Ctbrarp of Che Cheological ^eminarjp PRINCETON • NEW JERSEY XTPoO .El I LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT ANCIENT EGYPT DESCRIBED BY v/ ADOLF ERMAN TRANSLATED BY H. M. TIRARD WITH 400 ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT , AND 11 PLATES ICottimt MACMILLAN AND CO. AND NEW YORK I 894 All rights reserved Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/lifeinancientegy00erma_1 PREFACE The need of a popular work on the manners and customs of Ancient Egypt has long been felt by the English public. Herr Erman supplied this need in Germany by the publication of his Aegypten , but no English scholar has attempted to fill this gap in Egyptian literature since the time of Wilkinson. In the light of modern discoveries Wilkinson’s valuable book, as far as the letterpress is concerned, has now long become obsolete ; the illustrations on the other hand will always remain a mine of wealth to every writer on this subject. In the present work, for instance, the low price of the German edition forbade the introduction of many original drawings, and Herr Erman, who chose the illustrations specially to amplify and explain the text, found that the three works most useful to him for this purpose were the Manners and Customs , by Wilkinson, the Denkmdler , by Lepsius, and L' Ilistoire de F Art , by Perrot-Chipiez. With regard to the text, finding little to help him in the work of previous scholars, Herr Erman for several years devoted all the time he could spare from his official duties to original research on the subject. The two works he mentions as having been of special service to him are Lepsius’ Denkmdler and The London Select Papyri ; in fact he would almost regard the present work as a commentary on those great publications. A list of quotations from these works is Oven at the end of this edition. The author has o confined himself to the treatment of those periods of ancient Egyptian history which have been styled the “ Old Empire,” the “Middle Empire,” and the “New Empire”; these terms have become so familiar that they have been retained ; they are fully VI LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT explained on p. 37. After the time of the 20th dynasty, the subject becomes too complicated for a work of this size, and too much mixed with foreign elements to be termed purely Egyptian. The orthography of the Egyptian names was decided upon by the author after much thought and consideration; it has therefore been retained in the English edition, with the exception of the name “ Thothmes,” which, on account of its familiarity to English readers, has been substituted (with Herr Erman’s approval) for its more correct form. In the same way the forms Osiris, Isis, and Horus, were retained by the author in the German edition. In the present English edition there have been but few altera- tions ; a few notes have been added referring to English Egypto- logical works, or to the more recent research of foreign scholars, as in the case of the translation of (p- 85), giving the result of Borchardt’s later work on the subject, with which Herr Erman is in full agreement. Herr Erman wishes to inform his English readers that he is fully aware that many alterations might be introduced into his work to bring it into accord with the results of later research, but he feels that these alterations would only affect details, and not the general scope of the book. Students of any special branch of Egyptology must consult other text-books dealing with their particular subject in more full and exact detail. For instance, those who desire to study the plans of the houses, the arts and crafts of these ancient workmen, the tools they used, the methods of workmanship they employed, will find far more exact and technical information in the publications of Prof. Petrie, which have appeared since this book was written — details which it would be impossible to incorporate in this work without greatly enlarging its extent. The valuable work of the Mission Archeologique Francaise, as well as the excavations of the Egypt Exploration Fund, carried on under the direction of M. Naville, have also added largely to our knowledge in many particulars. Thus, the great altar with its outside staircase, discovered last year in the great temple of Queen Chnemtamun (Hatasu) at Der el Bahri, corresponds PREFACE vii in many respects with the great altar of the “ House of the Sun,” depicted on the walls of the tomb of the high priest Meryre' at Tell el Amarna, described in the twelfth chapter of this work. Neither altar can claim to be unique. The important papers on the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus by F. L. Griffith in the April and May numbers of the Proceedings of the Bib. Archae- ology throw further light on the subject of Egyptian mathematics, treated at the close of the fourteenth chapter, pp. 364-368 ; and the paper on Hat Nub by G. W. Fraser in the January number of the Proceedings of the same society ought certainly to be read in connection with the account of the transport of stone at the close of the eighteenth chapter. The latter paper refers not only to the transport of alabaster across the desert from the great quarries of Hat Nub, but also to the important scene found last season by M. Naville at Der el Bahri, depicting the transport by boat of the great obelisks of Queen Chnemtamun. My thanks are especially due to Prof. Stuart Poole, who has most kindly read through the sheets in proof, and to Herr Erman for his help and courtesy in facilitating the appearance of the “child of his brain in a new dress.” The German work has already received a warm welcome ; my hope is that the Aegypten , in its new form of Life in Ancient Egypt , may give pleasure and help to many who, in their busy life, prefer to read books in their mother tongue. HELEN MARY TIRARD. June 1894, 74 Harley Street, W. CONTENTS Introduction Traditional Characteristics of Egypt — Importance of Egypt in the History of the World — Jewish and Greek Sources — The Egyptian Monuments — Difficulties inherent in the Subject Pages 1-6 CHAPTER I The Land of Egypt Geology of the Country — Climate and Inundation — Flora and Fauna — Character of the Country ; its Influence on the Nation — The Twofold Division of the Country — Density of the Population — The Nomes or Provinces — Upper Egypt — Middle Egypt and the Feyum — Lower Egypt Pages 7-28 CHAPTER II The People of Egypt Origin of the Egyptians — Characteristics of the Egyptian People — Dawn of Egyptian History Pages 29-35 CHAPTER III History of Ancient Egypt Chronology — The Old Empire — The Middle Empire ; the Hyksos — The Eighteenth Dynasty — The Religious Reformation — The Nineteenth Dynasty — The Twentieth Dynasty — Later Periods ...... ... Pages 36-52 CHAPTER IV The King and his Court The Status of Royalty in the East — Titles of the King — The King in his Divine Character — The Regalia and the Officials belonging thereto — Suite of the King — The King’s Accession — The King in his Priestly Character — The King the Head of the Government — The Court and the Court Ceremonial — The Courtiers — The King’s Consorts — The Princes — Education of the Princes ......... Pages 53-78 CHAPTER V Political Conditions in Egypt under the Old Empire The Nomes — The Two Halves of the Kingdom — Government of Upper Egypt ; the “ Great Men of the South” — Government of the North Country — The Treasury Department — Administra- tion of Justice — Honours and Titles — Disintegration of the Kingdom under the Middle X LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT Empire — Hereditary Government of the Nornes — The Nomarchs — Administration of Govern- ment in the Nornes — The Treasury Department under the Middle Empire — Decline of the Bureaucratic Government — Social conditions in the Earlier Period — Property of the Aristocracy — The Middle Class ... . . . . . Pages 79-101 CHAPTER VI Political Conditions in Egypt under the New Empire Disappearance of the Old Nobility — Soldiers and Priests become the Ruling Classes — The Slaves of the King — The Plighest Officials — The Treasury Department — Scribes and Deeds — The Archives — The Official and his Chief — Reprimand and Deposition — Distinctions — Bestowal of the “Gold” — The Workmen and their Life — Social conditions under the New Empire— Serfs and Bondservants ..... Pages 102- 129 CHAPTER VII The Police and the Courts of Justice Robberies in the Theban Necropolis — Lawsuit against the Tomb Robbers — The Courts of Justice under the Old Empire — The Courts of Justice under the New Empire — Laws ; exceptional Procedure — A Case of High Treason — Contracts — Statutes regarding Endowments Pages 1 30- 1 49 CHAPTER VIII Family Life The Status of the Wife — Double Marriages — The Harem — Marriage with a Sister — Morality of the Nation — Inheritance of Property — Genealogies — Personal Names — Surnames and Pet-names — Erasure of Names — Education and Morals .... Pages 150-166 CHAPTER IX The House Preliminary Remarks — Change of Site of the Royal Towns — Memphis — Houses of the Old Empire — Pictures of Houses of the New Empire — Country Houses — Town Residences of the New Empire — Palace of the King — Chairs and Couches — Tables and Boxes — Household Servants — The Kitchen — The Bakery — Beer — Meals — The Garden — Vine Culture — Prepara- tion of Wine ........ Pages 167-199 CHAPTER X Dress Preliminary Remarks — Men’s Dress under the Old Empire — -Men’s Dress under the Middle Empire — Men’s Dress under the New Empire — The Royal Short Skirt — Robes of Office — Women’s Dress under the Old Empire — Women’s Dress under the New Empire — General Character of Egyptian Dress — The Laundry — Men’s Coiffure under the Old and the New Empire — Women’s Coiffure under the Old and the New Empire — Beards — Sandals and Shoes — Ornaments — Coverings for the Head — Sticks and Sceptres — Rouging and Anointing — Cosmetics Pages 200-233 CHAPTER XI Recreation Preliminary Remarks — Bird Snaring — Fishing — Hippopotamus Hunting — Fabulous Animals— Desert Hunting — Dogs and Monkeys — Bull Fights — Gymnastics — Dancing — Music and Song — Feasts — Games ....... Pages 234-258 CONTENTS xi CHAPTER XII Religion Development of Religion — Attempt at a Reformation — Legends of the Gods — Re‘ and Isis — The Rebellion of Mankind — The Myth of Osiris — Other Divine Myths — Private and Public Worship — Ritual — Sacrifices — Festivals — The House of the God — Plan of the Temples — Temple Decoration — The Names of the Temples — The Temple Enclosure — The Temple of Tell el Amarna — The Temple Outbuildings — The Priesthood under the Old Empire — The Priesthood under the Middle Empire — Rise of the Priesthood — The Priests of Arnon under the New Empire — Dress of the Priests — Gifts of the Kings to the Gods — Gifts of Ramses III. to the Gods — The Property of Amon ..... Pages 259-305 CHAPTER XIII The Dead The Soul of Man and his Ka — Influence of the Myth of Osiris on Funerary Worship — Burial — Tombs of the Old Empire — Tombs of the Middle Empire — Tombs of the New Empire — Treatment of the Viscera — Employment of Magic — Costliness of the Tombs — The Funeral — Maintenance of Funerary Services — Gradual Discontinuance of Funerary Worship — The Tombs of the Kings ....... Pages 306-327 CHAPTER XIV Learning The Practical Value of Learning — Schools — School copybooks — Writing — Phonetic Signs — Word- signs and Determinatives — Calligraphy — Orthography — Confusion and Contradictions between the Written and the Spoken Language — A Religious Commentary — History — Astronomy — The Calendar — Lucky and Unlucky Days — Magic Arts — Medicine and Magic — The Vessels — The Science of Diagnosis — Remedies — Drugs and Prescriptions — Common Diseases and Household Remedies — Egyptian Prescriptions in Europe — Mathematics — Multiplication and Division — An Equation — Geometry .... Pages 328-368 CHAPTER XV Literature Narratives of the Time of the Middle Empire — The Story of King Chufu — Tales of the Time of the New Empire — A Literary Contention — The Doctrine of the Schools — Epistolary Style — Popular Songs — Drinking Songs — Love Songs— Hymns to the Gods — An Egyptian Epic — The Parallelism of Phrases — Rhythm and Alliteration . . . Pages 369-396 CHAPTER XVI The Plastic Arts Comparison between Painting and Relief — Conventional Laws of Ancient Egyptian Art — Traces of a Freer Style — Typical Representations — The Art of the Middle and of the New Empire — Attempted Reformation of Art — Battle Pictures — Sculpture of the Old Empire — Sculpture of the Middle and of the New Empire — Technique of the Sculpture — Artists — Mud and Brick Buildings — Employment of Wood — Pillars — Tendency to a Freer Development in Architecture — Smaller Objects of Art ...... Pages 397-424 CHAPTER XVII Agriculture Irrigation — Ploughing — Hoeing and Sowing — Harvest — Threshing and Winnowing — Granaries — V arious Species of Corn — Cattle Breeding — Life of the Herdsmen — Small Stock and Birds — Cattle Breeding under the New Empire — Status of the Agricultural Labourer Pages 425-445 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT Xll CHAPTER XVIII Arts and Crafts Status of the Artisan — Matting and Woven Stuffs — Weaving and Spinning — Leatherwork — The Use of Wood — Carpenters’ Tools — Peculiarities of Egyptian Carpenters’ Work — Pottery — Glass Blowing and Metal Smelting — Metals — Goldsmiths’ Work — Sources of the Various Metals — The Nubian Gold Mines — The Mines of Sinai — The Quarries of Turah — -The Quarries of Silsilis and Syene — The Quarries of HatnmamSt — The Transport of Blocks of Stone ......... Pages 446-478 CHAPTER XIX Traffic and Trade Papyrus Skiffs and Wooden Boats — The Boats of the Old Empire — The Boats of the Middle Empire — The Boats of the New Empire — Litters — Donkeys and Horses — Carriages — Riding, Travelling, and Postal Arrangements — Marketing — Barter and Exchange — Intercourse with Nubia — Nubia in the Earlier Period — Nubia under the New Empire — The Government of Nubia — The Divine Land — The Incense Countries — Intercourse with the North — Syria and Palestine ........ Pages 479-519 CHAPTER XX War Un warlike Character of the Egyptians — A War under the Old Empire — The Wars of the Middle Empire — The Fortresses of the Middle Empire — Warlike Character of the New Empire — The Battle of Ivadesh — The Syrian Fortresses — Celebration of a Victory — Treaty with the Cheta — Time of Peace with Syria — Frontier Relations — The Libyans and the Maritime Nations — A Naval Engagement — Constitution of the Army under the New Empire — The Divisions of the Army and their Equipment — The Chariot Force — The Pitiable Position of the Subordinate Officers . ...... Pages 520-550 LIST OF PLATES The First Cataract, between Assuan and Philae, the Boundary of Egypt and Nubia . . .To face page 8 SlUT DURING THE INUNDATION . . . . „ 12 The Pyramids of Gizeh, seen from the South . . „ 38 Ramses II., Statue at Turin .... ,,48 Residence of a Wealthy Egyptian of the time of the 1 8th Dynasty . . . . . . ,,180 Feast, with Musicians and Dancing Girls . ,,250 Egyptian Ladies at a Feast . . . . „ 255 The Temple of Luxor. Restoration by Gnauth, Chief Commissioner for Public Buildings . . . „ 281 Funeral Procession and Ceremonies at the Tomb To come between pages 320 & 321 Inspection of the Herds of Oxen by a High Official To face page 441 Inspection of the Flocks of Geese and of their Herds- men by a High Official .... ,, 442 TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS Abb. — Papyrus Abbott, published in the “Select Papyri in the Hieratic Character from the collections of the British Museum.” London, 1844-1860. An. — The Anastasi Papyri, in the Select Papyri. A. Z. — Zeitschrift ftir agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde. Bol. — die Papyrus von Bologna, published by Lincke, Korrespondenzen aus der Zeit der Rames- siden. Leipzig, 1878. Br. Wb. — Brugsch, Hieroglyphisch-Demotisches Worterbuch. Leipzig, 1867-1880. Br. Gr. W. — Brugsch, die agyptische Graberwelt. Leipzig, 1868. Champ, mon. — Champollion, monuments de l’Egypte et de la Nubie. Paris, 1835, bis 1S45. Diim. Flotte — Dtimichen, die Flotte einer agyptischen Konigin. Leipzig, 1868. Diim. Res. — Dtimichen, Resultate der . . . 1868 nach Aegypten entsendeten . . . Expedition. Berlin, 1869. Ebers — Papyrus Ebers. Das hermetische Buch tiber die Arzneimittel. Herausgegeben von G. Ebers. Leipzig, 1875. Harris (I.) — Facsimile of an Egyptian Hieratic Papyrus of the reign of Rameses III. London, 1876. Harris 500 — Papyrus, published in Maspero’s Etudes egyptiennes. Vol. I. Paris, 1886. Insc. in the hier. char. — Inscriptions in the hieratic character from the collections of the British Museum. London, 1868. L. A. — From Lepsius’ Abklat collection in the Berlin Museum. L. D. — Lepsius’ Denkmaler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien. 1849-1858. Lee — Papyrus Lee, see below, P. j. T. Leyden — Papyrus, published in Leemans, Aegyptische Monumenten van het Nederlandsche Museum van Oudheden te Leiden. Leyden, 1839-1882. Lieblein — Lieblein, dictionnaire de noms hieroglyphiques. Leipzig, 1871. Mar. Cat. d’Ab. — Mariette, catalogue general des monuments d’Abydos. Paris, 1880. Mar. Earn.