters. The waters rose mountain high, but 
 Manibozho commanded a great canoe to be formed, in which he 
 saved himself. 
 
 Among the Menominees, there were three brothers, who de- 
 stroyed a great fish, but the evil Manitou from under the earth 
 was angry at this and seized one of the brothers, Manibozho, as he 
 tried to cross the lake. The waters poured out of the earth and 
 pursued him, but the badger hid him in his burrow, and by throw- 
 ing back the earth kept out the waters. Manibozho then took refuge 
 on the highest mountain and climbed to the top of a pine tree. The 
 waters continued to rise, but Manibozho caused the tree four times 
 to grow, so as to lift him above the waters. He then saw the 
 
376 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 animals struggling in the water. He commanded first the otter, 
 then the beaver, the mink, and the muskrat to dive for the mud. 
 
 Among the Crees, the Manibozho makes a monster fish, which 
 strikes the water with his tail and causes the inundation until 
 the tops of the highest mountains are covered and no land is 
 seen. Then Manibozho makes a raft and sends down the diver 
 duck, and then the muskrat. Imitating the mode in which the 
 muskrats build their houses, he formed a new earth, placing the 
 disk of earth on the water, which grew to great size. 
 
 Among the Missasagas, the story is that Manibozho hunted 
 the great beaver around Lake Superior, and broke open the 
 great beaver dam at the foot of the lake, exactly as Glooscap 
 broke open the beaver dam on the coast of Maine.* 
 
 J^ig. 3.— Serpent Pipe. 
 
 Among the Canadian Indians, the story is that two brothers 
 were hunters. They chased the deer out upon the ice, the sea 
 lions broke the ice, and the brother was slain. His body was 
 hung across the doorway of the sea lions' house. Manibozho 
 took down the body, but the sea lions chased him to the edge of 
 the lake. They made the waters to rise, and accompanied by all 
 the birds and beasts, they chased him far inland. He climbed a 
 very high mountain, closely followed by the waters. He then 
 built a raft, took on it his brother and all the animals and floated 
 away. Another story is. that Manibozho was walking along the 
 sides ot an enchanted lake. The waters began to boil, and from 
 them all the beasts came forth, among them the white lion and 
 the yellow lion. Manibozho changes himself to a stump. The 
 bear hugs it and tears it with tooth and claw. The great serpent 
 coils himself around it and tries to crush the stump. 
 
 Thus the story of the deluge varies with the different tribes, 
 for each tribe makes the river or lake on which they dwelt the 
 scene where the tragedy was enacted. Generally the myth 
 bearers are certain inscribed rocks or caves, in which the serpent 
 
 *Faber. in his History of Idolatry, relates a story of the drawing out of a divinity from 
 the lakes and ponds of Great Biitain. 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES. 377 
 
 is a conspicuous figure; sometimes an island, or a headland, or 
 a waterfall will be pointed out as the place where the scene oc- 
 curred. 
 
 What is most remarkable about this myth is that it seems to 
 have prevailed among the Mound-builders. At least a pipe was 
 found, by Squier and Davis, in a mound in Ohio, with a snake 
 wrapped around the bowl, in a manner to suggest the story of 
 the serpent and the stump. See Fig. 3. There is also a pipe in 
 the Canadian Institute at Toronto that embodies this same myth. 
 At first sight it may seem as if it was a representative of the tree 
 and the serpent, but in reality it embodies the myth of the pine 
 tree, or pine stump, with its branches taken off. See Figs. 4 
 and 5. The pipe was found in a mound in Kentucky, opposite 
 the great fort at Lawrenceburg, Ind. It shows the branches of 
 a tree in relief on the side of the face ; also the coils of the ser- 
 
 Fic/f!. Uand 5. Serpent Tree and Face. 
 
 pent twisted tight about the throat. Tiie face is very g'lou "sh 
 and might well be taken as the portrait of Manibozho. The 
 eyes are expressive, as they are deep set, and yet the eye balls 
 project and depict agony, as if the parson was being strangled.* 
 (4.) The re-creating of the earth was the chief work of the 
 divinity. The manner in which this was done varies according 
 to the different tribes. The Canadian Indians say that the great 
 hare or the dawn god, which was virtually the same as Mani- 
 bozho, floated on a raft of wood, on which were animals of all 
 kinds. Seeing only swans and waterfowl, he pursuaded the 
 beaver, the otter and the muskrat to dive. He took up the grain 
 of sand and made a mountain of it. Manibozho started to go 
 
 *Other pipes found in the mounds illustrate myths still prevalent. A pipe found in 
 Ohio reprcseats ananim.il like a bear, with a woman's face, bat vvich a serpent wound around 
 the neck, the heal and tul on the breast of the woman. A pipe in the Illinois collection at 
 Chicago represents a trog carrying a cluinky stone or mace in its claw. .A. tassel falls from 
 the stone across the claw of the tr()g. Another pipe represents a man on his knees holding 
 a rabbit in his hands, the rabbit in an attitude as if ready to jump. There are also human 
 effigies wh.ch remind us of the myths of the culture heroes. 
 
378 NA Tl VE A MERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 around the mountain, but it increased in size and became the great 
 earth. When the Indians hear noises in the mountains they 
 know that the great hare is continuing his work. The story is 
 that he is still traveling about the mountain and the earth is still 
 growing. Schoolcraft says there is scarcely a prominent lake, 
 mountain, precipice or stream in the northern part of America 
 which is not hallowed in Indian story by the fabled deeds of this 
 great divinity * 
 
 The Pottowottamies say there were two great spirits, Kitche- 
 maneto and Matchemaneto. The former was the creator of the 
 world. He piled up the mountains and filled the valleys 
 with streams. The first creature made was a wolf. He threw it 
 into a lake and it was drowned. A storm arose and washed the 
 bones of the animal ashore. They were turned into a woman, 
 who bore the likeness of the Pottowottamies. f He made five 
 other beings for her companions, smoking weed (Usame), the 
 pumpkin (Wapaho), the melon (Eshkosimin), the bean (Kokees), 
 the yellow maize (Montamin).J 
 
 As to the process of world creation, we have a remarkable 
 analogy between the American myth and the story given by 
 Diodorus Siculus as the common tradition among the Egyptians. 
 After the flood there was chaos, and the mud (maut) was the 
 prevailing element. The mud was changed to human beings. 
 Some of them came out fully formed and were completely human; 
 others were partly animal and partly human; others still stuck in 
 the mud, the upper part perfect, but the lower part unfinished. § 
 
 (5.) The chief point v/hich we make in connection with the 
 myths of the creation is that the imagery is drawn entirely from 
 the local scenery, objects which were familiar to the aborigines. 
 This varies according to the tribe which repeats the myth, that 
 of the Ojibwas having been taken from the region ot the great 
 lakes and the falls of St. Marie, but that of the Abenakis con- 
 taining pictures of the rocks and forests ot the coast of Maine; 
 while with the Dakotas the imagery is taken from the pipe-stone 
 quarry, and that of the Haidas from the scenes of the northwest 
 coast, and that of the Clift-dwellers from the region of the great 
 plateaux. 
 
 The whale figures conspicuously in the Abenaki myths and 
 those of the northwest coast, but never appears in the myths of 
 the interior. There is one Algonkin myth, however, which 
 seems to refer to the whale. The story is that a great fish — the 
 king of fishes — swallowed Manibozho and his canoe. When he 
 
 *See Hiawatha Legends, p. 49. 
 
 tSee I.anman's "Records of a Tourist." 
 
 tThe Caddoes have also a story of a flood. They lived on an eminence on the Red River 
 of the South. After all tne world hud been destroyed by the tfood, the Great Spirit placed 
 one family of Caddoes on the eminence, and from them sprung: all the Indians. 
 
 §There is a tradition among the Pawnees that a race of giants was first created, but they 
 became mired in the soft mud before the waters of the flood were fully drawn off, and the 
 Dones of the mastodon occasionally found are the remains of this race. 
 
PERSONAL DIVINIIIES AND CLL7URE HEROES. 379 
 
 found that he was in the fish's belly, he sought to escape. He 
 looked in his canoe and saw his war-club, with which he struck 
 the heart of the fish. He then felt a sudden motion, as if the 
 fish was moving with velocity. The fish said, "I am sick at the 
 stomach." Manibozho then drew his canoe and placed it across 
 the fi.-.h's throat, to keep from being vomited into the deep. He 
 then renewed his attack upon the fish's heart, and succeeded by 
 repeated blows in killing it. He then heard birds scratching on 
 the body as it floated on the shore. All at once rays of light 
 broke in. The birds, which were sea-gulls, enlarged the orifice 
 and in a short time liberated him. The spot where the fish 
 happened to be driven ashore was near his lodge. This story 
 is given by Schoolcraft, but he does not tell what tribe it came 
 from. The event is evidently located on the sea rather than on 
 the lakes. It resembles the one among the Haidas already re- 
 ferred to, and reminds us of the story of Jonah in the whale's 
 belly. There is another myth of Manibozho acting as a fisher- 
 man. His hook is caught by the great serpent. It reminds us 
 of the Scandinavian story of Thor and the Midgard serpent.* 
 IV. We next come to the "Culture Heroes" of the Iroquois. 
 This remarkable people had many divinities, but the chief of them 
 was called loskeha, though he resembled Manibozho, the Algon- 
 kin divinity enough to be taken as the same. Hiawatha, the 
 founder of the Iroquois confederacy, has also been deified and 
 worshiped as a culture hero. There is no doubt that the 
 divinity loskeha was a personification of a nature power, as the 
 story of his birth and life and many adventures would indicate. 
 His brother was the troublesome Tawiskara, whose obstinacy 
 caused the mother's death. His mission was to water the earth. 
 He called forth the springs and brooks, the lakes and the broad 
 rivers, but his brother created an immense fog, which swallowed 
 all the water and left the earth as dry as it was before. He 
 pierced this fog and let the water out, and so fertilized the land. 
 He opened a cave in the earth and allowed to come forth all the 
 varieties of animals with which the woods and prairies are 
 peopled. t He contended with Tawiskara, his brother, and dealt 
 him a blow in the side. The blood flowed from the wound in 
 streams. The unlucky combatant fled toward the west, and as 
 he ran drops of blood fell on the earth and turned to flint stones. 
 The home of loskeha is in the far east. There was his cabin, 
 and there he dwelt with his grandmother, the wise Attensic. 
 This Attensic was a supernatural being who dwelt above the 
 earth when it was covered with water, and when the aquatic 
 animals and monsters of the deep were all the living creatures. 
 She threw herself through a rift in the sky and fell toward the 
 
 *See Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 445. 
 
 tThis story of letting the animals out from a cave reminds one of the Haida story of 
 the stars stolen from the box. the Cherokee story of the boys who opened the box and let 
 out the files, and of the Greek story of Prometheus, who let the fates out of the box. 
 
380 NA TIVE AMERICAN b YMBOLISM. 
 
 earth. Here a turtle, which dwelt in the primeval waters, offered 
 her his broad back as a resting place. Upon this mossbacked 
 turtle she sat, while a frog, or beaver, or some other animal, 
 brought her mud, Irom which she, with magic power, formed 
 dry land. It was the daughter of this Attensic who gave birth 
 to the two sons. The birth cost the mother her life. Her body- 
 was buried, and from it sprang the various vegetable productions 
 which the new earth required to fit it for the habitation of man. 
 From her head grew the pumpkin vine, from her breast the 
 maize, from her limbs the bean and other useful esculents. 
 
 There are many myths and traditions which perpetuate the 
 various exploits of this culture hero. The state of New York 
 abounds with localities where his spirit was supposed to have 
 dwelt. The point, however, which most interests us in this con- 
 nection is the extent with which the tradition of the flood was 
 associated with the culture hero of this entire region.* 
 
 Enough has been said to show that the chief divinity of the 
 Algonkins and Iroquois was very similar. About the only 
 difference is that the imagery of the Iroquois divinity partook of 
 the scenery of the state of New York, while that of the Algon- 
 kins partook of the different regions in which the several tribes 
 formerly dwelt. The same may be said of one of the divinities 
 of the Dakotas. This divinity, called Ictinike, is represented as 
 a trickster, resembling Glooscap. He answers to the Iowa 
 Ictcinke, the son of the sun-god, and to the Santee Unktomi 
 (spider). Ictcinke, the deceiver, taught the Indians their war 
 customs, but he was also a creator. He created fruits and veg- 
 etables out of parts of himself, as the Iroquois Attensic did out 
 of herself. 
 
 V. The chief divinities of the Dacotahs are to be identified 
 by the objects of nature in their territory. Catlin gives the 
 myths ot the Mandans, a branch of the Dacotahs. The one in 
 reference to the pipe-stone quarry is very interesting. The great 
 spirit at an ancient period called the Indian nations together 
 here. Standing on the precipice of the red pipe-stone rock, he 
 broke from its wall a piece and made a huge pipe, which he 
 smoked to the north, south, east and west. He told them that 
 this red stone was their flesh; that they must use it for their 
 pipes of peace; it belonged to all. At the last whiff of his pipe 
 his head went into a cloud, but the surface of the rock was 
 melted and glazed. Near this spot, on a high rock, was the 
 thunderer's nest. Here a bird sits upon her eggs during fair 
 weather. At the approach of a storm the skies are rent with 
 bolts of thunder, which is occasioned by the hatching of her 
 brood. Her mate is a serpent, whose fiery tongue destroys the 
 
 *The great Algfonkin deluge storv appears to have its analogies in the legends of the 
 Athabascans, the Sioux, the Iroquois, the Cherokees. besides various tribes of British Co- 
 lumbia and Canada, the Pueblos, the Navajos and the southern tribes. 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES 381 
 
 young as soon as they are hatched, and the fiery bolt darts 
 through the sky. Not far away, in the solid rock, are the foot- 
 steps of the thunder bird, the track where he formerly stood 
 when the blood of the buffalos which he was devouring ran into 
 the rocks and turned them red. A few yards away runs a beau- 
 tiful little stream, which leaps from the top of the precipice to 
 the basin below; and on the plain, a little distance beyond, the 
 five huge granite boulders, where was a shrine tor the guardian 
 spirits of the place. Here offerings of tobacco were made, and 
 on the surface of the rock were various marks and sculptured 
 figures, which were totems of the tribes which resorted there. 
 
 The Iv'nisteneaux version is, that at the time of a great freshet 
 which destroyed all the nations of the earth, the tribes of the 
 red men assembled at the great rock, called the Pyramid Rock, 
 to get out of the way of the waters. The water continued to 
 rise until it covered them all, and their flesh was converted into 
 red pipe stone. While they were all drowning- in a mass, a 
 young woman, K-wap-taw-w (a virgin), caught hold of the foot 
 of a very large bird that was flying over, and was carried to the 
 top of a high cliff not far off that was above the water. Here 
 she gave birth to twins, but their father was the war-eagle. Her 
 children have since peopled the whole earth. "The pipe-stone 
 is the flesh of their ancestors, and is smoked by them as the 
 symbol of peace, and the eagle's quill decorates the head of the 
 brave." 
 
 A tradition of the Sioux is as follows: "Before the creation 
 of man, the great spirit (whose tracks are yet to be seen on the 
 stones, at the Red Pipe stone quarry, in form of the tracks of a 
 large bird) used to slay the buffaloes and eat them on the ledge, 
 and their blood running on the rocks turned them red. One day 
 when a large snake had crawled into the nest of the bird to eat 
 his eggs, one of the eggs hatched out in a clap of thunder, and 
 the great spirit catching hold of a piece of the pipe-stone to 
 throw at the snake, moulded it into a man. This man's feet 
 grew fast in the ground, where he stood for many years, like a 
 great tree, and therefore he grew very old. He was older than 
 a hundred men at the present day. At last another tree grew 
 up by the side of him, when a large snake ate them both off at 
 the roots, and they wandered away. From these have sprung 
 all the people that now inhabit the earth." 
 
 This tradition of the tree and the serpent gnawing at the root 
 of a tree, reminds us of the Scandinavian myth. According to 
 this mvth the ash tree was the.tree of existence. This grew out 
 of Niffleheim. Its roots were in Nidhogg, and the fountain 
 Urdur-fount was near its roots. The great eagle perched on its 
 branches, but the serpent gnaws at the roots in Nidhogg. The 
 giant Hraesvelgur sits on heaven's edge, in the guise of an eagle, 
 and the winds rush down to the earth through his outspreading 
 
382 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 pinions. The squirrel, named Ratatosk, runs up and down the 
 tree and seeks to produce strife between the eagle and Nidhogg, 
 There are so many snakes in Nidhogg that no tongue can 
 recount them. These myths, contained in the Sagas, were put 
 too-ether in Iceland about looo A. D., but some of them may 
 have been easily transferred to the red Indians of America. 
 
 Among the Dacotahs the ash tree was very sacred, the serpent 
 was a great divinity, and the bird resembling the eagle was the 
 chief divinity. These were the symbols of the nature powers 
 and the conception may have arisen as a result of personifica- 
 tion, but the resemblance between the myths of the Dacotahs 
 and the Norsemen is very striking. There is a myth among the 
 Dacotahs which reminds us more thoroughly ot the Scandinavian 
 myth. A chart accompanies the myth. On this chart is a tree, 
 which represents the tree of life. By this tree flows a river, and 
 beneath the river is a red star, the morning star. Near this are 
 six stars, called the elm rod. Beneath these are the moon, 
 seven stars, and the sun. Under the "seven stars," the peace 
 pipe and war hatchet. Beneath these the lour heavens, or upper 
 worlds, through which the ancestors of the people passed before 
 they came to earth. They are represented by four lines, sup- 
 posed to be pillars. These four heavens are supported by an 
 oak tree. Beside the oak tree are earth lodges and villages. 
 There was a chant or song connected with this chart. It was 
 used by a secret society. The chart was tattooed on the throat 
 and chest ot the old man belonging to the order. The picture 
 of the chart and the picture of the ash tree of existence are quite 
 similar.* 
 
 The tendency to leave signs of their mythology upon the 
 rocks and cliffs, and in the caves, was very strong among the 
 Dacotahs. There is a belief in the Omaha tribe that before the 
 spirit finally departs from men, at death, they float toward a cliff 
 overhanging the Missouri, not far from the present Santee 
 Agency, and cut upon the rocks a picture showing the manner 
 of their death. It is said that these pictures are easily recog- 
 nized by the relatives and friends of the deceased. The place is 
 called, "Where the spirits make pictures of themselves. "f 
 
 The thunder god was a being of terrific proportions. It bears 
 the shape of a bird. There are four varieties of this bird, one is 
 black, with a long beak, and four joints to its wings. (See 
 Fig. 6.) Another is yellow, without beak, but with six quills 
 to its wing. The third is scarlet, and is remarkable for having 
 eight joints to its wing. The fourth is blue, with two plumes of 
 
 *See Fourth Annual Report Ethnological Bureau, p. 84. Also see Mallet's .Antiquities , 
 Frontispiece. , , ^. , ,, ^ ^,. • .. 
 
 tThe belief is common among the Omali^s and among the Ojibwas that the spirit 
 hovers about the grave. On this account food and water are placed at the heads of the 
 graves. Among the Ojibwas there is a little house constructed over the grave. The food 
 is placed upon the floor within the house, while the image which shows a totem of the 
 deceased is carved upon the gable of the howse— Journal of Folk Lore, March, iSSg, i>age 11. 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES. 
 
 383 
 
 down for wings. When this bird flies, it is hid by thick clouds. 
 The lightning is the flash of its eyes and the thunder the echo 
 of its voice. The house of this god is on a mound, which stands 
 on the summit of a hill, and opens to the four points of the 
 compass. Each doorway is watched by a sentinel, a butterfly 
 at the east, a bear at the west, reindeer at the north, and a beaver 
 at the south. He is represented in the human form. His eye- 
 brows are lines representing the sky, from which two chains of 
 lightning zig-zag downward. 
 