— Mariette, Karnak. Leipzig, 1875. Mar. Mast. — Mariette, les Mastabasde l’ancien empire. Paris, 1881-1887. Mar. mon. div. — Mariette, monuments divers recueillis en Egypte. Paris, 1872, bis 1877. M. E. — Middle Empire. N. E. — New Empire. O. E. — Old Empire. d’Orb. — Papyrus d’Orbiney, published in the Select Papyri. Pap. de Boul. — Mariette, les papyrus egyptiens de Boulaq. Paris, 1872-1877. Perrot — Perrot et Chipiez, histoire de Part dans l’antiquite. Tome I. l’Egypte. Paris, 1882. P. j. T. — Deveria, le papyrus judiciaire de Turin et les papyrus Lee et Rollin. Paris, 1868 (from the Journal asiatique). Prisse — Prisse, facsimile d'un papyrus egyptien en caracteres hieratiques. Paris, 1847. Prisse mon. — Prisse, monuments egyptiens. Paris, 1847. R. J. H. — Rouge, inscriptions hieroglyphiques. Paris, 1877-1879. Rollin — Papyrus, see above, P. j. T. Ros. M. C. — Rosellini, monumenti dell’ Egitto e della Nubia. Pisa, 1842-1844. Part entitled “ Monumenti civili.” Ros. M. stor. — Ditto. Part entitled “Monumenti storici. ” Sail. — The Sallier Papyri, published in the Select Papyri. Tur. — Pleyte et Rossi, les papyrus de Turin. Leyde, 1869-1876. W. — Wilkinson, the manners and customs of the ancient Egyptians. New Edition by S. Birch. London, 1878. INTRODUCTION The Greeks, who from the seventh century B.C. were frequent visitors to the Nile Valley, marvelled to find there a civilisation which, though more ancient, was at least the equal of their own. They saw to their astonish- ment powerful populous towns, strange gigantic temples, and a people who in no wise resembled the inhabitants of Ionia and the Greek islands. This people honoured as gods oxen and crocodiles, which were served by bald linen -clad priests ; and not only in their worship did they differ from other nations, but also in their daily life they seemed to do every- thing in a way contrary to that usual in other countries. “ Concerning Egypt,” says the wise Herodotos, “ I shall extend my remarks to a great length, because there is no country that possesses so many wonders, nor any that has such a number of works which defy description. Not only is the climate different from that of the rest of the world, and the rivers unlike any other rivers, but the people also, in most of their manners and customs, exactly reverse the common practice of mankind. The women attend the markets and trade, while the men sit at home at the loom ; and here, while the rest of the world works the woof up the warp, the Egyptians work it down ; the women likewise carry burthens upon their shoulders, while the men carry them upon their heads. A woman cannot serve the priestly office either for god or goddess, but men are priests to both ; sons need not support their parents unless they choose, but daughters must, whether they choose or no. In other countries the priests have long hair, in Egypt their heads are shaven ; elsewhere it is customary, in mourning, for near relatives to cut their hair close ; the Egyptians, who wear no hair at any other time, when they lose a relative let their beards and the hair of their heads grow long. All other men pass their lives separate from animals, the Egyptians have animals always living with them ; others make barley and wheat their food, it is a disgrace to do so in Egypt, where the grain they live on is spelt, which some call sea. Dough they knead with their feet, but they mix mud with their hands. Their men wear two garments apiece, their women but one. They put on the rings and fasten the ropes to sails inside, others put B LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT them outside. When they write or calculate, instead of going like the Greeks, from left to right, they move their hand from right to left ; and they insist, notwithstanding, that it is they who go to the right, and the Greeks who go to the left.” However one-sided and exaggerated this description may be, it shows us how strange and incomprehensible the Egyptians appeared even to the educated among the Greeks, who really tried to under- stand this ancient people. The Greek populace regarded them with the same timid wonder which our people feel for the pig-tailed Chinese or Japanese. To them they were a subject for cheap wit, and they made jokes about their worshipping oxen instead of sacrificing them, revering eels instead of eating them, and mourning for dead cats instead of skinning them. Yet in spite of their mockery, they had a feeling of respect for this people, who with their ancient civilisation looked upon the Greeks as children ; there might be a deep hidden meaning in those strange deities and temples, and it was possible that those bald-headed priests possessed a secret wisdom unknown to the ordinary human under- standing. Many a Greek scholar made a pilgrimage to the Nile Valley in the hope that these priests might help to solve the great riddle of the world ; undaunted by the timid suspicious way in which they were received, they tried eagerly to grasp the meaning of the old religion, which was so carefully shrouded in mystery. We now know that these mysteries had no deep signification, and that the Greek philosopher was of far higher mental standing than the Egyptian priest. The Greeks, however, never really understood this, and the more taciturn and reserved was the behaviour of the priests, the more did the Greeks believe that they possessed wonderful secrets; and when in time they learned these mysteries and understood what was contained in the sacred writings concerning Osiris and Isis, Typhon and Horus, their faith in the wisdom of the Egyptians was so deeply rooted that they were unable to look with unprejudiced eyes at those myths, so devoid of spirituality. They inter- preted them according to their own philosophic ideas, instead of perceiving their emptiness. The reverence for old Egypt increased as centuries passed by, and at last Isis and even the jackal-headed Anubis were admitted into the circle of the Olympian gods, and under the Romans their mysteries were solemnised everywhere with the noise of the sistrum and with secret ceremonies. This simple faith of the Graeco-Roman world in the unknown wisdom of the Egyptians has lasted seventeen centuries ; not long since pyramids and obelisks were regarded with wonder and dread, mummy-cases with their foolish daemonic representations were looked upon with unfeigned awe, and rosicrucians and freemasons used hieroglyphs and Egyptian symbols as talismans. Now that we have learned to understand the monuments, to read the inscriptions, and to study the literature of ancient Egypt, the old glamour INTRODUCTION 3 has departed, and in place of the “ dim religious light ” of past time, the pitiless sun of science has risen, and we see the old Egyptians as they really were, neither better nor worse than other folk. Their old “ wisdom ” appears in some respects less wonderful, in others it even grows repulsive, while their customs are not more peculiar than those of other nations, and merit neither our ridicule nor our reverence. In one point only, a point little thought of by the ancients themselves, do we of the modern world regard the Egyptians with the greatest admiration, viz. in their art, which rose to a greatness and individuality shared by few other nations. The romantic interest of old time has now given place to more serious study awakened by the progress of Egyptological science. The history of Egypt probably goes back to a more remote age than that of any other country, with the exception perhaps of Babylonia. We know the appear- ance of the country, the language, literature, religion, and art of as early a date as 3000 B.C., while of European countries nothing is known till much later, for at the time when the heroes of Homer were fighting before Troy, ancient Egypt had already passed her zenith and had reached her period of decadence. The civilisation of other countries, though perhaps as ancient, has left no traces, while in Egypt the number of monuments which have come down to us seems inexhaustible. t This happy circumstance is due to the Egyptian climate ; for centuries the dry air and the sand have preserved to us even such delicate objects as clothes and papyrus rolls. Moreover, under the influence of their strange religious conceptions the Egyptians paid particular regard to the lasting character and rich adornment of their tombs. Whilst most people of similar standing in civilisation have been content with perish- able graves, the Egyptians prepared for their mummies vast enduring monuments, the rich decoration of which gives us full details of their manner of life. Thus in Egypt we learn to know those centuries of the remote past which in other countries are covered with a thick veil. This glimpse into the old world teaches us much ; it dissipates the false notion that men of the last two centuries are different from those of the more ancient past. The Egyptians of 3000 B.C. would resemble modern people were they in the same stage of civilisation and if they had the same surroundings. Their language, religion, and government developed in a similar way to those of later nations. The world was the same in that old time ; those eternal laws which ruled them are still in force. The progress of civilisation, the inventions of mankind, have changed but little ; the old kingdoms were founded by wars similar to those by which are founded the kingdoms of modern times ; ancient art flourished or declined under the identical circumstances which influence the art of to-day. In one other respect Egypt is full of instruction for us ; in no other country are there so few gaps in the historic sequence of events. From the time of King Snofru to the conquest of Alexander the Great, and from the Greek time to the Arab invasion, we have an almost unbroken 4 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT chain of monuments and writings. In this country alone we can observe the same people for five thousand years : the language changed once, the religion twice, the nationality of the ruling class many times, but the natural conditions of life remained steadfast. How far this people maintained their old ideas and their old customs, in spite of all these changes, is a question of the highest scientific interest. Though in the present state of our knowledge we are not able to answer this question, there is another point, more simple and scarcely less interesting, to which an answer is forthcoming. Doubtless the Egyptians of later times (1500 B.C.) had much intercourse with their northern neighbours ; and it has been supposed that these ruder nations learned much from the Egyptians, and that the Greeks especially borrowed from them the first principles of their art. We now know that the classical nations received little direct from Egypt, but that the Phoenicians at a certain period were entirely under Egyptian influence, and that this busy commercial nation spread Egyptian civilisation throughout Greece and Italy. Three sources of information are within our reach, and from these we can learn particulars of the civilisation of ancient Egypt. I . The monuments of the country ; the temples and tombs with their endless series of inscrip- tions, and pictures ; the papyrus rolls from the old libraries and archives, and the numerous objects of daily life buried with the mummies. 2. The Hebrew books giving us the stories of Moses and Joseph, and relating much of Egyptian life. 3. The accounts given by Greek travellers. The chain of history which we link together from the monuments has naturally many gaps, but if we ourselves are not guilty of misapprehen- sions, and if we take care not to confuse the monuments of different periods, we shall obtain from them a very fair and comparatively true view of the development of Egyptian civilisation. It is difficult to say how much we can learn from the “ Books of Moses ; ” much may have been re-edited in later times, and must be accepted with caution as representing Egyptian life of an earlier period. As to the Greek writers, the most important is Herodotos. What Herodotos learnt, by hearsay from the priests, of early Egyptian history is mostly legendary and unsafe ; but what he himself observed gives us as trustworthy an account as is possible to obtain from a tourist who, ignorant of the language, travels for a few months in a foreign country. Herodotos describes the Egypt of more than five hundred years later than the period with which we are now concerned ; and what is true of his time is not always so of the time of the Ramessides, and still less so of that of the pyramid age. Therefore for the solution of our problem we turn to the monuments alone, and at first sight these seem to be quite inexhaustible. The translations of inscriptions and papyri, which have been already published, would fill folios ; a great number of Egyptian texts are waiting to be deciphered both in Egypt and in our museums ; while no one can say how much still lies hidden under Egyptian soil, for as yet few of the old cities INTRODUCTION 5 and cemeteries have been thoroughly excavated. We must also add the immense number of pictured representations covering the walls and pillars of the gigantic temples and of the tombs. Yet when we come to sift our materials much has to be put aside as useless. The great towns and the palaces of the kings were built of wood and unburnt brick ; and in the mounds where they formerly stood we can find little to tell us of the life of their inhabitants. The temples with their inscriptions and wall pictures are still standing, but these inscriptions and representations refer almost solely to the worship of the gods, to sacrifices and processions, or they give us bombastic hymns to the gods, or they may perhaps contain the information that such and such a king built this sanctuary of eternal stones for his father the god, who rewarded him for this pious act by granting him a life of millions of years. If, as an exception, we find an inscription telling us of the warlike feats of a ruler, these are related in such official style and stereotyped formulae, that little can be gained towards the knowledge of Egyptian life. The tombs are much more satisfactory, for though unfortunately even in them religious inscriptions and religious pictures outweigh all else, yet most of the tombs of the oldest period show us scenes of the home life of the deceased, or tell us of his deeds and of the honours he won. Besides which, the tombs contain objects of all kinds, which the deceased used in his official or home life, and which were intended to serve him also in the under-world — weapons, articles of adornment, a draught- board, or perhaps letters from his relatives, or an important legal document. Yet these tombs and their contents, important as they are, do not give us an unbiassed nor a complete picture of Egyptian life. The deceased sees fit to relate the bright points of his biography, his promotion in office, his rewards from the king, etc., but how he was brought up, how he lived at home — in fact all his private circumstances, he passes over as uninteresting for posterity. Neither must we trust too implicitly to all that we find in the tombs, for in order to give us a high idea of the riches and virtues of the deceased, the pictures and inscriptions may not only be exagger- ated and brightly coloured, but also in many cases they have been simply copied from older tombs and therefore do not answer to the truth. The objects also found in these tombs were often kept ready-made for the purpose, and may not exactly resemble those used by the deceased in his lifetime. As to the papyri, the greater number are of no use for our purpose, as their contents are purely magical or religious. The secular ones are chiefly school books, and are intended to incite youthful students to virtue and knowledge. In these papyri the happiness of the learned profession is so obviously glorified to the prejudice of all others that implicit faith cannot be placed in them. The romances are also not to be relied upon ; the country which they describe is not Egypt but fairyland. On the other hand, there are a great number of private business letters, 6 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT inventories, note- books, and legal documents, which are of the greatest importance in the study of the Egyptian nation. In them we see the people as they really were, with all their weak points, and without the pomp and ceremony which surround the life depicted for us on the monuments. Unfortunately these are exceptionally difficult to read — in fact, with their incomprehensible puns on the events of private daily life, and their strange expressions, it is doubtful whether they can ever be completely deciphered. Thus our sources of information, which seem at first sight so rich, become gradually reduced in number, and those that are left to us are very one-sided, often representing or relating the same thing over and over again, eg. the feeding or care of cattle is depicted a hundred times more frequently than weaving or the making of pottery ; probably many industries and customs were considered too unimportant to be represented at all. We must not deny to the Egyptians the possession of some object merely because we can find no representation of it on the monuments. One other point must be added which tends to render our task of describing the civilisation of ancient Egypt more difficult. The tombs which depict the agriculture, farming, and different industries belong mostly to the period of the “ Old Empire the papyri, which teach us the customs of social and political life, are nearly all of the later time of the “ New Empire.” Therefore we know, for instance, exactly how boats were built, furniture was made, birds were snared, three thousand years before our era ; but whether the workmen were free labourers or vassals we know not. On the other hand, the papyri of the thirteenth and twelfth centuries teach us the social position of many artisans and workmen, but how they followed their various callings we can rarely tell. In order to draw a picture of life in Egypt during any one period, our imagination must aid in filling in the details of one or another portion of it, as it is never complete in itself. There is no prospect that this state of things will ever be altered ; we have therefore endeavoured in the following pages to give a sketch of the manners and customs of ancient Egypt : more than a sketch is impossible at the present time, and even in the future we can scarcely hope to fill in all the particulars. s', SigntsrmassiM^^'^siiirrr:ifl*^s5TBS?f HIEROGLYPHIC PORTION OF THE ROSF.TTA STONE. CHAPTER I THE LAND OF EGYPT The Nile receives its last great tributary, the Blue Nile, near Khartum, in about the 1 7th degree of north latitude. Above the town the river flows quietly through grassy plains ; below, the stream changes its peace- ful character, as it makes its way through the great table-land of the north of Africa, and in an immense bend of over 950 miles forces a passage through the Nubian sandstone. In some places where the harder stone emerges through the sandstone, the river, even after thousands of years, has not succeeded in completely breaking through the barrier, and the water finds its way in rapids between the hard rocks. There are ten of these so-called cataracts, and they play an important and sometimes an