 Here we have the symbolism of the sky worship which pre- 
 vailed among the Zunis, but localized among the Dacotahs. 
 Another divinity of the Dacotahs is called the "moving god." 
 He holds the four winds. He invented the spear and the toma- 
 hawk and grave them lo the Indians. His home is in the 
 
 Ficj.e.— Tlmndcr Bird. 
 
 Fift. 7.—IIeyoka as a Hunter. 
 
 boulders, and the boulders are always worshiped as symbols of 
 the divinity. The stone god Toohkan is another divinity. He 
 is the oldest god. His symbol is the Lingam. His home is the 
 round or oval stone, about the size of a man's head. This is 
 often painted red and covered with swan's down. 
 
 There is a round stone at Red Wing which was formerly vis- 
 ited by the Dacotahs and painted red as a reminder of the 
 divinity. This stone was thrown into the water by the whites, 
 but was replaced by the Indians. Another stone, near St. Paul, 
 was painted in a similar way. This has been described by the 
 Rev. H. C. Ilovey. Rock inscriptions in a cave near St. Paul 
 have been described by Mr. T. H. Lewis. One of these has the 
 shape of an immense bird with drooping wings. See Fig. 6. 
 This was evidently designed to represent this divinity. The 
 feathers in the wings of this bird are drooping, and possibly may 
 symbolize the falling of rain. There is serpent form attached to 
 the head. This may symbolize the lightning. It was evidently 
 designed to represent the thunder bird. A similar figure may' 
 be seen in a cave in Allamakee County, Iowa. In the same cave 
 
384 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 are human faces, with horns rising out of the faces. In the 
 same region are pictures of snakes, animals, canoes and cres- 
 cents. In Reno cave, in Houston County, Minnesota, there are 
 carvings to lepresent birds and men. One figure represents a 
 man with large hands, to represent clouds, and a crooked head, 
 to represent lightning, and a circle enclosed \n a triangle, to 
 represent the sun. See Fig. 8. In Lamoille cave, in Minnesota, 
 there is a man with upraised arms. The upper parts of the arms 
 are in the shape of plants. See Fig. 9. This was a human tree 
 figure. 
 
 Oonktaghe is the god of the waters. He wears the horns of 
 an ox as symbols of power; but has the human form. See 
 Figs. 10 and ii.\ This divinity is niale and female. The dwelling 
 place of the male is the water and the female the earth. The 
 Dacotahs offer sacrifices both to the water and to the earth. It 
 
 Fig. S.— Lightning God. Fig. v.— Human Tree. 
 
 was this god which Carter speaks of as a spirit which dwells 
 under the falls of St. Anthony, in a cave of awful dimensions. 
 The god Oonktaghe taught the Dacotahs what colors to use, but 
 Heyoka told them how many streaks to paint upon their bodies. 
 The use of paint with the Dacotahs was always symbolic. Scarlet 
 cr red was always for sacrifice; blue was the symbol of the sky. 
 There was no temple for worship among them. Rites of initia- 
 tion and of purification were common, as among other tribes, 
 but the details were peculiar to themselves. The iniation of 
 warriors was similar to that of the Mandans, and the same 
 cruelties were practiced. The medicine men were sorcerers and 
 -icted as jugglers and exorcists. There was a religious society 
 among them that was full of symbolism. The supernatural was 
 always present with them. Everything mysterious was called 
 Wakan, which is identical with the Great Spirit of modern times. 
 The animals were mingled with the human beings. 
 
 VI. The Cherokees also had their culture hero. This singular 
 people was formerly located in the mountains of north Georgia, 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES. 385 
 
 eastern Tennessee and North Carolina, and might be called 
 the mountain people. They were once located on the Ohio 
 river and were probably a branch of the Iroquois, but they were 
 driven south by the Algonkins and became mingled with the 
 Muscogees. Their divinities are not so well known as those ot 
 other tribes, but there is a resemblance between their myths and 
 those of the northern Indians, and yet there was a mingling of 
 the southern system of sun worship with their mythology. We 
 find ourselves on the borders of another system, a system of sky 
 worship, which was allied to that of the cliff dwellers, and yet 
 has the characteristics of the Iroquois and the Algonkin myth- 
 ologies. The best information is that furnished by the collection 
 of manuscripts gathered by Mr. James Mooney, written in the 
 Cherokee alphabet. Mr. Mooney says that the exposition ot 
 aboriginal religion could be obtained from no other tribe so well. 
 
 Figs. 10 and 11. — Oonklaghe. 
 
 for the simple reason that no other tribe has an alphabet of its 
 own. Like the Celtic Druids, the shamans or priests found it 
 necessary to cultivate a long memory, but among the Cherokees 
 the alphabet enabled them to commit the record to writing. 
 The religion of the Cherokees is animal worship, and the begin- 
 nings in which elements and the great powers of nature were 
 deified. 
 
 Their pantheon includes gods of the heaven above, the earth 
 beneath and the waters under the earth The animal gods 
 constitute the most numerous class. Among these are the great 
 horned serpent, rattlesnake, terrapin, hawk, rabbit, squirrel. 
 The spider was prominent; his duty was to entangle the soul in 
 the meshes of his web, or to pluck it from the body and to drag 
 it away to the black coffin and the darkening land. There are 
 elemental gods, fire, water, and sun. The sun is called une' 
 lamihi, "the apportioner;" the water, "long person," referring to 
 the river. 
 
 In their myths we recognize the culture hero as a creator; also 
 the two brothers. The earth is a flat surface; the sky an arch of 
 
386 NA Tl VE AMERICAN S YMBOLISM. 
 
 solid rock suspended above it. The arch rises and falls continu- 
 ally day and night. The sun is a man so bright that no one can 
 look at him. He comes through the eastern opening every 
 morning, travels acrsss the heavens and disappears in the western 
 opening and returns by night to the starting point. This story 
 of the sun traveling back to its starting point by an underground 
 path, is very common and wide-spread. Ellis speaks of it as 
 prevailing in the South Sea Islands. 
 
 One story is, that here lived great snakes, glittering as the sun 
 and having two horns on the head. The last of which was 
 killed by a Shawnee Indian. He found it high up on the 
 mountain. He kindled a great fire of pine cones in a circle; as 
 he jumped into the circle a stream of poison poured from the 
 snake. He shot his arrow into the seventh stripe of the ser- 
 pent's skin. On the spot on which the serpent had been killed, 
 a lake formed, the water of which was black. 
 
 This conception of the horned snake is very common. The 
 Jesuits found a legend among the Hurons of a monstrous ser- 
 pent, called Nuniout, who wore on his head a horn that pierced 
 rocks, trees and hills. Dr. D. G. Brinton thinks that the tale 
 was carried from the Creeks and Cherokees to the Hurons by 
 the Shawnees. It may, however, have been inherited by the 
 Cherokees from the Iroquois.* He also thinks that the horn 
 symbolized the strength of the lightning, the horn of the serpent 
 of the heavens, which pierces trees and rocks. 
 
 Another story is connected with Looking Glass mountain. A 
 man whose name was "Kanati," the lucky hunter, and his wife, 
 who was called "Selu", the corn, had a son, who was accustomed 
 to play by the river every day. The boy told about a wild boy 
 who called himself elder brother, and who came out of the 
 water. The parents managed to seize this wild boy and take 
 him home, but he was always artful and led his brother into 
 mischief and to be disobedient. Kanati kicked the covers off 
 from four jars in the corner, when out came swarms of bed bugs, 
 fleas and gnats, which crawled all over the boys and bit and 
 stung them. The boys finally killed the mother and dragged 
 the body around in a circle. Wherever her blood fell on the 
 ground the corn sprang up. This is the reason why corn grows 
 only in a few places. They contended with the wolves; they 
 ran around the house until they made a trail, except on one side 
 where they left a small open space. The trail changed to a high 
 fence. When the wolves came the boys passed in through the 
 opening; the wolves could not jump over the fence; the boys 
 took their arrows and shot those inside the fence, and after- 
 wards set fire to the grass and bushes outside the fence and 
 burned nearly all the other wolves. 
 
 Their next exploit was: The wild boy got a wheel and rolled 
 
 *See Myths of the New World, p. 119. See Chapter 111, on the Serpent Symbol. 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND CULTURE HEROES. 387 
 
 it in various directions, so as to find their father, the Kanati. 
 The wheel rolled in the direction in which it was always night, 
 but came rolling back. He then rolled it to the south and the 
 north and it came back; at last he rolled it toward the sun land, 
 and the two brothers followed it. After several days they found 
 Kaniti with a dog by his side. The dog was the wheel which 
 they had sent after him to find him. This conception of the 
 wheel is very rare among the uncivilized tribes, though it was 
 very common among the civilized rrces of Europe and Asia. 
 The Basques were accustomed to roll the wheel through the 
 fields as a symbol of the sun. There are symbols on the rocks 
 of Arizona which resemble wheels. Others which resemble 
 sphinxes, and there are shell gorgets in the Cherokee territory 
 which contain circles and crescents and crosses with curved arms, 
 symbolizing the revolution of the season. Mr. Staniland Wake 
 has an article on the subject. 
 
 Among the Cherokees there is a story of a serpent. The 
 conjurer, by his magic spells, coils the great serpent around the 
 house of a sick man to keep off the witches, but he is always 
 careful to leave a small open space between the head and tail of 
 the snake, so that the members of the family can go down to the 
 spring to get water. This myth seems to have been wide- 
 spread, for there is an effigy of a snake in Wisconsin which 
 marks the site of a lodge circle. This effigy is near a spring of 
 water called Mineral Springs. The opening between the head 
 and tail of the snake is toward the spring. There are not many 
 of the Cherokee myths which have been identified with any 
 particular objects of nature, though the old men who retain the 
 myths always look back to the region from which they came, 
 their memory associating the myth with the mountains and 
 rivers. A fragment of the tribe still remains east of the Allegheny 
 mountains. These identify the myths with particular spots. 
 
C UL2 IRE HEROES AND DEIFIED KINGS 389 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 CULTURE HEROES AND DEIFIED KINGS. 
 
 One of the most interesting subjects connecred with American 
 archaeology is the one which relates to "Culture Heroes and 
 Deified Kings." Much has been said about the " Heroes." and 
 many theories have been adopted to account for their origin and 
 history, but as to the kings little has been written, for there 
 seems to be but little known. That there were different classes 
 of divinities v/hich were worshiped by the native races will be 
 acknowledged. Some of them were the personifications of 
 nature powers; others semi-historic human divinities; still 
 others actual historic characters or potentates. It remains, 
 however, for the'archaeologists to identify these, and make known 
 the localities where they were worshiped. This is the task which 
 we have set before us in this paper. We shall first take the tes- 
 timony of the historians and see what they say in reference to 
 the "Culture Heroes." We shall next take the testimony of the 
 monuments, and from them endeavor to trace the relation of the 
 "Culture Heroes" to the "nature powers." Lastly, we shall 
 speak of the various statues and images, which have perpetuated 
 the record of the "Deified Kings." In all of these departments 
 we shall seek aid from the study of the myths and symbols. 
 Our object will be to distinguish between the three classes of 
 symbols, those which represent the " nature powers," those 
 which relate to the "Culture Heroes," and those which show that 
 royalty was represented. There may be a difficulty about sepa- 
 rating the first two classes, for the nature powers were often per- 
 sonified, and the element of personality was hidden behind the 
 symbols; but this is not the case with the third class, for the 
 portraits and decorations of the kings are apparent. We shall 
 give attention especially to the symbols of the Mayas, for it is 
 among them that the statues of deified kings are to be found; 
 but we shall also take the symbols of the other civilized race 
 so-called, such as the Nahuas, by way of comparison. Our 
 chief inquriy will be whether the "Culture Heroes" of these 
 races can be identified by their monuments. 
 
 I. First let us take the testimony of history. 
 
 I. The two nations, the Nahuas and Mayas, were for a long 
 time associated together, and borrowed from one another customs 
 and habits, even symbols and mythologies, though the Mayas 
 were much the older, and their culture was really more advanced. 
 
390 NA IIVE A ME RICA N S YMBOLISM. 
 
 Their history may be divided into several epochs or periods, the 
 first period being that of the Maya supremacy, which began 
 before the Christian era. Bancroft says, "It is not likely that 
 the Maya empire in its integrity continued later than the fourth 
 century, though the epoch of its highest power preceded, rather 
 than followed, the Christian era." The second was the Toltec 
 period, which commenced about 647 A. D.; the third, the.Chicemec, 
 commenced with the twelfth century, and the fourth was the 
 Aztec period, commencing 1363 A. D. It was during the Toltec 
 period that that mysterious person, called Quetzatlcoatl, appeared 
 and introduced the various arts of civilization, and an elaborate 
 system of religion. He was the great "Culture Hero" of the Na- 
 huas, and the pontiff king of Tulan. He effected many religious 
 innovations, and was distinguished for his opposition to human 
 sacrifice. Temples to his honor were erected at Cholula and in 
 all parts of Anahuac. His reign was a short one. He retired 
 before the machinations of his enemy, Tezcatlipoca. Who he 
 was and where he came from is altogether unknown, yet such 
 was his character that he impressed himself, not only upon the 
 Toltecs and the Nahuas, but also upon the entire Maya race, 
 for there are culture heroes mentioned in the history of all 
 the tribes of Mexico and Central America, though under the 
 different names of Votan, Cuculkan, Gucumatz, and Quetzatl- 
 coatl, according to nationality. Some writers have explained 
 this on the theory that they were only personifications of the great 
 sun divinity, and have compared them to the various culture 
 heroes which have appeared in the early history of all nations. 
 Quetzatlcoatl is represented by the Aztec historians as a white 
 man, wearing a beard and enveloped in a garment covered with 
 crosses, and resembling an European monk or priest. Some 
 have accounted for him by the supposition that two personages 
 have been confounded; one the early "culture hero," an entirely 
 mythical character, another the pontiff king of Tulan, who 
 assumed dominion about 873 A. D. His reign in Cholula lasted 
 about ten years. Others have imagined that some visitor from 
 a foreign shore had appeared and introduced great reformations, 
 and this gave rise to the traditions, 
 
 Quetzatlcoatl was the great divinity of the Toltecs and repre- 
 sented the more gentle and humane religious tendencies which 
 prevailed among them, and which were supplanted by the cruel 
 and warlike religion of the Aztecs. He was the feathered serpent 
 or serpent bird. We recognize in his name, and in the legends 
 concerning him, the god of the wind or air, which was known in 
 Central America under the varying names of Cuculkan (bird 
 serpent), Hurakan (hurricane), Gucumatz (feathered serpent), 
 Votan (serpent). He was always a serpent, either feathered or 
 flying.* He reminds us ot the beneficent gods of the ancient 
 
 ♦Reveille's "Native Religions of Mexico." i . 57. 
 
,^?$*as» 
 
 m 
 
 Jfe^SSfWrc 
 
 
 FEMALE STATUE FROM COPAN. 
 
BACK OF FEMALE aTATUE. 
 
CULTURE HEROES AND DEIFIED KINGS. 393 
 
 world, Dios or Jupiter Pluvius, of the Greeks; Ormuzd,* of the 
 Persians; Varuna, of the Hindoos; Tien, of China, who were 
 embodiments of good. 
 
 In the Maya traditions the person whose name appears first 
 is Zamna, a son of the chief deity, who taught the people the 
 hieroglyphic alphabet and gave a name to each locality of Yucu- 
 tan. He played the same role here that Votan did in Chiapas. 
 The same events are recorded in the Yucatec, Tzendal, Quiche 
 and the Toltec traditions. According to a Maya tradition, this 
 culture hero came to America and apportioned the land to the 
 people. He came by sea from the east. He built a great city, 
 the city ot the serpents, and became a law-giver and civilizer, the 
 introducer of the Maya culture, and after his appearance was 
 worshiped as a god. 
 
 Votan was also a divinity among the Mayas. He corresponded 
 m his history to Quetzatlcoatl of the Mexicans. Bancroft makes 
 him the first historian of his people. "He wrote a book on the 
 origin of the race, though at times he seems to be a mythic 
 creation, a sort of mediator between man and God, and at times 
 a sort of legislator. He portioned out the land. He founded 
 Palenque, the future metropolis of a mighty kingdom. He was 
 supposed to be the founder of civilization. He came by sea 
 from the east. He made four mysterious visits. Still he was not 
 the first to appear, for American civilization was already in ex- 
 istence. After his death he was deified, and may be regarded as 
 one of the deified kings. It was in the days of this ancient 
 Maya glory, when Votan and his successors reigned, that the 
 kings played roles, to a great extent mythical, combining the 
 powers of legislators, teachers, high priests and monarchs. Then 
 came a famous personage, bearing a striking resemblance in his 
 traditionary career to the Quetzatlcoatl of the Nahuas, called 
 Cuculkan, whom, some think, was an historical personage, and 
 others imagine to be only a personification of the sun or some 
 of the nature powers. f" 
 
 There were two distinct cycles of myths in Yucatan. The 
 earlier related to Itzamna, the later referred to Cuculkan. It was 
 a tradition among the natives that the most ancient emigration 
 was from che east across the ocean, the later was from the west. 
 The former was called the great arrival, the other the less arrival. 
 Itzamna was the guide, instructor and civilizer. He was the first 
 priest, and taught them the proper rites to please their gods. He 
 invented the characters or letters with which the Mayas wrote 
 their numerous books. He devised their calendar. As city- 
 builder and king, his history is associated with the noble edifices 
 of Itzamal.;]; There was a temple at Itzamal consecrated to him 
 as the eye of the day. the bird of fire, Kin-ich-kak-mo — Kin, the 
 
 ♦See Lockyer's Dawn of Astronomy, page 6. 
 
 tBancroft, Vol. 111. p. 6.\^. 
 
 tCharnay speaks of finding a gigantic face at the foot of the pyramid at Itzamal. 
 
394 NA Tl VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 sun; ich, the eye; kak, fire; mo, sacred bird, the brilliant 
 plumaged guacamaya, the red macay. This was the word 
 adopted as the name of the ruler of Chichen-Itza. Some have 
 derived the name Itzamna irom sam, early; yam, first; Zamalyam, 
 the dawn, the aurora, the dew, the son of the morning. The 
 symbol which represented this divinity and culture hero was 
 the sun's disk, which shot forth its scorching rays.* There was 
 a temple sacred to him, to which the people resorted, and at high 
 noon spread a sacrifice upon the altar. The moment the sun 
 reached the zenith, a bird of brilliant plumage, which was noth- 
 ing less than a fiery flame, shot from the sun, descended and 
 consumed the offering in the sight of all. His shrine was ex- 
 tremely popular, and to it pilgrimages were made from such 
 remote regions as Tabasco, Guatemala and Chiapas. Four paved 
 roads were constructed to this shrine, from the north, south, east 
 and west, straight to the quarters ot the four winds.f Associated 
 with Itzamna were the four Bacabs, or gods of the winds, each 
 identified with a particular color and the cardinal points ; the first, 
 that of the south, yellow; the east, red; the north,- white; and 
 the west, black. The winds and rains from these directions were 
 under the charge of these gods. 
 