unhappy part in the development of Egypt and the Sudan. It is owing to them that intercourse by boats is rendered almost impossible between the Upper and Lower Nile except during high Nile, and even then there is risk of accidents happening to larger boats passing through these rapids. The last of these cataracts is 7 miles long, and forms the natural boundary of Egypt proper ; close to it is situated the town of Assuan, the old Syene. Below Assuan the character of the country again changes, and the valley, which in Nubia never exceeded 5 to 9 miles in width, broadens out, its greatest extent being, in one place, as much as 33 miles from side to side. The reason of this change is that at Gebel Silsileh, some way below Assuan, the sandstone (found throughout Nubia) gives way to lime- 8 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAr. stone, which forms cliffs bounding the river for nearly 475 miles. When the Nile reaches the Delta the limestone again gives place to later geolo- gical formations. Thus Egypt in its entire length is framed in rocky walls, which some- times reach a height of 600 to 800 feet ; they form the stereotyped horizon of all landscape views in this country. These limestone hills are not mountains in our sense of the word. Instead of rising to peaks, they form the edge of a large table- land with higher plateaus here and there. This table -land is entirely without water, and is covered with the sand of the desert, which is continually trying to trickle down into the Nile, by channels grooved in the steep monotonous wall. On THE SACRED ISLAND OF philae (after Langl). the west this barren plateau joins the shifting sand-dunes of the Sahara, which have never been thoroughly explored. About 95 miles from the river, and running parallel with it, are some remarkable dips in this table-land. These “ oases ” are well watered and very fruitful, but with these exceptions there is no vegetation in this desolate waste, which from old times has been called the Libyan desert. To the east of the Nile is a similar limestone plateau called the Arabian desert. Further inland it changes into a high mountainous country with bold peaks of granite, porphyry, gneiss, and other crystalline rocks rising sometimes to the height of 6000 feet. This magnificent range of mountains stretches along the Red Sea, and though very barren owing to the lack of rain, yet the country presents a more cheerful aspect than the Libyan desert. Springs of water are rare, but a dampness arises from the proximity of the sea, so that hardy desert plants grow everywhere, and in many places small oases are found which provide food for the wild animals and for the cattle of THE FIRST CATARACT, BETWEEN ASSUAN AND PHILAE, THE BOUNDARY OF EGYPT AND NUBIA. (After L. Libay.) [To face page 8. I THE LAND OF EGYPT 9 the nomadic tribes. The heat, however, and the want of water, make it most difficult to live in these mountains on the east of the Nile, and we cannot help admiring the courage and perseverance of the ancient Egyptians, who maintained hundreds of labourers working the large stone-pits and quarries in this vast rocky waste. To return to the Nile valley : — had the river merely forced its way through the Nubian sandstone and the Egyptian limestone, the valley could never have attained its wonderful fertility under the rainless glowing sky of Egypt, where decomposition of all vegetation is so rapid. But the Nile is not solely the outflow of the great lakes of tropical Africa ; it also receives from the west all the waterflow from the high mountains of Abyssinia ; and the mountain torrents, laden with rocky debris, dash down the sides of the hills in the rainy season, and form the two great streams of the Blue Nile and the Atbara which flow into the Nile near Khartum and Berber. Thus in the middle of the summer the river gradually rises so high that the banks can no longer contain the vast quantity of water and mud. The river overflows slowly, and after some months slowly retreats again into its bed. While the water of the inundation covers the valley the mud in the water is of course deposited, and when the stream has retreated, the country is left covered with a thin coating of this mud composed of the finest stone dust from the Abyssinian mountains ; it is this black Nile mud which has caused, and which renews each year, the fertility of Egypt. It now forms the soil of Egypt ; and from Khartum to the sea the deposit of mud in the valley has reached the height of 30 feet, and in this mud the Nile has hollowed its present bed. In another respect also the Nile is the life-blood of Egypt ; it provides water for the country, for, as in the neighbouring deserts, there is no rain- fall. On the coast of the Delta and for some miles southwards rain falls in the same way as in the other coast lands of the Mediterranean ; but, with the exception of rare storms, this is never the case in Upper Egypt. There are also no springs nor brooks, so that for water the country depends entirely on the great river from the far south. The climate of Egypt is more uniform than that of other Mediter- ranean countries, owing to the absence of the rainy season, which corre- sponds to our winter. From December to March the air is cool, and at night sometimes the temperature may almost go down to freezing point, but during eight months of the year it is very hot, and in July the thermometer rises to 1 io° Fahr. in the shade. Several causes com- bine to produce this difference of temperature. The hot south-east wind blows only from the middle of February to the middle of June, but this wind often rises to a hurricane, filling the air and covering the plants with dust ; during the rest of the year even in the hottest season the north- west wind mitigates the intense heat of the day ; the ancient Egyptians thought it one of the best things in life to “ breathe its sweet breath.” 1 The inundation has still more effect on the climate than the wind. The 1 L. D., iii. 1141, and many other instances. IO LIFE IN A ANIENT EGYPT CHAP. stream begins to rise in the beginning of June ; it becomes a mighty torrent by the end of July ; from the end of September to the end of October the water reaches its highest level, after which time it retreats more and more rapidly. In January the stream is back once more in its old bed, but it goes on subsiding till the summer. This inundation, which we must not imagine to overflow the whole country, spreads abroad coolness, dampness, and fertility ; the country revives from the oppression of the summer heat, and we easily understand why the old Egyptians should fix their New Year’s Day on the I 5 th of September, the time of highest Nile. DATE PALMS AND DOM palms (del. by Stieler). The days of inundation were, however, days of anxiety and care. The fate of the whole country hung in the balance, for if the water rose insufficiently but one -tenth part, the canals carrying the water to the higher level did not fill, and the result was the failure of the crops and famine. Again, if the inundation rose even slightly too high, sad devasta- tion ensued ; embankments and dykes were thrown down, and freshly cultivated fields, supposed to be beyond the reach of the water, were covered by the inundation. From the earliest times therefore, the rise of the Nile was closely watched and controlled by government officials, who regulated the yearly taxes by the result of the inundation. Nilometers were also constructed, — these were wells in which the height of the water I THE LAND OF EGYPT was marked as in a measure or water-gauge ; they were under the special protection of the State. In old times as now, the height of the inundation was officially notified ; and then also, as at the present day, suspicions were often aroused that the official statement was exaggerated. An old Nilo- meter still exists on the island of Elephantine, on the southern frontier of Egypt. In Greek times the height of a good inundation at Memphis was said to be 16 ells, and in the beautiful statue of the Nile in the Vatican the boy who represents the 16th ell looks down with great content from the cornucopia, up which he has clambered. This genius of the 1 6th ell is also to be seen on a coin of Alexandria, presenting his cornucopia to his SYCAMORES — A FEW PAPYRUS REEDS IN THE FOREGROUND (del. by Stieler). father Nile. At the present day, on account of the ground level of Egypt having been raised by the mud deposit, a yet higher inundation is needed to ensure a good harvest to the country. From the fertility of the Egyptian soil we might expect a specially rich flora, but notwithstanding the luxuriant vegetation, no country in the same latitude has so poor a variety of plants. There are very few trees. The sycamore or wild fig and the acacia are the only common forest trees, and these grow in an isolated fashion somewhat as the lime or chestnut tree grows with us. Besides these there are fruit trees, such as the date and dom palms, the fig tree, and others. • The scarcity of wood is quite a calamity for Egypt. It is the same with plants ; herbs and vegetables reign in this land of cultivation, and wild flowers are scarcely to be found. 