 Bishop Landa says they represented four brothers, who sup- 
 ported the four corners of the heavens, who blew the winds from 
 the four cardinal points, and presided over the four dominical 
 signs of the calendar. Each year in the calendar was supposed 
 to be under the influence of one of these brothers. They were 
 the sons of Ich-chal, the goddess of the rain-bow, who was the 
 wife of the light god and mother of the rain gods, since the 
 rainbow is never seen but during a shower, and while the sun is 
 shining. These four divinities were called "chacs," giants. They 
 were gods of fertility; they watered the crops; they presided 
 over streams and wells; they were divinities whose might was 
 manifested in the thunder. They were represented as enormous 
 giants, standing like pillars at the four cornei s of the earth, and 
 supporting the heavens. They were worshiped under the symbol 
 of the cross, the four arms of which represented the four car- 
 dinal points. This was regarded as a tree, and in the Maya 
 tongue was called the "tree of life." The celebrated cross at 
 Palenque]: is one of its representations. There was another such 
 cross in a temple on the island of Cozumel. This was a symbol 
 of the four rain gods, the Bacabs. In periods of drought, offer- 
 ings were made to it of birds, and it was sprinkled with water. 
 The festival to the gods of the harvest occurred in the early 
 spring. In this festival Itzamna was worshiped as the leader of the 
 Bacabs. and an important rite called the "extinction of the fire" 
 
 *The iace of the sun may be seen in the shrine at Palenque, Casa No. 4: thebird on 
 the cross, Casa No. 2; the tree of life and cross. Casa No. ■;; the three tablets Casa No. i. 
 tChichen was a holy city among ancient cities, p. 3;;,, Landa. See xiii, p. 344. 
 iSee Plates of the crosses at Palencjue. 
 
CULTURE HEROES AND DEIFIED KINGS. 395 
 
 was performed.* The Bacabs were supposed to blow the winds 
 from the four corners of the earth through wind instruments or 
 trumpets. t It was in the second period of the Mayas that Cu- 
 culkan appeared, and was the culture hero. This period was later 
 than that of Itzamna, though its date is unknown and the sym- 
 bols were different. The natives affirm that there were twenty 
 men, the chief of whom was Cuculkan, that they wore long 
 robes and sandals on their feet, had long beards, and their heads 
 were bare. Cuculkan was the tutelar divinity of Yucatan, as 
 Votan was of Chiapas, and Ouetzatlcoatl was of Cholula. His 
 name means "feather serpent," the "mighty serpent."^ He was 
 worshiped in Chichen-Itza, a city whose ruins still rank among 
 the most imposing in Central America. A temple was built in 
 his honor. It was unlike others in Yucatan. It had circular 
 walls, and tour doors, which were directed toward the four cardi- 
 nal points, with a staircase guarded by serpents. Under the 
 beneficent rule of Cuculkan the nation enjoyed its halcyon days. 
 At length the time drew near for him to depart; he gathered the 
 chiefs together and expounded to them his laws, then took his 
 journey westward toward the setting sun. The people believe 
 that he ascended to the heavens, and from his lofty house he 
 watches over the interests of his adherents. Such was the tra- 
 dition of the mythical hero as told by the Itzas. Previous to the 
 destruction of Mayapan, temples were built to him, and he was 
 worshiped throughout the land. One version of the tradition 
 about Cuculkan makes him arrive from the west and return to 
 the west, while that concerning Itzamna and Quetzatlcoatl was 
 that they came from the east and returned to the east. With this 
 exception the chief divinity and "culture hero" of the Mayas and 
 Nahuas seem to have been very similar. There is another point 
 in which they resemble one another, they all prophecied their 
 return. These prophecies were obscure, but they distinctly re- 
 fer to the arrival of white and bearded strangers from the east, 
 who should control the land, and alter the prevailing religion. 
 These prophecies gave rise to the general expectation, so that 
 the Spaniards were surprised to find themselves welcomed as the 
 divinities whose advent had been foretold. 
 
 The culture hero of the Peruvians was like those of the Mayas 
 and Nahuas with one exception, he seemed to have been 
 at the outset worshiped as a supreme being.§ Vira Cocha 
 was the name of this "culture hero," and divinity.|l He was 
 the first cause and ground of all things. He made the sun, 
 formed the moon, and gave her light; he created the beautiful 
 aurora, the dawn goddess; the twilight, whose messengers were 
 
 *Brinton's Hero Mytlis. See description on page 195. 
 
 tThe Mandans say that four tortoises vomit out the rains; the Navajoes that four swans 
 drained tlie eartli: the Riches that four animals brought the maize. 
 
 :|See Bancroft's Antiquities, page 22c), and Native Races. \'ol. Ill, page 325. 
 tjSee Brinton's Gods of the Kicbcs, also Native Myths. 
 llMyths of the New World. 
 
396 NA 2IVE A MERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 the fleecy clouds, who, when she shakes her clustering hair, drops 
 noiselessly pearls of dew on the green grassy fields. Invisible 
 himself, the rays of light were his messengers, faithful soldiers, 
 "shining ones," who conveyed his decrees to every part. He was 
 worshiped as a creator. He was not the sun, but was the creator 
 of the sun, the incarnation of the infinite creator. The legend 
 is, that two brothers started from the distant east, and journeyed 
 to the west, and gave names to the places as they passed. They 
 reached the western ocean, and having accomplished all they had 
 to do in this world, they ascended into heaven. Still there is a 
 myth that Vira Cocha was human. At a remote period he ap- 
 peared to the tribes as an elderly man, with white hair and flowing 
 beard, supporting himself on a staff' and clothed in flowing robes. 
 He met the same fate as other wise teachers. According to 
 another myth, he had a host of attendants, white and bearded 
 like himself. When they reached the sea, they walked out upon 
 the waves and disappeared in the west. His name means "foam 
 of the sea." Dr, Brinton thinks that this story is founded upon 
 the personification of the sun, the god of light and of wind. The 
 Peruvians expected the return of Vira Cocha, so that the Span- 
 iards found themselves expected guests in the realms of the Incas 
 as well as in Yucatan. There were "culture heroes" among the 
 other races of South America. In the lofty plateau of the Andes, 
 in New Granada, was the home of the Muyscas, who were skilled 
 in smelting and beating the precious metals, and were fond of 
 agriculture. They attributed their various arts to the instruc- 
 tions of a wise stranger, who came from the east, and whose 
 path led to the holy temple at Sogomoso. His hair was abund- 
 ant, his beard fell to his waist, and he was dressed in long flowing 
 robes. At night he retired into a cave in the mountain, and 
 again reappeared in the morning. His name was Chimizapagua. 
 Another name applied to the hero god was Bochica. He is 
 represented as the supreme male divinity, whose female associate 
 is the rainbow, the goddess of rains and waters, and fertility, 
 fields and child-bearing. There were culture heroes also in 
 Brazil and even in Paraguay, one of which was named Tamu or 
 Zume, called our ancestor, whom the natives regarded as a ben- 
 evolent old man, to whom they attributed their arts. He came 
 from the east, the sun-rising, and went towards the east. The 
 impress of his feet was left upon the rock, and a well-marked 
 path was pointed out here as the path of Bochica in New Granada. 
 The interpretation of these various myths given by Dr. D. G. 
 Brinton is that they were all based upon the personification of 
 the sun or the god of light, since the most of them came from 
 the east, though he does not explain why they went back to the 
 
 ♦The culture hero of the Moqui Cliff-dwellers was a personage who appeared poorly 
 clad and was for a time despised, but he introduced many arts, and is now looked upon 
 under the name of Montezuma, as the great divinity and benefactor. 
 
BEARDED KING AT COPAN. 
 
BURIED STATUE AT COPAN, 
 
CIJLTURE HEROES AND DEIFIED KINGS. 399 
 
 east. The strange thing about these heroes is that they all 
 have beards and wear long robes, which are sometimes covered 
 with crosses. They were evidently prehistoric in their appearance, 
 and were worshiped as divinities; and yet when we come Jto 
 identify them in the monuments, we find few human figures 
 which have either beards, or robes covered with crosses.* 
 
 II. This leads us to the study of the monuments. Do these 
 anywhere furnish testimony as to the " Culture Heroes." so that 
 we can identify them, and fix upon the localities where they were 
 worshiped? This is an important question, for by the answer 
 we may not only decide as to the difference between the myths 
 and the traditions, but verify history. In taking the testimony 
 of the monuments, we shall consult those authors who have 
 visited them, and made a study of them, among whom Mr. J. L. 
 Stephens is regarded as chief This gentleman, in 1840, started 
 with his companion, Mr. Catherwood, from New York for Nica- 
 ragua. The two were fortunate enough to strike upon the very 
 localities where the chief cities of the ancient Mayas were situ- 
 ated, some of which had been seen by the Spaniards, but the 
 majority of them were totally unknown to the conquerors. They 
 were surprised at the extent and magnificence of the ruins, but 
 were able to visit many of them, and take sketches of the chief 
 buildings and statues and works of art, and to write out descrip- 
 tions of the same. The ruins were scattered over a wide region 
 ot country, some of them in Honduras (Quirigua, Copan), 
 others in Guatemala (Quiche, Quezaltenago), others in Chi- 
 apas (Ocosingo, Palenque), others in Yucatan (Uxmal, Chichen- 
 Itza, Merida, Kabah), all of them bearing the marks of 
 ancient Maya civilization. The publication of their work made 
 a great sensation, and was for the science of archaeology nearly 
 as important an event as the discovery of America was for his- 
 tory. A few explorers had, to be sure, visited the region before,t 
 and still others followed; but the work of Stephens is the most 
 valuable of all. Bancroft says, "The accuracy of his survey 
 cannot be called in question." It was with great difficulty that 
 the overhanging forest trees were cleared away, and the lines 
 were run out which secured the platting of the various ruins, and 
 the location of the pyramids, palaces, temples and altars, with 
 relation to one another; but it was owing to these measurements 
 that we learn the length, breadth and height of the various p}'ra- 
 mids, the size of the shrines upon them; also the height and 
 
 *Charnay discovered sculptured door-posts at Chichen-Itza on which bearded men were 
 depicted. Stephens has described two of the idols or portrait statues at Copan as haying 
 beards. Neither of these have crosses on their garments, though there are different Icinds 
 of crosses among the symbols. 
 
 tWaldeck, a French artist, in 1S35; Norman, from New Orleans, in '43; Charnay, the 
 French author, in '5S and again in '7S; Friederichsthal in '41; Capt. Del Rio, 1795; Dupaix, 
 1805 Col. Galindo. governor of the province of Peten, C. A., explored Copan in 1S3;, and 
 published an account in the bulletin of the Societe de Geographic of Paris and in .Ameri- 
 can <ntiquari.a,n, Soc, Xrans., Vol. II, p. 545. 
 
400 NA TlYE A MERICA N S YMBOLISM. 
 
 breadth of the terraces which formed the platforms to the palaces; 
 the size and location of the different rooms in the palaces, their 
 courts and corridors; also the length of the walls surrounding 
 the palaces; the size of the carved pillars and gigantic faces and 
 sculptured altars which surrounded the pyramids; also the length 
 and breadth of the tablets confined within the shrines or adora- 
 torios. From these we determine the character of the different 
 buildings, and decide which were devoted to purposes of royalty, 
 which were used for religious objects, and even decide as to the 
 use of the different apartments in each of the buildings. The 
 description of Mr. Stephens reveals to us the beauty of the 
 sculpture and the magnificence of the architecture, as well as 
 the grandeur of the ruins. It is, however, owing to the 
 skillful hand of the artist Catherwood, that we are furnished 
 with drawings which bring out in detail all the ornaments which 
 were wrought into the fagades of the palaces and of the shrines, 
 and even the sculptured figures or portraits embodied in the stat- 
 ues, and are able to study the symbols and hieroglyphics which 
 appear on them in great numbers. The plates in the book are 
 among the chief sources of authority and information on these 
 subjects, and well repay examination. These gentlemen found 
 the most interesting objects at Copan.* The ruins here were two 
 miles in extent, and seemed to represent a palace with court-yards, 
 and buildings around the courts, situated upon terraced pyramids, 
 with wide steps leading to the buildings, colossal heads upon the 
 sides of the pyramids, and, what is most interesting of all, nine- 
 teen statues, covered with the most elaborate sculptured orna- 
 ments, and containing the figures which may have been the 
 portraits of the kings and queens who occupied the palace. 
 There were altars covered with most elaborate symbols near 
 seven of these statues, conveying the idea that sacrifices may 
 have been offered to the kings. The sculpture upon some of 
 the statues filled the travelers with astonishment, for it was very 
 beautiful and elaborate, as can be seen from an examination of 
 the plates and the cuts. Quirigua, about twenty miles distant, 
 presented also a collection of statues of the same general char- 
 acter as those at Copan, but somewhat larger; they were carved 
 pillars, with figures on the front and back, and heiroglpyhics 
 on the sides, some of them twenty-three feet above the ground, 
 with a base projecting fifteen or sixteen feet. At Quiche there was 
 an extensive fortress, surrounded with ravines, a palace and a 
 place of sacrifice, but no statues were visible. The place of 
 sacrifice was an isolated pyramid, broken and ruined, but was 
 supposed to be an altar erected for the sacrifice of human victims.! 
 At Palenque| were the most extensive ruins, most of the build- 
 
 *For the ground plan of the palace at Copan, see chapter vii, page 171. 
 tincidents of Travel, pp. 171. 309. 3i9- , . „ 
 
 JThe shrines at Palenque are shown in the chapter on Pyramids, pp. 182-1S3. 
 
CULTURE HEROES AND DEIFIED KINGS. 401 
 
 ings facing the cardinal points; there were palaces with corridors 
 and courts, and sculptured groups in the courts, also a shrine, 
 with a sculptured tablet in the shrine. Near by, were various 
 temples or shrines which contained the tablets, and were named 
 after the tablets : the temple of the cross, the temple of the sun, 
 the temple of the three tablets. These shrines or adoratorios 
 presented on their facades many remarkable figures in bas-relief, 
 some of which evidently represented divinities, or the priests 
 which presided. At Ocosingo, in Chiapas, was a terraced hill or 
 elevation, and on the summit a pyramid which supported a stone 
 building eleven by eighteen feet. Over the doorway, on the out- 
 side, was the stucco ornament which resembled the winged 
 globe of the Egyptian temples.* At Uxmal was the most inter- 
 esting group of ruins. Here was the building known as the gover- 
 nor's house, or Casa de la Gobernador; a pyramid rising in three 
 terraces, the sides measuring five hundred and forty-five feet and 
 reaching the height of forty feet. It supports a building three 
 hundred and twenty-two feet long, thirty-nine feet wide and 
 twenty-six feet high, with two rows of corridors, and heavy 
 cornices, and above the cornice, beautiful sculpture. Here was 
 the two-headed idol and the picot.f also the Casa de Palomas, 
 also the Casa de la Viega or old woman's house, so named from 
 a statue lying near its front ; also the Casa de Monjas, or Nunnery, 
 with its four interior faQades, fronting the court, with the cornice, 
 which covered over twenty-four thousand square feet for the four 
 buildings, filled with elegant and elaborate sculpture. This 
 building was remarkable for its symbolism. Over the doorways 
 of the southern court were the ornaments which resembled a 
 small hut or shrine, with a statue seated within the door, and 
 above the shrine was the ornament resembling the human face 
 and eye; lattice work and ranges of pillars on either side, J On 
 the eastern court were horizontal bars terminating in serpents' 
 heads, on which hung a gigantic mask or human face with 
 peculiar head-dress, ear pendants and protruding tongue,§ On 
 the western court was the serpent temple, a building whose 
 faqade was covered with lattice work, ornaments in the shape of 
 the Greek fret and two massive serpents in relief, which formed 
 the panels, their bodies interlacing and surrounding the entire 
 front, the tail and head at either end of the building with a 
 human face within the jaws. At Chichen-Itza were the numerous 
 buildings which were called the "castle," the approach to which 
 was guarded by the serpent balustrade; also the "gymnasium" 
 ' with its stone rings in the shape of serpents; also the buildings 
 in which were the figures sculptured in bas-relief, representing 
 
 ♦This winged figure resembled that on the facade at Palenque. See page 133. 
 tCharnay says, "that picots were placed in the center of the plaza of the palace at 
 Qhichen-Itza, and slaves were fastened to them to be punished. 
 
 \A cut of this ornament may be seen in "Cliff-dwellings and Ruined Cities," page 307. 
 glbid., page 325. See also Bancroft's Antiquities., page 1S3. 
 
4U2 iV^4 7 1 VE A MERICA N S YMBOLISM. 
 
 the human form with plumed head-dress and bunches of bows 
 and arrows; the building called the "red house," called by Char- 
 nay the "prison;" and the circular building called the "caracol," 
 or winding staircase, by Norman the "dome," which contained 
 the stairways with balustrade, formed of two intertwined serpents. 
 The castle was interesting, because it contained a carved door 
 jamb representing a prince with crown and peculiar head-dress; 
 a sculptured lintel with a figure engaged in mysterious incanta- 
 tion ; also a shrine in which were square pillars and carved zapote 
 beanis, and doorways upon the four sides; and the serpent balus- 
 trade. 
 
 (2.) These descriptions of Mr. J. L. Stephens were for a long 
 time relied upon as about the only authority; but M. Desire 
 Charnay has made two visits to the same localities, one in 1858 
 and the other in 1878, and has brought out some new points in 
 connection with the ruins. He visited Mexico and examined the 
 ruins at Tulan, and found the same general arrangement of apart- 
 ments as Stephens had seen at Uxmal and Palenque. He also 
 passed over the mountains, and reacheH the cities of the Mayas, 
 and made the discovery of another city, to which he has given 
 the name of Lorillard. He took photographs of the various 
 buildings which were drawn by the artist Catherwood, and has 
 furnished some interesting descriptions of them all. The result 
 of his efforts confirms the impressions which were received from 
 the engravings and descriptions in the work of Stephens. At 
 Tulan he found a temple consisting of pillars in the shape of ser- 
 pents, the heads of which formed the base and the tails the 
 capital. Similar pillars supported the fagade of the building El 
 Castillo, at Chichen-Itza, having serpents' heads at the base and 
 feather ornaments at the sides, thus showing that the same sym- 
 bols were employed by the two races. He speaks of the analogies 
 between the sculptures of the two regions. He calls it all Toltec. 
 The protruding tongue in the tablet of the temple of the sun, 
 Casa No. i, reminds one of the protruding tongue in the calendar 
 stone of Mexico. His photographs of the tablet of cross No. 3 
 at Palenque bring out the fact that there were hidden away among 
 the foliage which forms the arms of the cross, certain masks 
 which suggest that there was a personal element as well as the 
 "nature powers" embodied in this shrine. The face near the 
 top of the cross, a necklace and medallion below the face, rem.ind 
 us of the adornments of the kings and chiefs. These photo- 
 graphs bring out more than ever the magnificence in the ornaments 
 and decorations on the fagades of the different palaces, those on 
 the palace at Kabah being very beautiful.* The facade of the 
 
 *At Ake was a palace with a court-yard and a picot in the center of the plaza, as at 
 Uxmal- also a small oval pyramid, a tennis court, a ruined palace and a great gallery o/ 
 cohimns At Itzamal a massive face at the base of a pyramid, at Chichen-Itza a perpen- 
 diculai pyramid, the base occupied by eight large idols, a fortress or pyramid, two serpents 
 forming a winding stair-case. 
 
CLLTLRE HEROES AND DEIFIED KINGS. 
 