12 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. Klunzinger, who knows Egypt most thoroughly, says : “ In this country, wherever a spot exists where wild plants could grow (i.e. irrigated ground), the agriculturist comes, sows his seed and weeds out the wild flowers. There are also no alpine nor forest plants, no heather, no plants common to ruins, bogs, or lakes, partly because there are no such places in Egypt, partly also for want of water and shade. The ploughed and the fallow land, the banks and hedges, the river and the bed of the inun- dation canals alone remain. Here a certain number of plants are found, but they are isolated, they never cover a plot of ground, even the grasses, of which there are a good many varieties, never form a green sward ; there are no meadows such as charm the eye in other countries, though the clover fields which serve for pasture, and the cornfields as long as they are green, compensate to some extent.” Even the streams, the numerous watercourses and canals, are poorer in vegetation than one would expect under this southern sky. The present aspect of Egypt is pleasant though monotonous ; the gleaming water of the broad river flows peacefully through the green fields, and the Delta also, intersected by numerous canals, looks very much like a rich well-cultivated European plain. We scarcely realise that we are on African soil, and on the banks of a river flowing from the heart of the tropics. In prehistoric times, however, the aspect of Egypt was doubtless very different, and probably resembled that of the present valley of the Nile in the interior of Africa.1 2 The banks were covered by primaeval forests, the river changed its bed from time to time, leaving behind stagnant branches ; the surface of the water was covered with luxuriant weeds, the gigantic papyrus rushes made an impenetrable undergrowth, until the stream broke through them and carried them as a floating island to another spot. These swamps and forests, inhabited by the crocodile, buffalo, and hippopotamus, have been changed into peaceful fields, not so much by an alteration in the climate, as by the hand of man working for thousands of years. The land has been cleared by the inhabitants, each foot has been won with difficulty from the swamp, until at last the wild plants and the mighty animals which possessed the country have been com- pletely exterminated. The hippopotamus is not to be seen south of Nubia, and the papyrus reeds are first met with in the 9th degree of latitude. In the first historical period, 3000-2500 B.C., this clearing of the land had been in part accomplished. The forests had long ago disappeared, and the acacias of Nubia had to furnish the wood for boat-building ;J the papyrus, however, was still abundant. The “ backwaters,” in which these rushes grew, were the favourite tesorts for sport, and the reed itself was used in all kinds of useful ways. The same state of things existed in the time of Herodotos. In the time of which we shall treat, Egypt was not so over-cultivated as now, though the buildings were no less extensive. 1 See Ueber den afrikanischen Urspruug aegyptischer Kulturpjlansen ,iby Schweinfurth, translated by Thiselton Dyer. 2 Inscription of Une’ (A. Z., 1882, 25). SIUT DURING THE INUNDATION. (After L. D., I. 62.) [To face page 12. I THE LAND OF EGYPT *3 The climate of Egypt would seem to make life easy to mankind, the weather provides him with no grievance, the fields bear rich crops through- out the year, the cattle are never in want of pasture, the river is stocked with fish in abundance. We should therefore expect to find a people spending their lives cheerfully and brightly, somewhat after the fashion of the Homeric heroes. Yet the Egyptian labourer, both of the present and of the past, has always been a creature with little pleasure in his life, who does his work in a serious and indeed listless way, rather like his ox or his ass. The Egyptian nation has not the light-heartedness of the Greek, though the sky of Egypt smiles more brightly than that of Hellas. There is good reason for this difference of character. However easy the life of the Egyptian labourer may appear, it is really a hard one, and each day has its toil. He must never neglect his field, he must ever work hard — above all, before and during the time of inundation. The general opinion that the Nile overflows to right and left, making the country like a lake, in which the mounds of villages appear like islands, is not the truth, at least not in the case of the inundation of average height. Earnest work is needed to regulate the irrigation of the fields. The water is drawn off first into large canals, and thence into small trenches, in order to obtain the full benefit of the inundation. Dams are constructed to divide the land to be flooded into large or small parts, these are opened to the water at the right time, and the water is retained at will, or allowed to flow back into the canals by means of sluices. Some fields, completely out of the reach of the inundation, have to be irrigated entirely by means of hydraulic works. All this labour, which falls now to the lot of the modern fellah, had also to be done in the old time, and doubtless must have been a heavy burden to the Egyptian people. The making of the canals, dykes, and sluices taxed the ingenuity of the nation, and accustomed the people to systematic work. As this system could only be carried out by large bodies of men, it was impossible that the old inhabitants of the Nile valley should consist of free peasants like those of Germany in the old time. The hard logic of facts teaches us that an autocratic government is always necessary in order to control and regulate irrigation. In fact, the earliest knowledge we have of the conditions of life in Egypt shows us a strict administration of political and agrarian relations ; a state in which the individual was of little account, but in which much help was given by the government in the establishment of works for the public good, and in the superintendence of practical details. The Greeks may have enjoyed a richer and more happy civilisation than the Egyptians, but the practical work of the latter people stands higher than that of the former. In making comparisons between the youthful joyous art of Greece and the severe sober art of Egypt we must remember that the latter sprang to life on the sad soil of the Nile valley, where hard work is required of every one. We must also, if we would avoid being unjust to the Egyptian people, make allowance for one other 14 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. feature of their life, the landscape which surrounded them. The Greek, with his mountains, round which the sea foamed and the winds blew, with his green forests and his flower-decked meadows, created for himself the joyous forms of the youthful gods of Olympus, with their human feelings and sufferings. The horrors and the grandeur of the desert influenced the Semitic nomads, and deepened in them the religious feeling which permeates the purest form of religion. The landscape of Egypt on the contrary was monotonous ; everywhere the fertile green fields were inter- sected by numerous watercourses, here and there grew clumps of palms ; and ever the same horizon, the wall of the limestone mountains, bounded the view. This is not a landscape calculated to awaken the inspiration of the soul ; unconsciously the dweller in this country will become sober and prosaic, and his gods will be pale forms with whom he has no sympathy. In fact, the Egyptian peasant could scarcely understand a living personal relationship between the individual and the deity. If fancy were here allowed free course, the spirits and ghosts she would create would not resemble such forms as the friendly angel leading the people through the wilderness, nor the avenging angel stretching his hand over the sinful town to strike it with the plague, nor the ghost of the night, luring the wanderer to his destruction ; but they would be frog-headed fiends, fiends with heads twisted awry, human -faced birds, snakes with four legs, repulsive childish forms, which can awaken neither pleasure nor fear. Thus the Egyptian grew up under conditions unfavourable to the development of his spiritual life, but such as would fortify his understanding and practical industry. Foreign influence affected him little, for he lived secluded from the rest of mankind. On the east and on the west was the desert, on the north were the swamps of the Delta, on the south the rapids of the Nile and the narrow passes of Nubia. The Beduins of the Syrian desert and the Libyans of the eastern Sahara visited Egypt, and drove their flocks into the Delta, but it was only in later times that they gained any political power there, and the predatory incursions of early ages were much like those of the present day. There was little oppor- tunity for friendly intercourse with foreign nations, for the neighbouring countries were far less fertile than Egypt, and their civilisation developed much later. It was only in the time of the New Empire that the people of Syria, Asia Minor, and Nubia attained a civilisation at all resembling that of Egypt ; before that time they were barbarians despised by the Egyptians ; the Chaldaeans, whose civilisation was as old and at the same time equalled that of the Nile valley, were too far off. The undisturbed repose in which life in Egypt developed was in many respects happy for the nation ; yet there is the reverse side to the picture. The Egyptians were the least warlike of all the nations of the ancient East. Their contests with the Beduins can scarcely be called warfare, and the internal struggles were always of a subordinate character, owing to the curious long form of the country. The Egyptians therefore had no heroes I THE LAND OF EGYPT 15 of war whom they could celebrate in song ; their heroes, like those of the Chinese, were wise kings and princes of old time ; they never experienced the invigorating influence of a great national war. Equally unfortunate was the fact that they never learnt to carry on commerce with foreign nations. There were no harbours on the north of the Delta, and the currents off the coast made it very dangerous for ships, while the harbours of the Red Sea could only be reached by four days of desert travelling. The cataracts made it difficult to visit the countries of the Upper Nile. Thus commerce was always somewhat strange to the Egyptians, who gladly left it to the Phoenicians ; and the “ Great Green One,” i.e. the ocean, was at all times a horror to them. Compared with the Phoenicians, their naval expeditions were insignificant, while in their agri- culture, their arts and manufactures, they rose to true greatness. Egypt played such an important part in the history of the world that involuntarily we are apt to consider the country as one of considerable size. Yet it is a small state, for notwithstanding its length of 570 miles, it only contains about 12,500 square miles, and is therefore somewhat smaller than Belgium. Even including the 1000 miles between the first cataract and Khartum, this would only increase the kingdom of Egypt by about 1125 square miles, the upper valley being very narrow. It was the exceeding fertility of the country which made Egypt so important. This small country is naturally divided into two very different parts. The larger division, the Delta, is a broad swamp intersected with canals, the climate is influenced by the sea, and there is a regular rainy season in the winter. The smaller part, the Nile valley, is as a rule without rain, and it has one great waterway, the stagnant branches and canals being scarcely worth consideration. This is the present aspect of the country, and in past times it differed little, except that both divisions were more swampy than now. It follows naturally that the dry climate of the south was more favourable to cultiva- tion than the swamps of the north. When the primaeval forest was once cleared, there was little left in Upper Egypt to interfere with the tillage of the soil. In the Delta, on the contrary, thousands of years passed before the swamps were converted into arable land. This work is not yet completed, and indeed many parts of the Delta which were formerly under cultivation are now lost. The brackish waters of Lake Menzaleh now cover a surface of over 1000 square miles, but in old times part of this district was one of the most productive in the country. Scholars have surmised from the foregoing facts that Upper Egypt was the home of Egyptian civilisation, and that agriculture, the industrial crafts, and art flourished there while the Delta was still a forest swamp, the dwelling-place only of the hunter and the shepherd. Traces are not wanting to confirm this view. Herodotos (ii. 4) tells us a legend which he heard when travelling in Egypt, according to which “ the Theban nome ” in Upper Egypt was alone inhabited in the time of Menes the first king. All the rest of the country was a swamp, and the Delta was not i6 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. even in existence. Though this can scarcely have been true of the time of Menes (about 3200 B.C.), yet this legend contains the truth that Lower Egypt remained a land of swamps far later than was the case with Upper Egypt. We learn the same from the fact that it was in comparatively late times that Lower Egypt played an important part in the history of the country. In the time of the Old Empire (3000-2500 circa ) we read that the flocks of the rich were driven at times into the Delta, which was therefore considered to be pasture land as compared with the corn lands of Upper Egypt. The name also by which the Delta is known, “the northern country,” stamps it as an annexation to Egypt proper, which at Memphis was called “ the south ” without the addition of the word country. Upper Egypt was also always put first before the larger Delta ; the south was said to be in front, the north lay behind. From these facts we con- clude, that in the time of the Old Empire the Delta was far behind the southern part of the country in civilisation. The civilisation of Lower Egypt progressed but slowly. We find traces of this process in the names of the towns, many of which were named after some of the old famous places in Upper Egypt, e.g. Thebes and Edfu. Colonists from the south carried the names of their old homes to their new settlements, in the same way as our colonists have done in America. Under the New Empire (about I 300 B.C.) much progress seems to have been made in the east of the Delta, which rose to importance, through being the highway to Syria ; the old town of Tanis became the capital, and other towns were founded at different places. The west of the Delta was in a great measure in the hands of the Libyan nomads till the seventh century B.C., when the chief town Sais became the seat of government under the family of Psammetichus, and after the foundation of Alexandria this new city assumed the lead for a thousand years. Even as late as the Middle Ages the “ Bushmur,” a swampy district, was scarcely accessible ; it was inhabited by an early non-Egyptian race, with whom neither the Greek nor the Arab rulers had much to do. Throughout the ages of antiquity there existed, between Upper and Lower Egypt, a certain rivalry which probably arose in the time when the one was so far behind the other in civilisation. In old times also they were separated politically ; they spoke two different dialects ; and though they honoured several identical gods under different names, others were peculiar to one half of the kingdom. This contrast between Upper and Lower Egypt was emphasised in many ways by the people. The “ two countries ” were under the protection of different goddesses ; the Delta under that of the snake goddess Uad’t, while Upper Egypt was ruled by the snake goddess Nechebt. In mythical ages the land was given to different gods as a possession ; the Delta to Set, Upper Egypt to Horus. Different plants were characteristic of each part of the country : the papyrus grew thickly in the Delta, the flowering rush in Upper Egypt ; X THE LAXD OF EGYPT 1 7 and these two plants were used for armorial bearings, ^ a flowering rush for Upper Egypt, and '/ a papyrus plant for the Lower Country. The flowers of these two plants became emblematic of the north and south, and in decorative representations the captives of the north were bound with a rope ending in the blossom of a papyrus, those of the south with one whose end was formed of the flowering rush. I have already said that the historical importance of Egypt was owing to its fertility ; the dense population of the country was also due to the same cause. The population is now somewhat over five million (exact statistics are not to be obtained), and in the old time it is supposed to have been higher. Only countries as highly developed as Belgium or Saxony are so thickly populated. We should expect the inhabitants, when so closely crowded together, to be essentially welded into one nation, but the length of Egypt prevented this result ; the inhabitants of one district had neighbours on two sides only, and the people of the Delta had a wearisome journey before x'eaching Upper Egypt. Therefore we find in Egypt the development of individual townships, reminding us strongly of early conditions of life in Germany. Each district or province had its chief god and its own traditions ; the inhabitants were often at war with their neighbours, and when the central government was weak, the kingdom became subdivided into small princi- palities. The districts were of very small extent, the average size of those of Upper Egypt about 270 square miles ; those of the Delta were rather larger, yet these provinces were of more importance than their size would indicate, as the population of each would probably average 300,000 souls. Upper Egypt was divided in old times into about twenty provinces or noines as they were called by the Greeks ; the division of the Delta into the same number is an artificial one of later date, as is proved by there being the same number for a country a quarter as large again. The official list of these provinces varied at different times, sometimes