 40c 
 
 Dwarf's House or Nunnery is very imposing. The panoramic 
 view of all the buildings at Uxmal is especially interesting, as it 
 enables us to form a correct estimate of the character of the 
 architecture of the Mayas. In the city called Lorillard there 
 was a magnificent building called the "first temple," another 
 called the "second temple," another called the "palace." In 
 these are sculptured lintels made from wood and stone which 
 represent persons in royal attire, one of them represents a sacrifice 
 to Cuculkan or a penitential scene.* 
 
 (3.) The descriptions and engravings furnished by these two 
 travelers enable us to recognize the differences between the 
 different classes of monuments, for we 
 find in all of the cities, altars devoted 
 to sacrifice, pyramids and palaces which 
 were devoted to royalty, shrines devoted 
 to worship, all having ornaments and 
 symbols which were correlated to the 
 design or the purpose of the buildings 
 themselves. This is especially appar- 
 ent in the shrines which were devoted to 
 specific divinities, for the sculptured fig- 
 ures on some of the temples, whether 
 outside upon the facades, or upon the 
 piers and doorways, or upon the tablets 
 in the inner chamber, are all significant 
 of the worship of one divinity, the one 
 to whom the temple was devoted. Such 
 shrines are to be distinguished from the 
 palaces. The palaces were full of rooms, 
 which were occupied by the royal family, 
 and between the rooms were courts and 
 corridors and apartments of state, and 
 all the conveniences which became the 
 home of royalty. There were occasionally 
 shrines in the palace, in private apart- 
 ments, in which altars and tablets were erected. Surrounding 
 the palaces were large enclosures, some of which were used for 
 gardens. In the gardens, at the foot ot the pyramids, there were 
 statues decorated with the adornments of royalty, and on the 
 sides of the pyramids gigantic heads, some of them fifteen feet 
 high, as high as the columns themselves. These, however, only 
 confirm the impression already formed, namely, that the statues 
 within the palaces were the portraits of deified kings, that the 
 figures on the tablets in the shrines represented the nature divin- 
 ities dressed in the garb of priests and kings; but the "Culture 
 Heroes" are to be found in the isolated shrines or upon the pyr- 
 amids which contained statues upon their summits. 
 
 Fig. 1. — Gigantic Head. 
 
 ♦See Ancient Cities. 
 
404 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 This shows that there were capitals, in which kings had their 
 seats of empire, but there were also sacred cities devoted to 
 particular gods. Charnay thinks that Palenque was not a royal 
 palace, but a priestly habitation, a magnificent convent occupied 
 by the clergy, and, like Teotihuacan, Izumal and Cozumal, a city 
 resorted to as a place of pilgrimage. He thinks that there were 
 capitals in which were kingly mansions, and that the history of 
 the people can be found in the reliefs. Tezcuco of New Mexico 
 may have been such a capital among the Nahuas; Copan, Chichen- 
 Itza, Quirigua, Uxmal and Kabah may have been the capitals 
 of the Mayas. Whether there were cities or shrines which 
 were sacred to the culture heroes of the Mayas, as Cholula was 
 among the Toltecs, remains a question. The national divinities, 
 such as Quetzatlcoatl, Huitzilipochtli, ruled over particular cities 
 among the Nahuas, and it may be these were the national divini- 
 ties of the Mayas. The palace at Tezcuco was a collection of 
 buildings composed of royal residences, public offices, courts of 
 law. It extends from east to west 1234 yards, and trom north to 
 south 987 yards. There were in it two large plazas or courts, 
 one of which served as a public market. A palace devoted to 
 Quetzatlcoatl had halls facing the four cardinal points. The 
 hall of gold faced to the east, the hall of emeralds faced to the 
 south, the hall ot silver, decorated with sea shells, faced to the 
 north, and the hall decorated with feather-work faced to the west. 
 This was in the northern province, but the ruins which have 
 been found in the southern provinces of Yucatan and Guatemala 
 are more magnificent than those of Mexico. This forces upon 
 us the conviction that there were three classes of beings that 
 were worshiped — nature divinities, culture heroes and deified 
 kings. 
 
 (4.) The task is to distinguish the divinities from kings. The 
 clue is furnished to us by the study of the symbols, especially 
 when compared with the ornaments, the first being found on the 
 shrines, the last on the palaces. We have spoken of the "por- 
 trait statues." Let us consider their location and peculiarities. 
 The most of them are at Copan. Here the ornaments on the 
 statues resemble those on the door-posts and facades of the pal- 
 aces, the same or similar ornaments being repeated. On the 
 contrary, at Palenque there are priestly figures on the tablets in 
 the shrines which resemble those found on the piers and fagades. 
 As a rule, the ornaments and symbols on the shrines differ from 
 those on the palaces, and the symbols on the palaces differ from 
 those on the altars, those on the altars differ from those on the 
 friezes and cornices of the fagades. This shows that the sym- 
 bolism of the Mayas was correlated to the design, and that the 
 distinction between the royal personages and the nature divini- 
 ties prevailed in all the cities. 
 
 (5 ) This brings us to the main question, Does the study of the 
 
CULTURE HEROES A.\D DEIFIED KIXGS. 
 
 405 
 
 monuments enable us to identify the culture heroes ? It may be a 
 little thing which will furnish a clue by which to identify a divin- 
 ity — an eye for Tlaloc, a bird or feather-headed serpent for 
 Quetzatlcoatl, a vine, or leaf, or a cross, for Centeotl, the god of 
 vegetation, a child in the arms for the god of maternity, but the 
 analysis of these figures and symbols, especially when taken 
 in connection with the study of the architecture, will enable us 
 to fix upon the divinity to which a building, shrine or tablet was 
 devoted. 
 
 These are the means by which certain gentlemen have sought 
 to identify the culture heroes with certain statues. M. Charnay 
 has described the pyramid called El Castillo, in Chichen-Itza, 
 and thinks that the building on it was a shrine to Cuculkan or 
 Quetzatlcoatl, for this is the pyramid which has the serpents for 
 balustrades, and the feathered serpent is the symbol of this "Culture 
 
 Piy. 2. — atatae of Tlaloc. 
 
 Hero." He has ascribed the shrine which contains cross No. 2, at 
 Palenque,* to Tlaloc, for he recognizes the eye of Tlaloc in one of 
 the figures on the facades and thinks the palm leaves and masks 
 were also emblems. The shrines at Uxmal and Lorillard, espec- 
 ially the one with heavy cornice and massive pillars, he also 
 ascribes to Cuculkan, as he recognizes the feather-headed serpent 
 in the pillars. The stone lintel at Lorillard which contains a 
 seated figure he ascribes to the same divinity. The statue repre- 
 sented as lying upon the back and holding a vase in the hands, 
 which was found by M. Le Plongeon at Chichen-Itza, he ascribes 
 to Tlaloc (Fig. 2), inasmuch as there are carved on the stone a 
 sheet of water, aquatic plants and fish, all of which are the em- 
 blems of Tlaloc. Others, however, think it represents the Maya 
 Bacchus, or god of wine. The doorpost on the Castillo at Chich- 
 
 *Charnay and Prof. E. B. Holden both think that the shrine, Casa No. 2, at Palenque, 
 was the temple of the god of war, Huitzilopochtli, and Tlaloc, the god of rain. 
 
406 NA Tl VE A MERICAN S YMBOLISM. 
 
 en-Itza, which has sculptured figures with head-dress, girdle, 
 sash, sandal, wand and a bearded face, with the vine expressing 
 speech extending from the mouth, Charnay thinks represents 
 Quetzatlcoatl. on account of the beard. Another figure on the 
 capital above the pillars has a turban with a feather head-dress 
 and stands with upraised arms supporting the entablature. He 
 wears large bracelets, a collar of precious stones, a shield, a richly- 
 embroidered mantle and has a long, flowing beard and the same 
 symbols ot speech in front of him. This figure, Charnay thinks, 
 also represents Quetzatlcoatl. There is a figure or a statue stand- 
 ing on a pyramid with a peculiar head-dress, a garment or flow- 
 ing robe with crosses upon it, but which has no beard. This 
 statue, Dr. Hamy thinks, represents Quetzatlcoatl, for he recog- 
 nizes the symbols of that hero, the cross and the robe. The 
 tablet of the cross, No. 2, at Palenque, Dr. Brinton thinks, repre- 
 sents Quetzatlcoatl, as it contains the bird on the summit of the 
 cross, and represents two figures as offering sacrifice to the bird.* 
 With as much reason we may identify the shrine or temple with 
 the three tablets, as the shrine of the goddess Centeotl, the wife 
 of Tlaloc, for there arc three figures on the piers of this temple 
 which represent a female with a child in the arms, which is the 
 emblem of this goddess among the Nahuas. She was regarded 
 as the goddess of maternity. At the back ot the shrine is the 
 tablet containing the prayer to the goddess. There is an isolated 
 pyramid at Palenque, on which is a shrine called the "temple of the 
 beau-relief," and in the shrine the tablet shown in the cut. Fig. 3. 
 It represents a warrior with a helmet, sitting on a globe, the globe 
 resting on a double-headed throne, the attitude of the figure be- 
 ing expressive of awe, or as if commanding silence. This has 
 not been identified with any particular divinity or culture hero, 
 yet the elegance of the figure and the finish of the art in the tab- 
 let and the isolation of the pyramid and the shrine, show that 
 it was an important divinity. It may represent Cuculkan, the 
 Maya "Culture Hero," who was the god of air personified, or, 
 what is more probable, the Maya god of war, for Huitzilopochtli, 
 the Aztec god of war, is described by the early writers as an 
 image seated on an "azure globe," under a canopy which sym- 
 bolized the heavens, and as richly decorated, though the figure 
 and the throne remind us of the Hindoo goddess Kali. 
 
 III. This leads us to the subject of the deified kings. We 
 have already spoken of the difference between the pyramids on 
 which were the palaces and those on which were the shrines or 
 temples, and have pointed out the fact that the monuments and 
 ornaments were correlated to them. This point is illustrated 
 still more by the study of the so-called portrait columns. 
 These have been taken as representing the "Culture Heroes" 
 or the personal divinities, and they have been compared to the 
 figures on the tablets; but we maintain that they were the por- 
 
CULTURE HEROES AND DEIFIED KINGS. 
 
 407 
 
 traits of kings, and that they illustrate the paraphernalia of 
 royalty. While there are upon them, especially upon the back, 
 symbols reminding us of symbols of the nature gods, especially 
 of Tlaloc, the " rain god," yet the fact that the faces upon them 
 are so life-like proves that they were the portraits ot kings. 
 
 ''-^f^y' ' ^/ 
 
 w^^ 
 
 l!l!l|ia!!il!IMiP!lrlli!!lt!!i|illli||! |!i 
 
 Fig . J.— Sealed Figure ai FaUnquc, rcpre-senliny ,,c^ u._-a v./ War. 
 
 We are to notice here that there was a difference between the 
 decorations of the kings and that of the priests, those of the 
 kings being very elaborate and abounding with many personal 
 ornaments; those of the priests being plainer but more symbolic. 
 We shall see this if we compare the different figures and statues 
 which Mr. J. L. Stephens discovered at the foot of the pyramids 
 of Copan with those figures which he saw on the bas-reliefs 
 which covered the facades at Palenque. We maintain that the 
 former represent the forms of kings and chiefs, clothed in their 
 
408 
 
 XA n VE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 official regalia ; but the latter represent the priests, who are 
 clothed in priestly garments and at the same time bore the sym- 
 bols of the divinities which they served. The especial illustra- 
 tion is that found on the tacade of the adoratorio Casa No. 2, at 
 Palenque ; here there is a figure of a king on one side of the door 
 way and a priest upon the other, while within the shrine is the 
 mask which represents the sun, with a protruding tongue, sus- 
 pended to the cross-bars. These exhibit the three classes, kings, 
 priests and nature divinities. Holden maintains that the Palenque 
 bas-reliefs and the portrait statues represent the nature divinities, 
 and has written a labored article to prove this, giving the symbols 
 found in the two localities. He speaks of the crotalus jaw* 
 over the head of the idol described by Stephens ; also of the 
 birds' heads and plumes and other ornaments in the head-dresses 
 
 of kings and queens, as if 
 they were repeated on the 
 bodies of the priests; and 
 from these resemblances un- 
 dertakes to give a clue to 
 the solution of the hiero- 
 glyphics. The comparison 
 is far fetched, for there is 
 very little that is common 
 between the two classes of 
 figures, the regalia in the 
 sculptured figures showing 
 that they were kings, but 
 the attire on the stucco 
 figures showing that they 
 were priests. If the 
 learned professor had taken 
 the back of some of these 
 statues and compared them 
 with those on the front of 
 the shrine, he would have 
 
 Mg.i-I'onUffKingatCopan.. ^^^^_^ ^^^^ ^^^^j^ ^^^^^^ 
 
 right, for we find here the same symbols, the glaring eye of the 
 god Tlaloc, which is a symbol of the rain drop; the peculiar 
 scroll or curl which represents the whirlwind; also the wind 
 symbol, which has the shape of the elongated tongue or divided 
 staff; also the various crosses, the cross-hatching, whichf rep- 
 
 *The reader will find in the chapter on Pyramids, chap, vii, p. 133, this shrine; also plates 
 representing these figures. The chapter on "Serpent Symbol," plate 2. represents the por- 
 trait columns at Copan. On page 108, plate 10. is a statue lepresenting the goddess of 
 death, with all its ghastly symbols. We can easily see that there is a great difference be- 
 tween the three classes of figures, for one has the royal regalia, another has the priestly robe 
 and the third has the symbols of the nature powers. 
 
 tThere are cross-hatchings upon the altars at Copan, and a death's head and a Tlaloc 
 eye, all of which are symbols of the d tterent divinities. The resemblance of these orna- 
 ments on the back of the statues to those on the altars, shows that the kings were under the 
 control of the same tutelar divinity. 
 
TURBANED KING AT COPAN. 
 
XI 
 
 
 DWARF STATUE FROM COPAN. 
 
CULTURE HEROES AND DEIFIED KINGS. 
 
 411 
 
 resents the serpent's skin, the eagle's beak and the parrot's beak, 
 one of which is the symbol of the god Tlaloc and the other of 
 the god of war. These symbols, which are on the back of the 
 statues, show the divinities which were worshiped, but those on 
 the front were evidently the portraits of the royal family. This 
 is confirmed by comparing the figures which are on the Tizoc 
 stone in Mexico with those on the bas-relief at Palenque. The 
 first evidently represents a king triumphing over conquered kings; 
 whereas the bas-reliefs represent the priests which were connected 
 
 Fig 5.— The Tizoc Stone. 
 
 with the shrines and the divinities which were worshiped in them.* 
 There are few monuments whici{ show greater contrasts than do 
 the Tizoc stone and the Palenque tablets. 
 
 The figures on the stone show what was the royal attire of the 
 Aztec kmgs, while those on the bas-reliefs show the attire of the 
 priests, and perhaps the conventional dress of the culture heroes, 
 as well as the attire of the common people. There were in three 
 of the shrines two figures which were dressed alike. They had 
 the same attitudes and were engaged in the same act of sacrifice. 
 These may be seen standing on either side of the cross, which 
 was the central object of worship and which symbolized the nature 
 powers. In one tablet, the tablet of the sun, they stand upon 
 crouching human figures; in another, the tablet of the tree, they 
 stand upon the corolla of a flower or branch of a vine; in a 
 third, the tablet of the bird and cross, they are standing upon an 
 altar. They are surrounded by hieroglyphics, which may have 
 
 *See Charnay's description of bas-i'clicfs in tennis court at Chichen-Itza, p. 362. 
 
412 
 
 NAllVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 been intended for a prayer. Their attire is made up of drapery 
 which falls in folds, and probably represents the common attire 
 of the people, especially the better class. They represent two 
 persons, male and female, offering sacrifice. Corresponding to 
 these, on the outside of the temple of the sun, there are two 
 figures — one clad in the attire of a king, the other of a priest. See 
 Plates, These may have been intended to represent the divin- 
 ities Tlaloc, the god of rain, and Huitzilipochtli, the god of war; 
 but if so they were gods who were clothed in the attire of kings 
 
 and priests.* The comparison of 
 these figures will enable us to 
 see the manner of representing 
 the different classes; those on 
 the central tablets were symbolic 
 of the nature divinities; those 
 on the outer tablets represent- 
 ing the common people offering 
 sacrifices; those on the facades 
 or piers, kings and priests, wait- 
 ing upon or worshiping the 
 nature divinities, the god of war, 
 of rain, the air and sun. 
 
 There are, however, figures on 
 the bas-reliefs in the palace at 
 Palenque which represent war- 
 riors or kings, with captives 
 before them. These figures are 
 clothed almost exactly the same 
 as are the figures on the Tizoc 
 stone and are in the same atti- 
 tude. Stephens says: "The prin- 
 cipal personage stands in an up- 
 right position, and exhibits an 
 extraordinary facial angle. Sup- 
 posing the statues to be images of living personages, they indicate 
 a race now lost and unknown. The head dress is evidently a plume 
 of feathers; over the shoulders is a collar decorated with studs, 
 and a breastplate; part of the ornament of the girdle is broken; 
 the tunic is probably a leopard's skin; the whole dress no doubt 
 exhibits the costume of this unknown people. At his feet are two 
 naked figures seated cross-legged, and apparently^suppliants." 
 
 *Prof. Holden says: "This is the templeof the god Huitzilopoc htli and his equal Tlaloc. 
 The symbols on the roof and cornice refer to these, as the faces at the ends ol the cornice, 
 with the double lines for eye and mouth, are unmistakably Tlaloc signs. On one of the 
 figures on the piers we also find the sandals, the belt, the front pendant, the bracelets, the 
 neck ornament, the helmet, the shield, the crescent moon, the back ornament, the twisted 
 cords, the eagle head and the twisted serpent in the hand, all of which are symbols of the 
 god of war. On the other pier is the sorcerer Tlaloc, blowing the wind from his mouth. He 
 has the eagle in his head-dress, the jaw with grinders, the peculiar eye, the four Tlaloc dots 
 on his ear, the snake between his legs, the four Tlaloc dots again in his liead-dress the 
 leopard-skin on his oack (the tiger was the earth in Mexico) , and the naked feet have pecu- 
 liar anklets, all of which should be noticed as the symbols of the rain god of the Aztecs." 
 
 Fig. 6.— Cacique and Kneeling Figure. 
 
CULTURE HEROES AND DEIFIED KIXGS. 413 
 
 Another bas-relief was upon the pier which faced the western 
 -corridor of the palace. The subject consists of two figures with 
 facial angles similar to that already f^iven, plumes of feathers 
 and other decorations for head-dresses, necklaces, girdles and 
 sandals. Each has hold of the same curious baton, which re- 
 sembles a serpent, and opposite their hands are hieroglyphics. 
 On the adjoining pier is a bas-relief representing two figures, one 
 kneeling as if to receive an honor, and the other a blow." See 
 Fig. 6. The standing figure here seems to be that of a warrior, 
 as there is an ornamental battle-axe projecting over the right 
 shoulder and a wand is held in the left hand.* 
 
 The same point is illustrated by the figures which are described 
 by Charnay as carved upon the stone lintels at Lorillard City, 
 for these represent royalty in the act of devotion, one of them 
 standing, the other kneeling. The kneeling figure is a female 
 figure who, as a royal penitent, was undergoing the painful cer- 
 emony of drawing the rope covered with thorns through her 
 tongue as an act of penance or sacrifice; while the male figure, 
 called the Achcantli, carries in his hand a palm branch or sceptre 
 and encourages the penitent in her painful task. The head- 
 dress, wide collar, heavy bracelets, ear-rings and superb mantle 
 of the kneeling figure show how rich was the royal attire. We 
 think that any one who examines the engravings and studies out 
 the different ornaments contained in the head-dresses will con- 
 clude that they represented the royal attire and that this was 
 very different from the priestly garb. We acknowledge that the 
 various parts of the royal attire were full of symbols, but this is 
 only in accord with the custom of the aborigines of America. 
 They show that there was a development of ornamentation on 
 this continent as well as symbolism. We may take each part of 
 the dress of kings and chiefs and examine them in turn and 
 find that they were all emblematic of the occupation, rank and 
 ofifice of the person that wore them. We may begin with the 
 savages and work up to the civilized races and find that each article 
 of dress grew into elegance and finish, and at the same time 
 increased in its significance and symbolic use; but the fact helps 
 us to identify the different classes and distinguish between the 
 kings and priests, and between these and other culture heroes. 
 
 The same lesson may be learned from some of the figures 
 which were discovered by Charnay in the building called " the 
 castle." Here there was a single tablet which had three figures 
 upon it, the central clad in the attire of a king; the one above it 
 
 ♦The crown on the head is said to contain an elephant's trunk, but the engraving shows 
 that it was the usual animal-headed casque or helmet, such as was commonly worn by war- 
 riors. The ornament which has been taken for the elephant's trunk is only the divided 
 staff, wliich is the usual sign of speech. To prove this we shall refer to two bas-reliefs. 
 One of these is on the door-way in room No. i of the same palace. Here tlie helmet has 
 waving feathers projecting from it, but is made from the upper jaw ot some monster with a 
 
 flaring eye and a long protruding nose, something like a tapir, which here is turned up and 
 ack, but which cannot be taken for an elephant's trunk. Stephen's Yucatan, Vol. II, p. 319 
 
AIR GOD DRESSED AS A KING. 
 
 From the Tablet on the Left Pier of the Temple of the Sun at Palenque. 
 
RAIN GOD DRESSED AS A PRIEST. 
 From the Temple of the Sun at Palenque. Tablet on the Right Pier. 
 
416 NA Tl VE A MERICAN S YMBOLISM. 
 
 having the form, face, attitude and peculiarities of the culture 
 hero Cuculkan, as it had a beard, and was peculiarly draped and 
 adorned ; the one below has the face of Tlaloc,' the god of rain. 
 This tablet represents a king attended by two divinities, the god 
 of air and the god of rain. It was evidently erected in honor of 
 some historic king. 
 
 "At Kabah is shown two remarkable bas-reliefs raised in honor 
 of allied caciques. Like the Tizoc stone, they represent a con- 
 queror in rich Yucatec costume receiving the sword ot a captive 
 Aztec* The head-dress of each is covered with long waving 
 plumes, which rise above the crown and fall to the very feet. 
 The crown itself of one of the figures is also fashioned out of 
 the head of an animal, like those of the Mexican manuscripts." 
 Before the other figure there kneels a king or cacique, with a 
 weapon in his hand which resembles the flint-edged sword used 
 at the present day. It has on its head the usual feathered head- 
 dress. 
 
 The place where the best illustration of the costume and re- 
 galia oi kings is found at Copan. Here there are statues or 
 idols, in which are the portraits of kings and queens, covered 
 with the most elaborate and complicated series of sculptured 
 figures, all of which, when they come to be analyzed, prove to 
 be the various parts of the kingly dress, including the crown or 
 head-dress, the necklace and collar, shoulder piece, breastplate, 
 medallions on the breastplate, wristlets, kilt or skirt, with its 
 medallions and other ornaments and fringes, the girdle and sash 
 which hangs suspended from it, the elaborate gaiters and anklets, 
 the sandals and footwear. These idols were for the most part 
 situated on the ground, separated from any shrine or temple, but 
 near the terraced pyramid which supported the palace; two of 
 them at the very toot of the pyramid,! but seventeen of them in 
 a court or garden a little removed from the palace. The follow- 
 ing is Mr. Stephens' description of them. He says: "At the 
 point marked L stands one of the columns or idols which give 
 the peculiar character to the ruins at Copan. It stands about 
 six feet from the base of the pyramid wall. It is thirteen feet in 
 height, four feet in front, three deep. It is sculptured on all four 
 sides, from the base to top, and is one of the richest and most 
 elaborate specimens in the whole extent of the ruins. Before 
 it, at a distance of eight feet, is a huge block of sculptured stone, 
 which the Indians call an altar, Following the wall is another 
 monument, or idol, of the same size and in many respects simi- 
 lar. The character of this image as it stands at the foot of the 
 
 *Ancient Cities, p 3S9. 
 
 tThese are the idols which Professor Holden has considered identical, and which he has 
 described as containing the same symbols as the serpent idol, or god ot death, which stood 
 over the gateway to the teocali in the City of Mexico, referring to the crotalus ijaw in the 
 mask, and the solid ovals in the skirt as evidence. A plate representing it may be seen in 
 the chapter on Serpent Worship, p. no. 
 

 FROM THE INNER TABLET OF THE TEMPLE OF THE SUN. 
 The symbols on the central tablet are as follows: i. Two staffs arranged as a St. Andrews cross. 2. A mask 
 with four rosettes, a concentric circle, a serpent for a nose, a wind coil for an eye, a protruding tongue. 3. A beam 
 with cross-hatchings, four dots and a face with protruding tongue. 4- Crouching figures with llaloc eyes; two of 
 them dressed as priests, c. Cross in a circle, divided staffs or wind symbols, and masks. 
 
418 NAllVE AiMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 pyramid is grand, and it would be difficult to exceed the rich- 
 ness of the ornament and sharpness of the sculpture." 
 
 The large number of idols found by Mr. Stephens were at 
 some distance from the pyramid, in a court which may have 
 been either the cemetery or the garden, as it was surrounded by 
 a terraced wall, and was filled with idols and altars which faced 
 in toward the court. "The first, on the point marked K, was 
 fallen and the lace destroyed. At a distance of two hundred 
 feet stands the one marked S, with its front to the east, on a 
 pedestal six feet square. Before it at a distance of eight feet 
 ten inches, is an altar. The engravings represent the front and 
 back view. The front is supposed to be the figure of a woman, 
 and the countenance presents traits of individuality leading to 
 the supposition that it is a portrait. The back is a different sub- 
 ject." See Plate.* Here at the top is a crown of featherwork, 
 which gracefully falls away from the helmet, which has the face 
 of Tlaloc. Below this is a diadem which hangs across the fore- 
 head. On the shoulders is an elaborate collar or necklace, com- 
 posed of precious stones, and a shoulder-piece wrought into the 
 shape of trailing vines. On the hands and arms are wide wrist- 
 lets made of some rich material. A medallion hangs suspended 
 between the arms. A fringe or overskirt may be seen below the 
 arms. Three sashes fall gracefully over the skirt, one of them 
 reaching to the ground. The skirt is wrought into the usual 
 pattern, with cross hatching over a plain fabric. It has a ruffle 
 at its lower edge, which seems to be covered with a row of prec- 
 ious stones. The feet are wrapped in moccasins, with a heavy 
 border at the back, and resemble those of a China woman. 
 
 The symbols on this statue are as follows : On the back, the 
 face of Tlaloc, the rain god, with its heavy grinders, sunken 
 cheek, bulging eye. and other symbols peculiar to that divinity. 
 This face is seen in the center of the statue, on the back of the 
 female, and is surrounded by a graceful framework of drapery, 
 with fringes and folds, and medallions in the folds. The most 
 remarkable symbol is the one which may be seen on the forehead 
 of Tlaloc. This is the same symbol which was seen on the cast 
 of the altar at the World's Fair, and which there called forth 
 remark, as it was said to be a phallic ornament and to have a 
 mythologic significance. The next figure is still more remarka- 
 ble, for it seems to be the figure of a king, but a king with a 
 peculiarly glaring eye. Stephens says of it : "It is one of the 
 most beautiful in Copan, and is equal to the finest Egyptian 
 sculpture. It stands at the foot of a wall of steps, with only the 
 head and part of the breast rising above the earth. The eyes 
 in this statue turn out very much as the eyes of the natives of 
 this region do at the present time. See Plate,t 
 
 *Female Statue. Charnay thinks that the same idol personifies several divinities— the 
 dragon's jaw, Quetzatlcoatl; the woman's face, Centeotl, or the Mexican Ceres; the face on 
 the back. Tlaloc. fSee Plate of the Buried Statue. 
 
CULTURE HEROES AND DEIFIED KINGS. 419 
 
 Near this was the statue we call the "bearded king." It will be 
 noticed that there is no feather head-dress on this king, but the 
 collar is made of a mosaic of precious stones. The breastplate 
 and shonlder-pieces are very elaborate. The skirt is decorated 
 with a double fringe, medallions and solid ovals ; sashes fall over 
 the skirt, one of them terminating in a peculiar ornament resem- 
 bling serpents' fangs. For garters, there are two rows of precious 
 stones and medallions; anklets are highly ornamental, a rosette 
 and frill between the ankles. We recognize no symbol on this 
 statue except the serpents' fang and the solid ovals. It stands 
 at the foot of a wall rising in steps to the height of thirty or 
 forty feet. Its height is eleven feet nine inches. See plate. 
 Before it, at a distance of twelve feet, is a colossal altar. It 
 appears to represent the portrait of a king or hero, perhaps 
 erected into a deity. It is judged to be a portrait, and its sex is 
 ascertained by the beard and mustache. The altar is seven feet 
 square and four feet high, and richly sculptured on all sides. 
 The front represents a death's head. The top is sculptured and 
 contains grooves for the passage of the blood of the victims. 
 
 The next engraving represents the "turbaned king." "It ex- 
 hibits the front of a monument twelve feet high, four feet wide, 
 v/hich stands on a pedestal seven feet square. The front view 
 seems a portrait, probably of some deified king or hero. The 
 two ornaments at the top appear like the trunk of an elephant. 
 A crocodile's head was seven feet from it, but appears to have 
 no connection with it." The back presents a different subject. 
 The decorations of royalty on this statue are as follows : The 
 turban on the head, which is covered with ornamented drapery; 
 this turban makes the face resemble that of a Chinese mandarin, 
 and reminds us of the Tartar mode of covering the head. Below 
 this is the chin-piece, which seems to be attached to the breast- 
 plate, and projects as high as the cheek. The breastplate and 
 shoulder-pieces on this statue are very elaborate, but they con- 
 tain no symbols. The skirt is covered with medallions and has 
 a fringe made up of solid ovals, a heavy sash or maxtli falling 
 over the skirt, and garters which seem to be connected with the 
 maxtli. There are many symbols on this statue, but the regalia 
 is more striking and prominent than the symbols. The symbols 
 on this monument are as follows . (i.) The three dots or spotted 
 disks at the top, in front, and at the sides of the figure, a sym- 
 bol which is repeated four or five times on the back of the mon- 
 ument. (2.) The two whorls or coils situated between the 
 elephant's trunk, so-called, a symbol which is very common and 
 is often repeated in the other monuments. (3.) The medallions 
 which hang suspended from the arms and from ornaments on 
 the skirt, the medallions facing each way. (4.) The solid ovals 
 which form the fringe of the skirt and the ornament on the sash. 
 (5.) The most remarkable symbol is the one which is seen on 
 
420 NA IIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 the back. It represents the face of the sun orod with open mouth, 
 protruding tongue, glaring eye; every part connected with or- 
 naments and symbols, that the face is recognized only after a 
 close study of the different parts and comparing it with the face 
 on the altar. 
 
 The next engraving represents a monument seventy-two feet 
 north from the last. The front is toward the west. It is twelve 
 feet high, on a pedestal six feet square. Before it, at a distance 
 of eleven feet, is an altar very much defaced. The front view is 
 a portrait. The back is made up of hieroglyphics arranged in 
 tablets. Each tablet has two hieroglyphics joined together. The 
 tablets probably contain the history of the king or hero deline- 
 ated. The royal regalia on this statue is also very elaborate. 
 On the head is a peculiar framework, which seems to be com- 
 posed of four bars; decorated and elaborate. On the shoulders 
 are many highly wrought ornaments. The necklace is made 
 from precious stones. The skirt is also decorated with orna- 
 ments, but the garters and anklets are the most elaborate part of 
 the dress. It would seem as if the legs, knees and feet were 
 loaded with jewels. The only symbols on this statue are as fol- 
 lows: At the top of the ornament is the head of Tlaloc, with the 
 usual eye, open mouth, sunken cheeks, with three dots on either 
 side of the head and a diadem crowned with feathers, the ovals 
 at the bottom of the skirt. The back is made up entirely of 
 hieroglyphics. It is a very striking statue, The face is massive; 
 the thighs, which are naked, are very heavy ; ankles and feet 
 clumsy. The whole figure is short, but the ornamentation on it 
 is elaborate and highly wrought. We have dwelt upon these 
 figures in order to show that the statues of the kings were entirely 
 different from those of the "Culture Heros," and to prove that 
 they were not idols which represented divinities, but were por- 
 trait statues of kings. This shows that there were three classes 
 of beings worshiped by the Mayas, as follows : The personified 
 nature powers. Culture Heroes and Deified Kings, the shrines 
 having been devoted to the first class, the isolated pyramids to 
 the second and the palace courts to the last. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND NATURE POWERS IN 
 AMERICA. 
 
 We have passed in review the different aboriginal religions 
 of America, arid come at last to the one that seems the most 
 important of all, viz.: the worship of the personal divinities 
 in combination with the nature powers. We use the double 
 title because some have doubted whether the element of per- 
 sonality was strong enough to be used alone, and because the 
 worship of the Nature powers is so prominent, and especially 
 be cause of the analogies which may be drawn between the 
 personal gods of this continent and those which are worshiped 
 in Oriental lands. We claim, however, that there was a com- 
 bination of the two in the religious cult of the civilized tribes, 
 and that personal gods were worshiped, and eclipsed the wor- 
 ship of the Nature pov\rers so as to be distinguished from them, 
 each one being worshiped by religious rites which were dis- 
 tinctive. The objects of worship arranged according to their 
 order of progress are as follows: i. Animal totems; 2, the Na 
 ture powers, including the sun, moon, stars, and the points of 
 the compass, and the elements, such as fire, water, earth and air; 
 3, the "Culture heroes," these were partly natural and partly 
 supernatural, but were worshiped as the heroes or chief divinities 
 of certain tribes; 4, the Law-givers, these were represented as 
 human persons, who appeared and gave laws and established 
 governments, but disappeared; 5, last of all were the personal 
 gods. These received personal names and were worshiped as 
 personal gods, though they had different spheres of action. 
 Chief among them were the God of Peace, the God of War, 
 the God of Death, also the goddesses of maternity and the 
 gods and goddesses that represented the elements. 
 
 It is well known that the gods of the Greeks, Romans, 
 Babylonians, and Assyrians were primarily the representatives 
 of the Nature powers, but personal attributes were ascribed to 
 them. We think of them only as personal gods and fail to 
 draw the analogy. Such is the case with the older gods of 
 the Greeks, for Uranus is always represented as dwelling 
 above in the skies and as the supreme ruler of the universe, 
 and in him we recognize the natural and personal attributes. 
 The same is the case with the Egyptian divinities of which 
 Isis and Osiris were the chief. Isis was called the mother 
 goddess, for she was the mother of Horus, but many of the 
 Egyptian divinities wpre only personifications of the Nature 
 powers. This is shown by the story of Osiris. He was slain by 
 Typho, his body was divided into twelve parts and thrown into 
 
422 NATIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 the sea, but was gathered and hidden in the tree at Biblos. 
 The parts symbolized the twelve months of the year, and the 
 overflow of the Nile, and the hiding in the tree symbolized the 
 part which water has in the growth of the tree. The most 
 suggestive feature in the story is that Isis finally discovers the 
 •eleven parts of Osiris, and puts them together and restores 
 them to life, only one part being left off; thus symbolizing the 
 resurrection of nature in the spring time. In like manner the 
 gods of the Babylonians are seen to represent the Nature 
 powers, though they are so personified that we forget this, and 
 are interested only in their personal character and career. There 
 were, to be sure, in Babylonia, three periods which were so 
 near together, that the worship of the Nature powers and the 
 personal divinities and the human characters, called the Law- 
 Givers, became blended, and yet if we study them more care- 
 fully we find they represent three classes, and belong to three 
 distinct periods. 
 
 In America \\& find the distinctions between the personal 
 gods, the Law-givers, and the Nature powers so dim that we fail 
 to separate them, and either regard them all as personifications 
 of nature, or consider them as personal divinities ruling over 
 all, and at times think of them only as human teachers, strange 
 visitors from a foreign land, though the moral character of the 
 divinities fall far below that of other Law-givers -and human 
 founders of religion. 
 
 In the Scriptures the case is different, for from the first 
 chapter to the last, the personality of God is brought out clearly, 
 and there is no reference whatever to the Nature powers, nor 
 even the blending of the Law-giver with the personal divinity. 
 This constitutes the difference between the Scriptures and all 
 pagan writings, for notwithstanding that there are many sacred 
 books among the pagans, we do not fail to recognize in 
 them the operations of nature as the basis of all. There 
 were many great masters who came in and established systems 
 which became the standards of thought, but these were evi- 
 dently human, and had a human history, though some of them 
 have been deified, so that we regard them as the divinities of 
 the people, and yet they were only human beings. Some have 
 stumbled over these, and have imagined that the personal gods 
 of America were actual persons who came to America from 
 some other land, and they point out the fact that the chief god 
 is represented as white, having long hair, and wearing a robe; 
 assuming that he was some unknown visitor from Oriental 
 countries. 
 
 Now the resemblance between the personal gods of America 
 and those of the Eastern lands, is a sufficient explanation of 
 this. These gods all seem to be supernatural beings, but they 
 were always connected with the natural objects which were 
 known to the members of the particular tribes, and the worship 
 of them was purely local. Still there was such a resemblance 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND NATURE POWERS, 423 
 
 %m 
 
 between them that they seem to have been not merely the 
 heroes of one tribe, byt of entire stocks, and so they help us 
 to understand aboriginal history. 
 
 It is true that their personal history and character did 
 bridge the distance which would naturally exist between a 
 rude untrained mind and a spiritual unseen being, but there 
 was an unconscious process that led the people to ascribe to 
 them a supernatural character, for some of them are repre- 
 sented as having a high moral character and having established 
 the religious system which prevailed. 
 
 We are to notice also that there were many Culture heroes 
 in America, who represented the powers of nature, but could 
 not have been human beings and certainly not persons known 
 
 to history. These Cul- 
 ture heroes were wor- 
 shiped by the wild 
 tribes and they were 
 regarded as human, 
 aiid yet they always 
 had supernatural pow- 
 ers and accomplished 
 wonderful things. 
 
 There is one re- 
 markable fact about 
 the Culture heroes, 
 viz., they belonged to 
 different stocks of 
 Indians; the Algon- 
 quins having one, the 
 Iroquois another, the 
 Dakotas another, the 
 Pueblo tribes, the 
 mountain tribes of the 
 far West, and the tribes 
 situated in the North- 
 west, still others. 
 It appears that the Culture heroes had become so scattered 
 by the wanderings of certain tribes, that we find them far apart 
 from one another and in scenes and surroundings to which they 
 gradually became accustomed; thus proving that they be- 
 longed to stocks as well as tribes, and were carried by the 
 tribes to their new habitations. This is an important point, 
 for it throws light on the migrations of the Indian tribes, and 
 confirms the position which the linguists have taken, To 
 illustrate: the Algonquins were scattered from the coast of 
 Maine to the south shore of Hudson's Bay, and from there to 
 the region far west where the Blackfeet are found. They were 
 
 DIFFERENT CULTURE HEROES.* 
 
 •Th« cut represents the hieroglyphics of the deities, as made out by Dr. D. G. Brinton. 
 The first line Itzamna; the second, the North Star; the third, the Moon God; the fourth, the 
 Maize God; the fifth, the War God; the sixth, the Sun God. 
 
424 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 also scattered along the Atlantic coast as far south as the 
 Potomac; their habitat being mainly on both sides of the chain 
 of the Great Lakes and north of the Ohio River, but stretch- 
 ing down the Atlantic coast. The study of myths and sym- 
 bols, as well as the language, has confirmed this. 
 
 The Iroquois are supposed to have belonged to the same 
 stock as the Cherokees, and perhaps with the same stock as the 
 Dakotas; the study of the language giving rise to this theory. 
 The study of the myths and the symbols of these different 
 tribes rather confirms the opinion of the linguists, though the 
 change of the scenery and surioundings have modified their 
 mythology. The same is true of the tribes which were situa- 
 ted on the Pacific coast. Some of the linguists think that the 
 tribes of the Southwest came down from the Northwest and 
 settled in the central provinces, but developed their mythology 
 from the same sources, and claim that their langua;Tes have 
 many features in common. We find, however, that the tribes 
 on the Northwest coast have a mythology entirely different 
 from that of the Southwest, as the divinities which they wor- 
 shipped were the raven, bear, whale, and other animals which 
 abound in the forests of the North, but the divinities of the 
 civilized tribes were personal beings, and were represented by 
 Idols which were covered with a great variety of symbols. 
 
 This conformity of religion to the surroundings is also illus- 
 trated in the case of the tribes of the deep interior, for here 
 the mythology is drawn from the mount ins and rocks, the 
 Navajoes having one set of divinities, the Pueblos another >et, 
 the wild tribes of the region another set, thus showing that 
 tribal lines, as well as scenery, had effect upon the native 
 religions. 
 
 We have given this general review of the s)'stems which 
 prevailed throughout the continent, in order to bring out the 
 fact that certain tribes worshipped personal divinities and at 
 the same time deified the Nature powers, and made their 
 attributes resemble those of the personal gods. We may say, 
 that the several classes were constantly interthanged. The attri- 
 butes of the one were ascribed to th it of another, the attri- 
 butes of nature and those of the personal gods being so closely 
 associated that they were both worshiped. 
 
 Another element seems, moreover, to have been introduced 
 into the mythology of these civilized tribes of the Southwest, 
 viz., the worship of kings and queens, for their statues are every- 
 where present. These statues are decorated with all the orna- 
 ments and jewels and garments and emblems of wealth and 
 power, so that we recognize them as designed to represent 
 kings and queens and persons of royalty, as well as priests and 
 officers clothed with authority. On the other hand, the gods 
 which personified the Nature powers were generally plainer in 
 their dress and appearance, and they had symbols about them 
 which were suggestive of all the elements and show plainly 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND NATURE POWERS. 425 
 
 their sphere of activity, three classes of symbols being mani- 
 fest. It will be acknowledged that there were different periods 
 and different nations and races represented by these personal 
 gods, the earliest period having been ascribed to the Mayas, 
 but the later to the Nahuas. In this respect they also resem- 
 bled the gods of the Babylonians, Accadians, and Assyrians, 
 for these belonged: some to an early, and some to a later date. 
 The earliest were ascribed to the Accadians. We also recog- 
 nize in these personal gods the lines of ethnic descent, as we 
 do in the gods of the East, especially the gods of the Greeks 
 and the Romans, and to a degree the early Babylonians. The 
 main difference is that they are surrounded by scenery and 
 circumstances which are peculiar to this continent, and not 
 found in the Old World. The belief in the personal divinities 
 as distinguished from the animal, was the result of progress, 
 and appeared only among those nations which had reached a 
 certain degrer* of civilization. 
 
 We have, then, in these regions of the Southwest a picture of 
 the rise of society, the development of religion, and the growth 
 of mythology, which is very important. The worship of the 
 personal gods along with the Nature powers resembles that 
 which prevailed in the regions of the East, though the isolation 
 of the continent brought about a different order of symbols, a 
 different class of myths, and different divinities, and yet very 
 striking resemblances maybe recognized between all these sys- 
 tems and those found in the Eastern continent. It is true that 
 the ethnography of the East isolated the gods of Baby- 
 lonians from those of the Greeks, as well as the gods of the 
 Greeks, from those of the Egyptians, as the desert on one side 
 and the sea upon the other presented barriers over which 
 religion did not pass until late in history. 
 
 It will be noticed that physical barriers often separate religi- 
 ous systems as much as they do language or tribal history, but 
 with the so-called civilized tribes langu2ge, history and territorial 
 proximity, all serve to give similarity to their divinities, but 
 serve to make great differences between them and the divinities 
 of the wild tribes. There were, to be sure, time periods 
 which separated the personal gods of the Mayas from those of 
 the Nahuas, but there came in between the two, certain other 
 periods, especially the Toltec period, which so bridged the 
 space that the mythology became strangely blended. I'he pre- 
 Toltec period embraced the semi-mythic traditions of the early 
 civilization and brings before us one class of divinities. The 
 Toltec period brings before us another class; the Chicimec still 
 another; the Aztec period another. The first extends to the 
 sixth century, the second to the eleventh century, the third to 
 the fifteenth century, and the fo"urth, the Aztec, to the time of 
 the Discovery. 
 
 In the pre-Toltec period, vague traditions point to the 
 cradle of American civilization, and to the Votanic empire. In 
 
426 NA TIVE A M ERIC A N S YMBOLISM. 
 
 the Toltec period the personal divinities and the gods re- 
 sembled one another in many respects. In the Toltec period 
 the statues of divinities, as well as the architecture of the 
 temples and the symbols contained in the palaces, show that 
 the worship of personal gods was very closely associated with 
 that of the Nature powers, as the religion of the period evi- 
 dently gave direction to art and architecture, as well as to the 
 literature which prevailed. There was a change in the geo- 
 graphical location as time went on, for the mythology and the 
 ritual moved northward. This appears from the study of the 
 statues and gljphs. 
 
 Statues are tound in great numbers in the Umasintla Valley. 
 These statues are covered with a great number of symbols, 
 but present a great variety of drapery and show that the kings 
 and priests lived amid great magnificence and the gods par- 
 took of their power. 
 
 In the Aztec period the divinities also partook of the mag- 
 nificence which prevailed, but their personal and moral char- 
 acter were very much changed, for the warlike traits of the peo- 
 ple had been developed by long conflict, and the war gods 
 came to the front; the Fair God, Quetzatlcoatl, having been sup- 
 planted by Tezcatlipoca, the War God. We find that the his- 
 tory of the two nations has been so well preserved in the cal- 
 endar stones and in the codices, as well as in the sacred books, 
 that we may compare it with those which prevailed in the far 
 East. We are sure that the personal divinities were designed 
 to represent the Nature powers, for there are so many images 
 which are covered with symbols which can be interpreted in 
 no other way. Of course it is not expected that the same 
 zodiacal system existed in America, as that which prevailed in 
 the far East. Yet, in so far as the ordinary Nature powers could 
 be represented, they served as the drapery and ornament of 
 the personal gods and di\'inities which were worshiped. These 
 ornaments and symbols varied according to the period to 
 which they belong, as the Aztec period was marked by one 
 class of symbols, the Toltec by another; and the oldest of all 
 belong to the time of the ancient Maya civilization. The 
 monuments of the north are different from those of the south, 
 not only because they are newer and belong to a later period, 
 but because they belong to a different system and have a dif- 
 ferent class of symbols. It is true that we find certain symbols 
 scattered throughout the whole region, such as the serpent, the 
 cross, the tree, and the suastika; but there are other symbols, 
 such as the manitou face, the hook, the Toltec eye, and the 
 crouching lion or tiger, which are not found in the symbols of 
 the Aztecs. Still the Maya system was quite in accord with 
 that of the Nahuas, as we find symbols resembling those of 
 the Mayas in Palenque, Ococingo, and Copan, for these cities 
 were devoted to the worship of the gods during the Toltec 
 period, and perhaps before that time. 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND NATURE POWERS. 427 
 
 It was through the position of the kings and fear of the 
 priests, that so much of the wealth of the common people vyas 
 concentrated in the cities. Yet there were outside the cities, 
 upon the summit of the mountains, images of coyotes and of a 
 colossal figure of a winged beast, which watched over the 
 fountains from which the water flowed, which supplied the city. 
 This shows that there was still remaining something of the 
 old animal worship which prevailed among the wild tribes. 
 These were artificial, but there were natural objects which sym- 
 bolized the same thought. The tradition, however, which most 
 impressed the people was about Ouezatlcoatl, who came from 
 the East wearing a cross upon his robe. This, however, is only 
 one account, for another tradition represents him as having the 
 character and appearance of a monk or a priest, and yet his 
 influence became very great over the people. 
 
 There is a tradition, also, of three white men having ap- 
 peared in the midst of the civilization which had prevailed, 
 and who introduced systems of religion resembling those of 
 the East, but so far as the evidence of the monuments go, it 
 would seem that the priests had great power and that the kings 
 lived in great magnificence. There is a discrepancy between 
 these two accounts, for the priests generally wore different 
 garments from the kings, and were devoted to their office, and 
 their style of dress was quite in contrast with that which pre- 
 vailed among the kings; but judging from the statues which 
 have been discovered in the midst of the forest of the Umasin- 
 tla Valley, we may conclude that the story had come down from 
 previous generations, and had been one means of perpetuating 
 the priestly power. It is remarkable that the priests and the 
 kings could have continued to rule the people so long, and that 
 the magnificence should have been perpetuated during so many 
 changes and so many wars. 
 
 It would seem, however, that the personal divinities which 
 represented the Nature powers were worshiped to the very 
 close of the chapter, although their moral character changed 
 greatly with the change of events. The ancient divinities of 
 the Toltecs and Mayas apparently had been peaceful and 
 delighting in the peaceful pursuits of the people, but the 
 modern divinities, especially those of the Aztecs, became very 
 war-like and seemed to delight in the war-like pursuits of the 
 people. Many wars began late in history and the human sacri- 
 fices increased as the wars continued. 
 
 In 1512 there were great acivities and many sacrifices, and 
 a new sacrificial stone was dedicated. During the next few 
 years Montezuma seems to have determined by brilliant ex- 
 ploits to defy the predictions of magicians and shake off his 
 own superstitious fears, but his people had grown tired of war, 
 and the tribes around were hostile and notwithstanding his 
 prosperity and power he had reason to fear the overthrow of his 
 followers; though the common people had been so long subject 
 
4 28 NA TI VE A M ERICA N S YMB OLISM. 
 
 to the power of the king that they had no expectation or desire 
 for deliverance. 
 
 The practice of human sacrifice served to perpetuate this 
 abject condition. There was another cause at work, viz.. the 
 combination of the priests and rulers in the different cities. 
 There is a record of a compact between the Mexicans and 
 the surrounding tribes in the Valley of Mexico, that battles 
 should take place at regular intervals on battle ground set 
 apart, for the sole purpose of obtaining victims for sacrifice. 
 
 There was a fortress built, and a garrison known as Monte 
 Alban built by the Aztecs. The object was to secure cap- 
 tives for the grand dedication of Huitzilopochtli, which took 
 place in 1546. Montezuma up to the time of the arrival of the 
 Spaniards had led his army against nearly all the tribes sur- 
 rounding the city, in order that he might gain captives to be 
 sacrificed to his divinities; thousands of them were brought 
 in and one after another led to the summit of tlie pyramids 
 where the priests threw them upon the sacrificial stone, tore 
 their hearts out and threw them into the face of the sun, and 
 their bodies down the sides of the pyramids where they were 
 seized upon by the people and devoured, as if in a religious 
 ceremony. These were the offerings presented to Huitzilo- 
 pochtli, the god of war, and to Tezcatlipoca, the god of death, 
 whose statue or idol was placed over the entrance to the court, 
 which surrounded the pyramid, There were also shrines 
 within the court in the shape of serpents' heads, filled with 
 fire, and other symbols. These show how strangely the system 
 of religion had been affected by the long wars which dis- 
 tinguished the reign of Montezuma. It is probable that this, 
 practice of offering human sacrifice had greatly increased and 
 was one result of the wars. Montezuma had ascended the 
 throne amid great disturbances and had gained power over the 
 tribes surrounding, who arose in revolt because of his cruelties, 
 and yet the power of the priests seemed to keep up the prac- 
 tice and increase the superstition of the monarch. The sacri- 
 fices which he offced did not satisfy the conscience of Monte- 
 zuma. His mind was full of fear, and so he readil)" submitted 
 to Cortez. imagining that he was the Fair God, who had re- 
 turned and who might deliver him from his enemies. This 
 mingling of rage and fear was the natural con-^equence of the 
 wars and the sacrifices which were offered. The evidence is 
 that the system which had prevailed under the Toltecs was far 
 more peaceful, and that the gods which were worshiped were 
 more kindly in their spirit and represented the more kindly 
 operations of nature. 
 
 There were thirteen principal gods, the most notable being 
 the God of Providence, the God of War, the God of Winds, 
 and the God of Water. The God of Providence had a seat in 
 the sky and had under hi-; care all human affairs; the God of 
 Water was considered as the fertilizing power, and his dwelling 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND NA TURE POWERS. 429 
 
 was in the hifjhest of the mountains, where he arranges the 
 clouds; the God of War was the principal protector ol the 
 Aztecs, and their guide in their wanderings. These gods were 
 supernatural beings and had great power, Ouetzatlcoatl had 
 all riches of gold and silver and of green stones, and a great 
 abundance of ornaments. 
 
 The city of Cholula was the place in which this god was 
 best known. Cholula was given to commerce and handicraft, 
 and worshiped Quetzatlcoatl, who was the God of merchand- 
 ise, lie came from the parts 
 of Yucatan to the city of 
 Cholula. He was a white 
 man. a portly person, with 
 a broad brow, great eyes, 
 and la ge beard; chaste and 
 quiet and distinguished by 
 moderation in all things. 
 The people had good rea- 
 sons for the reverence and 
 devotion with which they 
 regarded him. He taught 
 the silversmiths their art; 
 he desired ho sacrifice of 
 theblood of manor animals; 
 he prohibited or forbade 
 all war and violence. The 
 name "Quetzatlcoatl" 
 means "snake plumage," or 
 " snake that has plumage "; 
 this was his symbol of 
 power. He was, according 
 to historians, high priest in 
 the city of Tulan; from that 
 place he went to Cholula. 
 Though in temporal things 
 he was ruler of Tulan, in 
 all spiritual and ecclesias- 
 tical matters, he was chief 
 
 CUCULAN, CHIEF GOD OF THE MAYAS.* 
 
 pontiff in Cholula. A superior character was ascribed to him, 
 and was brought out bv his personal histor)', a history which in 
 some respects resembles that of Christ himself. 
 
 Ouezatlcoatl's repugnance to the shedding of human blood 
 was such that he voluntarily abandoned his throne and disap- 
 peared. The story is that he embarked in a canoe made of 
 snake skins and returned to the east, the quarter from which 
 he had come, though this comes from the tendency to ptr- 
 sonify. The personal character of this divinity is very attrac- 
 tive to modern minds, for he lost everything from the machi- 
 
 •This cut represents Cuoulcan, one of the personal gods of ihe Mayas, in various activities, 
 watching over the growing grain and drawing stores from the vase, &t. 
 
430 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 nations of his enemy Tezcatlipoca, but he endured his changes 
 and calamities with patience, and entered with calmness into 
 his new life and finally disappeared. 
 
 There were four gods who were created and bore the human 
 image; their great clear eyes swept rapidly over all; they saw 
 the woods and rocks, the lakes and the sea, the mountains and 
 valleys; they complimented all and admired all. They returned 
 thanks, and said we have received light, we speak, we walk, we 
 taste, we hear and understand, we know both that which is 
 near and that which is far off, we see all things, both great and 
 small, in all heaven and earth. Thanks, then, to the creator, 
 we have been created and, therefore, we are. 
 
 But the gods were not wholly pleased with their work; they 
 said these men are too perfect, they know and understand too 
 much. Then the four men slept, and there was a council in 
 Heaven, and four women were made. Next after them were 
 other men created, ancestors of other people. The language 
 of all the families was confused, and no one of the four men 
 could understand the speech of another. Next the three tribal 
 gods were turned into stone, and they worshiped the gods that 
 became stone,— offered them the blood of beasts and birds. 
 Toward the end of their long life these beings were impelled 
 to lay before their gods a more awful offering than the life of 
 senseless beasts. They began to wet their altars with_ the 
 heart's blood of human victims. Man was made four times 
 and four times destroyed, and so there were four ages. This 
 is not a modern tradition, for it is perpetuated by the symbols 
 contained in the calendar stone. The first age was the age of 
 the sun, and was called the sun of the water by which every 
 living thing was destroyed. The second age was that of the 
 earth; it was closed by a great earthquake. The third a^e 
 was that of the aii ; it was ended by a tempest. The fourth 
 age is fire, and is to be ended by complete conflagration. 
 
 Now this record of Creation and the symbols which are 
 given to each, show that the Nature powers were all worshiped 
 and that there were divinities representing each. The trans- 
 formation of the divinities occurred: Nanahuatszin was changed 
 into the sun. and Tezcatecazl into the moon. 
 
 This indicates that even the four quarters of the sky and 
 the earth were presided over by the different divinities, ex- 
 actly as with the wild tribes. The elements were symbolized: 
 the water by reed, the fire by flint, the air a tempest which 
 overthrew a house. All of them are portrayed on the calender 
 stone. 
 
 It is to be noticed that among the wild tribes, the four quar- 
 ters of the sky were ascribed to the personal divinities, and 
 that these were called upon in all their religious ceremonies. 
 Through their aid disease was banished. In this respect the 
 system resembled that of the East, for Ormuzd was the God 
 of Light; Indra, the God of Earth; Kali, the God of Fire; 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND NATURE POWERS. 431 
 
 Ahriman, the God of Death, Bancroft says: "The Quiches 
 had a multitude of other gods who presided over the destinies 
 of men. The places where they most loved to linger were 
 dark deep spots in the undisturbed silence of the grotto, at 
 the foot of some steep precipice, beneath the shade of mighty 
 trees, especially where the water trickled forth from the roots 
 and from the mountain. 
 
 " The Quiches had a divinity called Gucumatz and Hurakan. 
 He represented thunder and lightning and the thunder bolt, 
 three phases — the flash, the streak ot lightning, and the thun- 
 der bolt, giving the conception of the trinity. There was a 
 family of gods who had special temples in the habitations of 
 the princes." 
 
 The Yucatecs believed that there were four brothers, who 
 were called the Bacabs; they supported the four corners of the 
 earth and were regarded as air gods. The cross was the sym- 
 bol of rain; the four winds bearers of rain. Chalchiutlicue 
 was a sister of the rain gods. She bore in her hands a cross- 
 shaped vessel. The Mexican name of the cross was the "tree 
 of our life or flesh." It was an astronomical sign, but conveyed 
 the idea of fertility. The Bacabs are pictured out in the codices 
 as drawing stores from deep vases for the supply of the peo- 
 ple. These Bacabs were the gods of the four points of the 
 compass, but symbolized the kindly forces of nature. This 
 system, which was so near to nature's heart, became trans- 
 formed and greatly changed as time went on. At first the sys- 
 tem was peaceful and the people were prosperous. Cities grew 
 up in great numbers, but rival kings appeared, priests came 
 into great power, and the Nature divinities were eclipsed by 
 personal gods. 
 
 There came a time when the palaces and temples were cov- 
 ered with symbols which were calculated io awaken super- 
 stitious fear, — the symbols of the serpent, the manitou face, 
 the dragon and other monsters. Altars were placed before the 
 statues of the kings; pyramids were erected and occupied by 
 the kings; shrines of the divinities were placed upon the sum- 
 mit of the pyramids, but were guarded by serpent effigies which 
 symbolized the rain clouds. The personal element was hid- 
 den under the mass of symbols of the Nature powers. 
 
 This worship of nature alone did not improve the morals of 
 the people, nor advance their social condition, though wealth 
 increased and industries were prosperous. Tezcaltipoca took 
 the place of Quetzatlcoatl. He represented the treachery, 
 deceit, and cruelty which had remained in the heartsof the peo- 
 ple, even while they had increased in wealth and become pros- 
 perous. The priests became more numerous; ihey became 
 educators of the youth. Temples became the place where 
 virgins, resembling the Vestal Virgins of Rome resided. Such 
 was the case in Peru, and to a certain extent in Mexico. 
 Luxury increased, art advanced, elegance appeared in the halls 
 
432 - NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM, 
 
 and palaces; magnificent temples were erected, long roads led 
 to the cities. A barbaric magnificence prevailed, and )et 
 Tezcatlipoca, treacherous, selfish, wicked and designing, as he 
 was, became the chief divinity, though the memory of Quet- 
 zatlcoatl, the Fair God, still continued. It was a strange his- 
 tory, but real, for the monuments testify to its reality, and 
 tradition and records confirm the monuments. The god of war 
 came into power. 
 
 The manitou face seen sculptured upon the fagades of some 
 of the palaces illustrates this condition. This has the nose of 
 the serpent god, the eyes of the god of water and other strange 
 symbols, but it gave place to the horridjidol which appeared over 
 the gateway of the temple court in the City of Mexico, which 
 embodied in itself the God of War, Huitzilopochtli; the God of 
 Death, Tezcatlipoca, and the God of Hell, Mictlantecutli. 
 Even the female goddesses, such as generally represent the 
 fertility of the earth and maternity and other gracious traits, 
 were finally covered with symbols of cruelty, — the head of a 
 serpent and the skirt of serpents, and faces sadly distorted. 
 
 Tlaloc, the God of Water, and the fertilizer of the earth, 
 wis seated in the great temple beside Huitzilopochtli, who was 
 the God of War. Tlaloc had in his hand a shield ornamented 
 with feathers. In his right hand there were three wavy sheets 
 of gold, representing his thunder bolts, sometimes a golden 
 serpent. On his feet were sandals, with bells of gold hanging 
 to them. The body was naked from the thigh down. His face 
 had only one eye, and there was an external circle of blue 
 around it; around the mouth was a double band of blue; in 
 his open mouth were seen only three grinders; his teeth were 
 painted. In the time of drought men were sacrificed to 
 Tlaloc, Two festivals were-devoted to Tlaloc at which were 
 human sacrifices. It is supposed that the victims thrown into 
 the sacred lake at Chichen-Itza were sacrifices to Tlaloc. 
 
 Centeotl was the Goddess of Maize, and from the import- 
 ance in America of this grain, she became the Goddess of 
 Agriculture and of the the earth generally. She corresponded 
 to the Greek goddess Artemis, the Goddess of Maternity. She 
 was represented with an infant in her arms, and had the ofifice 
 of bringing children to life. Centeotl was the great producer 
 and the most ancient goddess of the Aztecs. 
 
 The same was true, both of the Toltecs and the Aztecs. 
 Other gods representing agriculture and fertility had 
 symbols that repiesented their character. The four Eacabs 
 stood beside the vases and drew from them seeds that pro- 
 duced abundant crops and other supplies for the people. The 
 gods of the four element — earth, sky, and water — all seemed 
 to be kindly and peaceful, but the reign of Huitzilopochtli. the 
 God of War, and Tezcatlipoca, the embodiment of treachery, 
 were in the ascendency. 
 
 Civilization advanced; in Greece there was no improve- 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND NA TURE POWERS. 433 
 
 ment in morals. Aphrodite was worshiped by the Greek; 
 Dionysus, the God of Wine; Apollo, the God of Letters; 
 also Vulcan, the God of Industry, and Venus, the Goddess of 
 Love. 
 
 We see in this the difference between the religion of the 
 Aztecs and the Greeks and Romans. All the gods may have re-^ 
 presented the Nature powers, both in this continent and among 
 the Eastern nations, but we find far more cruelty among the 
 gods of the Aztecs than among those of the Greeks. In Greece 
 Atlas bore up the four pillars of the earth; Uranus reigned 
 supremely in the skies; Neptune ruled over the sea; Vulcan or 
 Hephaestus ruled over the subterranean, fires; Zeus was the god 
 of the mountains and the chief gods of the Greeks were: Ceres, 
 the Goddesses of Corn; Minen-a, the Goddess of Maternity. 
 
 VSS^ 
 
 THE CLOUD BOAT OF THE MAYAS.* 
 
 The elements were personified in these gods of the Greeks, 
 for Zeus was the cloud divinity, Pluto was the God of the 
 Under World, Neptune was the God of Water. The elements, 
 the points of the compass, the different Nature powers were 
 all represented, but the gods were mild and peaceful. The 
 character of the Greeks was full of the love of nature and 
 the society of their fellow men, and religion gave character 
 to their divinities. The divinities of the Aztecs also repre- 
 sented their character. Tlaloc, the God of Water, was repre- 
 sented with a glaring eye. He is sometimes seated upon the 
 suastika, or whirling cross, which symbolized the points of the 
 compass and motion of the sky. Huitzilopochtli, the God of 
 
 *Thvs cut represents the Cloud Boat, with the four seasons and four points of the compass 
 indicated upon it. The staff has four nodes upon it. The chief figure may represent the 
 giant Bacab, or Cha9, though th« animal head it not usually given to the Bacabs. 
 
434 NA TIVE AMERICAN SYMBOLISM. 
 
 War, was represented as having teeth and fangs of the serpent 
 with the eye blazing in his head. His drapery fringed with 
 the rattles or tails of the serpent; a death's head in the center 
 of his body between his arms; its ghastly face looking out from 
 the center of the body, the drapery which covered the arms 
 and limbs seeming like a mockery by way of contrast. 
 
 In one respect they resemble the gods of the Greeks, 
 Romans, Egyptians. Ass)'rians, Babylonians, and Hindoos, for 
 all these are represented as being both male and female, and 
 having children. To illustrate : Jupiter, or Zeus, and Juno 
 constituted the pair which dwelt on Mt. Olympus and ruled 
 over all the other gods, though Uranus, or Saturn, is supposed 
 to have dwelt alone in the skies and was the supreme ruler of 
 the entire universe. The Egyptian divinities were represented 
 in pairs, of which Isis and Osiris were the chief. 
 
 The character of the personal divinities partook of the 
 character of the people worshiping them, though they were all 
 of them regarded as the personfications of the Nature powers, 
 as well as supernatural beings. Their chief characteristic was 
 that they represented the real culture of the people, and so 
 were called Culture heroes. They bear names which vary 
 according to their locality and the people who worship them. 
 Itzamna was one of these Culture heroes. He was said to 
 have invented letters; the two sets of hieroglyphics which 
 were designed to keep the records of the time ot the days, 
 months, and years, which are so abundant in the codices, were 
 ascribed to him; though the sculptured pictographs found on 
 the calendar stone in Mexico were of more recent origin. 
 
 We shall find the same true of the personal divinities of the 
 Mayas and the people who inhabited Peru, including those of 
 the Quichuas. It should be said that these people were more 
 peaceful than the Aztecs, but were more advanced in their cul- 
 ture and in their religious ideas. The divinities of the Mayas 
 have been described by the Spanish historians, — Sahagun, 
 Acosta, Clavigero, and ethers, — but long quotations have been 
 made from their writings by Mr. H. H. Bancroft. The hiero- 
 glyphics and pictographs have been reproduced by Lord 
 Kingsborough in his famous work; besides these, copies of the 
 codices have been recently reproduced by Due de Loubat. 
 These codices have been studied by a number of German 
 scholars, — Seler, Schellhas, — and a few American scholars, 
 chief of whom are Dr. Cyrus Thomas and Dr. D. G. Brinton. 
 The best books for the general reader and the most compre- 
 hensive are those prepared by Dr. Brinton, entitled, "The 
 Primer of Mayan Hieroglyphics and American Hero Myths." 
 
 The Maya priests, as well as those of Peru, were connected 
 with the government as an order of nobility; they were the 
 religious teachers; the leaders of ceremonies, sacrifices, and 
 confessors; the oracles of the gods were committed to their 
 care. Votan, Zamna, Cuculcan, and all the other semi-mythi- 
 
PERSONAL DIVINITIES AND NA TURE POWERS. 425 
 
 cal founders of the Maya civilization, united in their persons, 
 the qualities of high priest and king. The Mayas intrusted 
 the education of their youth to the priesthood, and the youths 
 assisted the priests in their duties. Girls were placed in con- 
 vents, and thousands of children were educated at the expense 
 of the royal treasury. Religious feasts were held on certain 
 fixed days of the calendar. The priests were occupied in 
 teaching their sciences and writing books. Landa says, ' We 
 have found a great number of books among them." There 
 •were occasions when sacrifices lasted for many days, and when 
 thousands of victims were offered. Dancing in the courts of 
 the temple continued as long as the sacrifices lasted. The 
 methods of sacrifice were peculiar: a priest adorned with 
 feathers and loaded with little bells, and having a knife in 
 hand, opened the breast of the victim, tore out the heart, 
 brandished it toward the cardinal points, and finally threw it 
 into the face of the sun. 
 
 There were eighteen festivals at which human sacrifices 
 were offered, at such times the people ate the flesh of the vic- 
 tims sacrificed. There were days in which young virgins were 
 the victims. The naming of a child was a religious ceremonv, 
 generally the child was named after the god on whose day it 
 was born. There was a practise among the priests of predict- 
 ing the destiny of the child, by finding on the calendar the 
 position of the stars on the day on which the child was born. 
 Auguries were learned from the North Star, which was personi- 
 fied and represented in the codices. The god of growth and 
 the god of death were both personified. A sacrifice at the 
 close of the year was offered, and a picture of it is found in 
 the Dresden codex. Another picture, from the same codex, 
 has been interpreted by Dr. Brinton as representing the God 
 of Time bringing in the dead year. 
 
 The effort has been made to identify the deities from the 
 pictographs and glyphs, but it is largely guesswork, and can 
 not be relied upon. This, however, may be said: that there 
 were personal gods, both in Central America and Peru, which 
 were worshiped as supernatural beings, but there was no such 
 conception of a supreme god as we have, nor even a con- 
 ception which was equal to that of the Greeks. The gods 
 were identified with the cardinal points, the operations of 
 nature, the course of the seasons, and, perhaps, with the 
 astronomical movements, though there is a doubt about this 
 last supposition. The gods are supposed to have consorts and 
 to have children, the children performing offices which were 
 peculiar to themselves. To illustrate: Cuculcan is supposed 
 to be a god of the west; his consort was the rainbow; their 
 children were the Bacabs or giants, called "Chacs." They 
 ^were also gods of the cardinal points and of the crops. They 
 are represented in the codices as drawing stores from the 
 ■cloud vases. Each of the gods had his own mission and his 
 
436 NA TIVE A M ERIC A N SYMBOLISM. 
 
 own personality, so that many have imagined that they could 
 recognize them by the pictographs. The god with a single 
 tooth, is said to be the Moon god; the god with the serpent 
 issuing [,from his mouth, is said to represent the chief god, 
 Itzamna; the god with the shaded face, is supposed to be 
 Cuculcan, who watched over the crops. 
 
 We are also to notice that the chief gods of the Peruvians 
 resembled those of the Mayas, but were nearer to our own con- 
 ception of the divinity. The prayers addressed to them breathe 
 a pure spirit of devotion. The chief god was the embodiment 
 of the light of day, and was represented by the sun, whose face 
 was wrought of gold and placed upon the walls of the temple. 
 There were Culiure heroes who were the personification of 
 light. The office and character of the supreme gods were very 
 similar to those of the May. is. Bochica was the supreme 
 male divinity, his consort was the Rainbow; Cuchaviva was the 
 goddess of rains and waters, fields, medicine, and child-bear- 
 ing; Votan was the chief god, he assigned the different races 
 of men the places where they were to dwell, he instituted civil 
 laws, and was the Culture hero of the Mayas, so Viracocha 
 was the chief god and Culture hero of the Quichuas. He 
 corresponded to Quezatlcoatl and Itzamna. The worship of 
 Pachacamac appeared in ancient Peru, his name means giving 
 life to the world. All of these divinities were worshiped with 
 the idea that they had once lived upon the earth in human 
 form, were white and bearded, but had withdrawn, and yet the 
 expectation was that they would return. In this respect, the 
 pagan idea was not unlike that which is held by Christians, 
 though the character of Christ is infinitely superior to any of 
 these Nature gods. The chief difference between them was 
 that they represented the Nature powers, rather than the per- 
 sonality of God. To illustrate : we find in Peru the story of 
 the four brothers. They appeared on earth after it had been 
 rescued from the primeval waters, and the face of the land was 
 divided between them. Manco Capac took the north; CoUa, 
 the south; Pinahua, the west, and the east, the region whence 
 come the sun and the light, was given to Viracocha, under his 
 name of the Finisher, he who completes and perfects. 
 
IfilST OF DIVINITIES. 
 
 A 
 
 DIVINITIBS. TRIBES. 
 
 Acatl, God of the Sky Mayas. 
 
 M^'/i'^^'u™ ! Divine Twins Zunis. 
 
 Me-tsaw-ls-ma ) 
 
 Aishish, Moon God Klamath. 
 
 Akekenet, Evil Spirit Araucanians. 
 
 Antelope Priest Navajoes. 
 
 Apocatequitl, God of Evil Peruvians. 
 
 Ashonutli, Sky God Navajoes. 
 
 Atotarho, Thunder Bird Iroquois. 
 
 Attaensic, Mother God Iroquois. 
 
 Atius, Earth God Pawnees. 
 
 Atosis, The Snake Abenaki. 
 
 B 
 
 Bacabs. Gods of the Four Points Nahuas. 
 
 Bochica, Hero Gods Muyscas. 
 
 C 
 
 Camaxtli, Thunder God Chicemecs. 
 
 Centeotl, God of Maize Aztecs. 
 
 Chakhihitlicue, Sister of Rain God Aztecs. 
 
 Chantu, Destroyer Aztecs. 
 
 Checatl, Man 
 
 Chichen-Itza, Temple Nahuas. 
 
 Chicomecoatl, Goddess of Provisions Aztecs. 
 
 Chitseh, Fish Tinnehs . 
 
 Coatlicue, Virgin Goddess Aztecs. 
 
 Cotokinimwa, Lightning God Zunis. 
 
 Coxcox, Noah Mexican. 
 
 Cuculcan, Chief God Mayas. 
 
 D 
 
 Dzhe-Manido, Shadow Spirit Ojibways. 
 
 E 
 
 Ehtcatl, God of the Air Tezcucans. 
 
 Emisee, Master of Breath Creeks. 
 
 Estas, Mythic Bird Carriers. 
 
 Etsanatlehi, Goddess of the West Navajoes. 
 
 G 
 
 Glooskap, Chief God Abenaki. 
 
 Gucumatz, God of the Air Nahuai. 
 
 Gumango, God of the North Californians. 
 
 H 
 
 Hasjelti, Mountain God Navajoes. 
 
 Hathlingzo, Sunshine Navajoes. 
 
 Hawanee, Great God Iroquois. 
 
 Hephaestus. Vulcan Greek. 
 
 Heno, Thunderer Navajoes. 
 
 Heyoka, Chief Thunder God Dakotas. 
 
 Hiawatha, Culture Hero Iroquois. 
 
488 LIST OF DIVINITIES. 
 
 DIVINITIES. TRIBES. 
 
 Hoorts, The Bear Thlinkeets. 
 
 Hooyeh, The Raven Ojibways. 
 
 Hostjobokon, Rain God N avajoes. 
 
 Hostjoghon, Mountain Divinity Navajoes. 
 
 Huitzilopochtli, God of Deatli Aztecs. 
 
 Huehueleotl, Oldest of the Gods Aztecs. 
 
 Huemac, God of Earthquakes Zapotecs. 
 
 Hurakan, Storm God Quiches. 
 
 Hushtoli, Storm Wind Sioux . 
 
 1 
 
 Icni, Lightning God Navajoes. 
 
 Ictasanda, Reptile People Dakotas, 
 
 Ictiniki, Creator and Sun God Omahas. 
 
 Ictinike, Loki, or Evil One Omahas. 
 
 Igdrasil, Tree of Life Scandinavian. 
 
 Ikto, Wise Man Sioux. 
 
 Indacinga, Supernatural Being Ponkas. 
 
 Ingsan, Thunder Being Omahas. 
 
 In-gul-itung, Lightning God Eskimos. 
 
 loskeha, Chief God (The White One) Iroquois. 
 
 Ids ke-ha, Holder of the Heavens Iroquois. 
 
 Itzamna, Hero God Nahuas. 
 
 Ixmucanl, Burying Goddess Mayas. 
 
 K 
 
 Kagsuk, Fabulous Creature Eskimos. 
 
 Kaila, Spirits Klamath . 
 
 Kee-zegbeset, Hobgoblin Passamaquoddies. 
 
 Kiliopak, Fabulous Beast Eskimos. 
 
 Kitche Manitou, Creator Ojibways. 
 
 Klictso, Great Serpent Navajoes. 
 
 Kmukamtch, Old Man of the Ancients Klamath. 
 
 Koki, Ancestral Gods Zunis . 
 
 Koko, Intercessor for Rain Zunis. 
 
 Koloowitze, Sky God Zunis. 
 
 Koye-me-shi, God of the Wind? Zunis. 
 
 Kuetiqui, War God.. Iroquois. 
 
 L 
 
 Lalawakobtito, Dark Island Pawnees. 
 
 Lelangub, Fluteman Zunis. 
 
 M 
 
 Macana, God of the Earth Moquis. 
 
 Mahadeo, Hindoo Symbol Hindoos. 
 
 Mama Cochu, God of Water ... Botocudas. 
 
 Mana, Virgin Goddess Moquis. 
 
 Manabush, Great Mystery Menominees. 
 
 Mancingaxe, Wolf People Kansas. 
 
 Manitou, Chief God Dakotas. 
 
 Manibozho, Chief God Algonkins. 
 
 Ma-nu-na, Earth Maker Winncbagos. 
 
 Marduk. God Babylonians. 
 
 Mechemanitou, Wicked Spirit Menomini . 
 
 Mectinzo, Giant Rabbit Osages. 
 
 Michabo, Giant Rabbit Algonkins. 
 
 Midi Wigan, Sacred Songs Ojibways. 
 
 Mistlantecutli, Goddess of Health Aztec. 
 
 Mixcoatl, Cloud Serpent Ghicemecs. 
 
 Munatallcani, Ghosts Klamath. 
 
 Mustangho, Creator Mojaves, 
 
LIS! OF DIVINITIES, 489 
 
 N 
 
 DIVINITIES. TRIBES. 
 
 Na hur-ac, Animal Divinity Pawnees. 
 
 Napioa, Double-jointed God Blackfeet. 
 
 Naaskidi, Humpbacks (Cloud Divinities) Navajoes. 
 
 Natsingh, Animal God Aleuts. 
 
 Natzonlit, ) The Twelve Gods Apacbei. 
 
 Nudagonyet S 
 
 Nay-un-u-wi, Stone Shield Monster Cherokee. 
 
 Nekilstlus, Raven Thlinkeet. 
 
 Ne-kons-kau, Moving God Dakotas. 
 
 Niaba, The Moon Omahas. 
 
 Niltci, Wind Navajoes. 
 
 Nipika, Mountain Spirit Kootenays. 
 
 Nokomis, Mother Goddess Menominees. 
 
 Nokoilpi, Gambling God Navajoes. 
 
 Nonihecatl, Lord of the Four Winds Aztecs. 
 
 Nu-let-shi, Underground God Dakotas. 
 
 Numock-mucenah, Chief God ..Mandans. 
 
 O 
 
 Cannes, God of the Ocean Hindoo. 
 
 Oki, Evil Spirit Powhattans. 
 
 Omowuh. Rain God Tusayans. 
 
 Oneout, Great Serpent Hurons. 
 
 Oonktaghe, God of Waters Dakotas. 
 
 Orka, Whale-Killer Thlinkeets. 
 
 P 
 
 Pachacamac, Chief God Peruvians. 
 
 Palulukin. Great Plumed Snake Tusayans. 
 
 Paupukeewis, Mischievous Spirit Iroquois. 
 
 Pihokong, War God Moquis. 
 
 Q 
 Quetzalcoatl, Fair God ...Nahuas. 
 
 R 
 Rimac, Chief God Peruvians. 
 
 S 
 
 Salamabiya, God of the Cardinal Points Zunis. 
 
 Sawa ni-kia, Magic Medicine of War Zunis. 
 
 Sedna, Sea Woman Eskimos. 
 
 Sentlae, The Sun Haidas. 
 
 Siepuh. War God Papagoes. 
 
 Sip-a-pu, Place of Emergence Navajoes, 
 
 Shaman, Priest Eskimos. 
 
 Sootiki, Sky God Zunis. 
 
 Sone-yah-tis-sa-ye, The One that made Us Iroquois. 
 
 T 
 
 Tadodaho, Snake-Headed Chief Onandagas. 
 
 Tah-anah-deh, Dig Chief Above Dakotas. 
 
 Ta-kin-yan, Thunder Being Dakotas. 
 
 Ta-eh-wea-wah-ka. Holder of the Heavens Onandagas. 
 
 Ta-en yah-wah-ki, Holder of the Heavens Iroquois. 
 
 Ta-oun ya-wat-ha, God of Rivers Onandagas. 
 
 Ta-wis-a-ka-rong. Flint Monster Iroquois. 
 
 Taingesah-tsah, Bird Gods Aleuts. 
 
 Taiwa. Sun God Zunis. 
 
440 LIST OF DIVINITIES. 
 
 DIVINITIES. TRIBES. 
 
 Tamahnous, Prayer God Chinooks. 
 
 Tamu, Old Man of the Sky Caribs. 
 
 Talanipikeh, Lightning God Hopis. 
 
 Taras, Cloud Serpent Tarascos. 
 
 Tecpatl, Air God Mayas. 
 
 Teoyaomiqui, Chief God Aztecs. 
 
 Tezcatlipoca, God of Death Nahuas. 
 
 Teotihuacan, Chief God Mexicans. 
 
 Theronhaiwagoni, Holder of the Heavtn^ Iroquois. 
 
 Tirawa, Great Creator Iroquois. 
 
 Tlaloc, God of Water Aztecs. 
 
 Tonocateotl, God of Our Fiesh Nahuas. 
 
 U 
 
 Udlugitung, Thunder God Eskimos. 
 
 Ugahanadaze, Darkness Omahas. 
 
 Unktehi, Water God Dakotas. 
 
 Usrme, Smoking Weed Eskimos. 
 
 V 
 
 Vira Cocha. Chief God Peruvians. 
 
 Votan, Hero God Peruvians. 
 
 W 
 
 Waktcegi, Water Monster Winnebagos. 
 
 Wakanda, Wonder God Dakotas. 
 
 Wanaki. Traditions Algonkins. 
 
 Wan-ki-na-ga, Father God Shoshones. 
 
 Wapahoe, Pumpkin Eskinws. 
 
 Waukan, God of Waters Dakotas. 
 
 Waukeon, Thunder Bird Dakotas. 
 
 Woo-chow-sene, Windblower Abenaki. 
 
 X 
 
 Xibalba, Hero God Aztecs. 
 
 Y 
 
 Yabetsi, Talking God Navajoes. 
 
 Yehl, Raven Haidas. 
 
NDEX. 
 
 Abenaki, 36Q, 378. 
 
 Adams County, Illinois. 6g. 
 
 ALiska, 365. 
 
 Aleuts, 149, 300. 
 
 Algonkins, 22q, 369, 385. 
 
 Alligator, 211. 
 
 Altars, 204, 213. 
 
 Alton, 111., 188. 
 
 Ancestor Worship, 297, 310. 
 
 Antelope Gens, 93. 
 
 Anthropormorphism, 315. 
 
 Apaches, 59, 22g. 
 
 Arapahoes, 251. 
 
 Arbor Lowe, 152. 
 
 Arched Heavens, 149. 
 
 Athapascans, 22q, 242, 
 
 Atotarho, 260, 324. 
 
 Avebury, 151, 237. 
 
 Aztecs, 100, 120, 171, 222, 390, 
 
 Bancroft, H. H., 58, 164, 178, 244, 434. 
 
 Bandelier, Ad. F., 178. 
 
 Bartram, Dr., 145, 164. 
 
 Bears, 303. 
 
 Bicani, 31. 
 
 Birds. 189, 200, 267, 271, 286. 300. 
 
 Bottocudos, 232. 
 
 Boulder Mosaics, 85. 
 
 Brinton, Dr. D. G., 8, 60, 62, 231, 232, 
 
 267, 386, 396, 406. 
 Buddhist Temples, 112. 
 Buffaloes, 34, 83. 
 Rutler County. 65. 
 Butterfly, 286. 
 
 Caddos, 232. 
 Cadmus, 223. 
 Cahokia. 161, 170, 173. 
 Calendar, 105. 
 Californians, 247, 261. 
 CalH, loi, 278, 
 Calumet, 36 
 Canadian. 264. 376. 
 Canon de Chelly, 291. 
 Cardinal Pomts, 201, 293, 322, 329, 
 Caribs 232. 305. 
 Carthage, Ala , 73. 
 Carved Images 306. 
 Castalian Springs, 254. 
 Cathlins, 351. , 
 
 Catlin, 33, III. 230, 243, 263, 266. 
 Cayugas, 20. 
 Centeotl, 432. 
 
 Central America. 3, 15. 37, 54, 128. 
 148, 159, 174. 181, 278, 390, 425 
 
 Chaldea, 167, 181, 225, 228, 273. 
 
 Charlotte Island. 353. 
 
 Charnay, 208, 280, 402, 404, 406, 413. 
 
 Cheops, 174. 179. 
 
 Cherokee, 36, 62,63, 143, 147,231,232, 
 
 268, 384, 429. 
 Chicasaw, 62, 168, 232. 
 Chichen-Itza, 76, 102. 
 Chicimecs, 278, 425. 
 Chilkat, 355. 
 Chillicoth'e, Ohio, 76. 
 Chimalpopoca, 245. 
 Chinese, 41, 167, 181, 332. 
 Chinooks, 230. 
 Chippewas, 56, 360, 365. 
 Chitsah, 300. 
 Choctaws, 62, 168. 
 Cholula, 168, 174, 232, 311, 390,404. 
 Cibola, 156. 
 Circles, 187, 236. 3ii.c- 
 Cliff-Dwellers, 148, 235. 
 Cloud Symbols, 289, 292, 325, 
 Cockatrice, 224, 283. 
 Codex. 201, 203. 232. 
 Codices, 37, 201, 232. 254. 277. 
 Coiled Serpent, 79, 148. 
 Colorado, 12. 
 Comanches, 241. 
 
 Copan, 124, 177,404, 408. 4>6, 426, 428. 
 Copper Plates, 77.255- 
 Copper Eagle, 218. 
 Cornstalk, 171. 
 Cortesian, 277. 
 Cosmic Serpent, loi. 
 Cosmic Symbols, 301, 313. 
 Cosumalhuapa, 137,272, 
 Coyote, 246. 
 Creation Myth, 157. 
 Creeks, 27, 62, 200, 268. 
 Cremation, 213. 
 Crocodiles, 42. 
 
 Cro"ss, 185, 195. 204, 275, 311, 417- 
 Cuculkan, 405, 425- 
 Culture Heroes, 55, 369, 379. 389. 399. 
 
 405. 423, 425- 
 Cup Stone, 209, 218. 
 Gushing, Frank, 154- 
 Cuzco. 168, 184. 
 
 Dakotas, 8, 22, 40, 68, 85, 86, 229, 263, 
 
 273, 380. 
 Dance Kilt, 295. 
 Deer, 120. 
 
 Delewares, 30, 60, 371. 
 Deluge, 142, 227, 229, 242, 245. 
 
442 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Demon, 7, 145. 
 Demonism, 7. 
 Detroit River, 264. 
 Diodorus Siculus, 115. 
 Disks, 135. 
 Dorman, R. M., 58. 
 Dorsey, Rev. J. O , 40. 
 Dragon, 228, 285. 
 Dragon Fly, 286. 
 Druids, g4, 151, 215, 234. 
 Dzhe Manido, 318. 
 
 Eagle, 31, 40, 121, 250. 268. 
 Earth, 319. 
 
 Easter Islands, 301, 367. 
 Eells, M., 41, 269. 
 Effigies, 69, 72, 85. 88. 
 , Egypt, 123, 129, 136, 159,174,179,180 
 
 190, '223, 225, 336. 
 Egyptian, 94. 
 Eleusinian, 94. 
 
 Eskimos, 2, 6, 58, 145, 302, 336, 364. 
 Etowah, 31, 249. 
 Etruscan, 98, 174. 
 
 Fair God, 231. 
 
 Feathered Monster, 50. 
 
 Fejervary Codex, 202. 
 
 Fetish, 291. 
 
 Fewkes, J. Walter, 19. 253, 282. 
 
 Fightmg Figures, 268. 
 
 Fire Generator, 216, 225. 
 
 Fire-Worship, 217, 225, 312. 
 
 Fletcher, Alice, 251. 
 
 Flint Knife, 51. 
 
 Flint Ridge, 213. 
 
 Flute People, 291. 
 
 France, 210, 335. 
 
 Georgia, 78, 304. 
 
 Germ God, 253. 
 
 Ghizeh, 161, 
 
 Gila Valley, 1515, 247. 
 
 Glooskap, 260. 
 
 Goraara, 232. 
 
 Gorget, 73, 127, 147, 199. 
 
 Great Spirit, 300, 320. 
 
 Greeks, 166. 
 
 Guatemala, 149, 216, 308, 309. 
 
 Gucumatz, 3^0. 
 
 Gulf States, 145, 147, 
 
 Habel, Mons., 121, 137, 148, 272. 
 Haidas, 31, 60, 339, 340, 346, 358, 365. 
 Haida Woman, Figures of, 25, 26. 
 Hamilton County, 65. 
 Hasjelti, 324, 327, 331. 
 Hamy, Dr., 281, 406. 
 Herrera, 22, 
 Hawk, 114. 
 Henshaw, H. M., 46. 
 Hieroglyphics, 37. 
 
 Hindoos, 94, 140, IJ7, 199. 
 
 Holden, E. S., 109. 
 
 Holmes. W. H., 78, 88, 116, 193. 296. 
 
 Honduras, 399. 
 
 Hooked Cross, 219, 
 
 Hopewell Mounds, 218. 
 
 Horseshoe, 153. 
 
 Human Face, 258. 
 
 Human Figures, 279, 345. 
 
 Human Images, 271, 305, 345. 
 
 Humboldt, 162. 
 
 Huron?, 386. 
 
 Hyperboreans, 5. 
 
 Ictasanda, 35. 
 
 Idols, 16, 107, 206, 273, 274, 303, 307. 
 
 Igdrasil, 273. 
 
 Images, 271, 306, 345. 
 
 Indian Medicine Man, 45. 
 
 Ingcejide. 35. 
 
 Inscribed Rock, 18, 46, 96, 188. 
 
 Iroquois, 20, 25, 58, 75,229, 261, 424. 
 
 Itzamna, 394. 
 
 Kabah, 404, 416. 
 
 Kalevala, 56. 
 
 Kennebec, 59. 
 
 Kentucky, 66, 78, 238. 
 
 Kitchi Manido, 316, 318. '' 
 
 Kiva, 287. 
 
 Klamath, 269, 270. 
 
 Klictso, 329. 
 
 Koko, 287. 
 
 Koloowitse, 287. 
 
 Koyemeshi, 288. 
 
 Knife-Feathered Monster, 50. 
 
 Knisteneaux, 381. 
 
 Lafitau, III, 
 
 Lagunas, 21, 22. 
 
 Landa, 202. 
 
 Legendary Rock, 242. 
 
 Lelanguh, 291. 
 
 Leland, Chas., 56. 
 
 Lenape, 50, 60, 165, 245, 
 
 Le Normand, 54, 179, 225. 
 
 Lewis, A. L., 71, 152, 234, 
 
 Lightning God, 321, 332, 384, 386. 
 
 Lizard, 120, 
 
 Loch Nell, 71. 
 
 Loki, 225, 231. 
 
 Lockyer, 172, 182. 
 
 Lorillard, 208, 405. 
 
 Loskiel, n i . 
 
 Mackinaw, 242. 
 Mahadeo, 210. 
 Maiais Cross, '273. 
 Mallery, Col , 9, 264. 
 Managua, 307. 
 Mandans, 230, 251, 384. 
 Manibozho, 56, 229, 375. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 44« 
 
 Manitou, 59. 
 Masks, 128. 
 
 Mason, Prof. O. T., 305. 
 "Mastabah, 175. 
 Maurice, W. F., 151. 
 Mayas, 15, 22. 178, 277, 313, 393- 
 McLean, J. P., 90. s ^^_ 
 Medicine Man, 47. | t.i-.7J 
 Menominees, 371. 
 Mexico, 97, 107, 120, 148, 181. 
 Mexicans, 109, 170, 192, 203. 
 Miamis, 22. 
 Miami River, 61;, 76. 
 Michabo, 229. 
 Mide Wigan, 320. 
 Missouri, 127. 
 Missasagas, 376. 
 Mitla, 179. 
 Miztecs, 246. 
 Mohawks, 20. 
 Monkey, 120. 
 Montezuma, 95, 243- 
 Moqu:s, 27, 31, 67, 93, 154, 186, 243, 
 
 260. 307, 321. 
 Morgan, L. H., 178. 
 Mound Builders, 61, 147. 171.235,305. 
 Mound City, 74, 214. 
 Mount Meru, 167, 322. 
 Mount Shasta, 247. 
 Mountain Chant, 327. 
 Mountain Gods, 312, 321, 326. 
 Mountain Lion, 51. 
 Muscogees, 36. 62. 
 Muskoki, 62. 
 Muskrat, 230. 
 
 Naaskidi, 325. 
 
 Nahuas, 15, 178, 220, 253, 277,300, 395. 
 
 Nahurac, 68. 
 
 Nanticoke, 60. 
 
 Nature Powers, 422, 425. 
 
 Navajoes, 12, 30, 219, 221, 321, 325. 
 
 Newark, Ohio, 72. 
 
 New York, 83, 
 
 New Zealand, 356. 
 
 Niblack. 340. 
 
 Nokomis, 371. 
 
 Norsemen, 370. 
 
 Cannes, 228. 
 
 Ohio, 61. 69, 151. 
 
 Ojibways, 7, 24, 145, 187, 230. 318, 
 
 378. 
 Omaha. 33.35. 321. 
 Oneidas, 20, 
 Onondagas, 20, 75. 
 Oonktaghe, 384, 
 Orizaba, 210. 
 Osages, 31. 
 Osiris, 129, 225. 
 Ostyaks, 41. 
 Ottawas, 33. 379- 
 
 Paint Creek, 64, 214. 
 
 Packard, J. S., 211. 
 
 Palenque, 137, 163, 178. 
 
 Panther. 313. 
 
 Pawnees, 20, 35, 68. 
 
 Pekin, 181. 
 
 Peruvians, 159. 
 
 Phallic, 209, 2(5, 233. 
 
 Phene, 70. 
 
 Phoenix, 114. 
 
 Picote, 136. 
 
 Pimas, 321, 
 
 Piutes. 59. 
 
 Portraits, 310. 
 
 Portsmouth, Ohio, 66. 92, 21 1. 
 
 Ponkas, 33, 321. 
 
 Powell, Major, 4. 
 
 Plumed Prayer Stick, 294. 
 
 Prayer Meal, 284. 
 
 Pu(-blos, 13, 29, 187, 307. 
 
 Putnam, F. W., 70. 
 
 Pytho, 223. 
 
 Pyramid, 159. 184. 
 
 Quackligui, 31. 
 Quetzatlcoatl, 245, 311. 
 Quichuas, 232. 
 Quincy, 213. 
 Quirigua, 401. 
 Quonagani, 31. 
 
 Rabbit, 120. 
 Rainbow, 221, 321, 329. 
 Rain God, 282, 292, 311. 
 Rain Symbol, 282. 
 Raven, 313. 
 Rock Inscriptions, 188. 
 
 SabEeanism, 307. 
 Sacs, 218. 
 Salamobiya. 287. 
 Sand Painting, 221, 332. 
 Schoolcraft, 375. 
 Scioto, 66, 237. 
 Sedna, 302, 364. 
 Senecas, 20. 
 Serpent Effigies, 90. 
 Serpent Mounds, 57, 88. 
 Serpent Ornament, loi. 
 Serpent Ring, 102. 
 Serpent Symbol, 56. 
 Shamanism, 129, 290, 300. 
 Shawnees, 60, 95. 
 Shells, 289. 
 Shell Gorget, 197. 
 Shoshones, 95, 241. 
 Silver Bracelets, 344- 
 Sioux, 381. 
 Sipapu, 294. 
 
 Skidegat, 349- ^ ^ . . 
 
 Sky Divinity, 143, 156. 262, 276. 283, 
 
 307, 314- 
 Sky Symbol. 187, 283. 
 
444 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sky Worship, 154, 307. 
 Snake Dance, 293. 
 Snake God. 229, 265, 289. 
 Solstitial, 288. 
 Sootikee, 157. 
 Spider, 127, 193. 
 Spider Gorget, 194, 252. 
 Squier, E. G., 77. 91, 82. 
 Staircases, 177. 
 Standing Stones, 335. 
 Statues, 259. 
 Stephens, J. L., 400. 
 Stepped Figure. 313. 
 Stevenson, Mrs. M. C, 290. 
 Stonehenge, 153. 
 Suastika, 198, 223, 309. 
 Sun Circles, 238. 
 Sun Worship, 113, I44- 
 Sun Symbol, 186. 
 
 Tablets, 183. 
 
 Tawiskara, 279. 
 
 Tecpatl, 378. 
 
 Tehuantepec, 179. 
 
 Temples, 182. 
 
 Tennessee, 1 16. 
 
 Teotihuacan, 204. 
 
 Tezcatlipoca, 120. 
 
 Thebes, 122. 
 
 Thlinkeets, 37, 118, 134. 261, 354. 
 
 Thruston, G. P., 73. 
 
 Thunder Bird, 118. 
 
 Tiger, 120. 
 
 Tiki, 357. 
 
 Tinnehs, 269, 300. 
 
 Tirawa, 270. 
 
 T'kul, 365. 
 
 Tlaloc, 120, 124, 280. 
 
 Tochtli, 278. 
 
 Toltec, 56, 120, 171, 232, 244. 
 
 Tongas, 352. 
 
 Toohkan, 383. 
 
 Tortoise. 11 1: 
 
 Totemism, 26. 37, 134. 302. 
 
 Totem Posts, 340. 
 
 Transformation, 249 to 280. 
 
 Tree, 254, 275. 
 
 Tulan, 403. 
 
 Tungus, 41. 
 
 Twanas. 269. 
 
 Tylor, Dr. E. B., 244. 
 
 Uxmal, 174, 178. 
 
 Vira Cocha, 396. 
 Votan, 393. 
 
 Wake, C. Staniland. 387. 
 
 Walum Olum, 186. 245. 
 
 Water Cult, 227. 
 
 Waubesha, 260. 
 
 Waukau, 263. 
 
 Whirlwind, 284. 
 
 Whittlesey, Charles. 212, 267. 
 
 Wilson, Thomas. 209. 
 
 Wind God, 140. 
 
 Winged Circle, 138. 
 
 Winged Figure, 271. 
 
 Winged Globe. 132, 135, 136, 280. 
 
 Winged Serpent, 13. 
 
 Wolf, 119. 
 
 World Makers, 363. 
 
 World Quarters, 284, 294. 
 
 Xochicalco, 99, 159. 
 
 Yehl, 347- 
 Yucatan, 309. 
 Yucatecs, 430. 
 
 Zapotecs, 382. 
 
 Zeus, 165, 167. 
 
 Zendavesta, 374. 
 
 Zodiac, III. 132. 
 
 Zunis, 48. 156, 187, 193. 284, 321. 
 
 Zuni Prayer Bowl, 284. 
 
r 
 
 BL2500 .P37 
 
 Myths and symbols; or, Aboriginal 
 
 Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library 
 
 1 1012 00034 5274 
 
 Date Due 
 
 1539LJ. G9BI 
 
 )«-«2-«7 321B0 MC S