the same tract of land is represented as an independent province, and sometimes as a subdivision of that next to it. The provinces were government districts, and these might change either with a change of government or for political reasons, but the basis of this division of the country was always the same, and was part of the flesh and blood of the nation. The names of the nomes are very various — some are such as would naturally occur to the mind of a primitive people ; thus in Upper Egypt we find : the province of the “ hare,” of the “ gazelle,” two of the “ sycamore,” two of the “ palm,” one of the “ knife,” whilst the most southern portion was called simply the “ land in front.” In the Delta (the home of cattle-breeding) we find the province of the “ black ox,” of the “ calf,” etc. Other names were derived from the religion ; thus the second nome of Upper Egypt was called “ the seat of Horus,” the sixth “ his mountain,” and the twelfth in the Delta was named after the god Thoth. C i8 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. I Each province possessed its coat-of-arms, derived either from its name or its religious myths ; this was borne on a pole before the chieftain on solemn occasions. The shield of the hare province explains itself ttj ; A that of the eighth nome was , the little chest in which the head of Osiris, the sacred relic of the district, was kept. The twelfth province had for a coat-of-arms signs which signity “ his mountain ” ; and many others might be quoted. In the following pages I intend to give a short account of the most important places of ancient Egypt, not as a complete sketch of the geography of the country, but in order to help the reader to recognise the position of those places which most frequently occur in this work. (See the accompanying map.) The natural boundary of Egypt on the south was always the so-called first cataract, those rapids 7 miles long, in the 24th degree of latitude, where the Nile breaks through the mighty granite barrier. The district of the cataract was inhabited in old times as at present by Nubians, a non-Egyptian race, and the sacred island of Philae at the southern end of the cataract, where the later Egyptians revered one of the graves of Osiris, is in fact Nubian soil. These rapids were of the highest importance for strategic purposes, and the early Egyptians strongly fortified the town of Syene on the east bank so as to be able to blockade the way into Egypt by land, as well as to protect the quarries where from the earliest ages they obtained all their splendid red granite for obelisks and other monuments. The buildings in Egypt occupied so much of the attention of the state that immense importance was attached to the unobstructed working of these quarries. The capital of this first province of Egypt was not Syene, but the neighbouring town of ’Abu, which name signifies “ ivory town ” (Greek Elephantine). To the island on which this town was situated the Nubians of old brought the ivory obtained in their elephant- hunts, in order to exchange it for the products of Egypt. Even in Roman times this town was important for commerce, as the place where the custom duties were paid. Twenty-eight miles farther to the north on the east bank was the town of Nubit (Ombos), where stood the sanctuary of the crocodile god Subk, and 14 miles beyond lay Chenu, the old Silsilis, the modern Silsileh, at the point where the sandstone hills narrow the bed of the river before giving place to the limestone. Like Syene, Silsilis was important because of the great quarries close to the town. Silsilis was the easiest point from Memphis or Thebes, where hard stone was to be obtained ; and here were quarried those gigantic blocks of sandstone which we still admire in the ruins of the Egyptian temples. Whilst the “ land in front,” or the first province, owed its importance 28 29 33 20 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. to the quarries and to trade, that of the second province, called “ the exaltation of Horus,” was, as the name signifies, purely religious. Horus, in the form of the winged disk, here obtained his first victory over Set, and here therefore was built the chief sanctuary of this god. The present temple of Edfu is still dedicated to him ; it is in good preservation and stands on the site of the ancient Debhot, but a building of Ptolemaic time has taken the place of the sanctuary erected by the old kings. In the third nome, the shield of which bore the head-dress of the ram- headed god Chnum, three towns are worthy of mention : first, the old ' Enit (Esneh), the religious centre, where, as at Pldfu, a late temple occupies the site of the old building ; secondly, the town of Nechebt (El Kab) ; few towns have played such a leading part in Egypt as this great fortress, the governors of which during their time of office were equal in rank with the princes of the blood. El Kab was also important for the worship of the patron goddess of the south, Nechebt, sometimes repre- sented as a vulture, sometimes as a snake. Numerous inscriptions by pilgrims testify to the honour in which this goddess was held in old times, and even the Greeks resorted to El Kab in order to pray to “ Eileithyia.” Thirdly, on the northern border of the nome, on the west bank, lay the very ancient town of On, distinguished from other places of the same name, as “ On of the god Mont.” On suffered the same fate as many other towns in all countries. Owing to political circumstances, the neighbouring town of Thebes rose from a country town to be the “ town of the Hundred Gates,” the capital of the whole- kingdom. On then lost all her power, and it was only when, after a thousand years of splendour, Thebes fell into decay, that On of Mont rose again to importance as the Hermonthis of the Greeks. Erment is now a flourish- ing town, while the site of her great rival is occupied only by villages. We now come to that town whose ruins form the greatest of all the wonders of Egypt, and whose buildings seem to have been erected by a race of giants. Thebes cannot boast of the age of Memphis, nor of the sacred character of Abydos or Heliopolis, but she had the good fortune to be the capital of the country during those centuries when Egypt was a mighty power in the world. Therefore she herself became the ruler of the world, the Rome of the ancient east, of which the Hebrew prophet cried in astonishment:1 “Ethiopia and Egypt were her strength, and it was infinite ; Put and Lubim (Arabia and Libya) were thy helpers.” The political power of Thebes was also shown by the buildings of the town, 1 Nahum iii. 9. I THE LAND OF EGYPT 21 which surpassed in magnificence all those of ancient or modern capitals. Thebes attained this splendour at a comparatively late date, being at first only an obscure provincial town devoted to the worship of Amon ; neither the town nor the god is mentioned in the older sacred books. About 2 000 B.C. we first find a royal residence established here from time to time ; but it was not till 1500 B.C. that the town began to flourish, and nearly all the antiquities found at Thebes belong to this later period. The old town of Thebes, called ^ ^ Ucset, was on the eastern bank, and stretched inland from the present ruins of Karnak. The harbour quarter of the town was close to the modern Luxor. When the town became the seat of government, the kings turned their energies to the building of the temple of the Theban god Amon, in order to make the simple dwelling-place of this comparatively obscure god worthy of the principal deity of the kingdom. One generation after another added to the buildings of 'Epet (the name of the temple), and in the course of centuries a gigantic sanctuary arose, the ruins of which, near the village of Karnak, stretch for more than half a mile in length. The central of the three great temple enclosures measures about 1 500 ft. in width, and about the same in length ; the building itself being about 1000 ft. by 300 ft. wide. A second great temple was erected to the same god on the river- bank at Luxor, and smaller temples were built for the other gods of the town. In the midst of these various sanctuaries stood “ the town of the Hundred Gates,” that great city which, like all other Egyptian towns, has disappeared. The gigantic ruins of the temples alone remain to mark the site of the old capital of the world, of which even the “ barbarians ” in far-off Ionia sang : 1 “ Royal Thebes, Egyptian treasure-house of countless wealth, Who boasts her hundred gates, through each of which, With horse and car two hundred warriors march.” During the course of centuries there arose on the western side of the river a strange city with which we shall have much to do in the course of this book. This “ west end ” was very different in character from that of London or Berlin ; it was not the quarter of the rich, but the dwelling- place of the dead. The steep sides of the strangely -formed western mountains are hollowed out into vaults for the dead, and so numerous did they become that a modern traveller has compared them to the holes in a sponge. In the valley, now called the Biban el Moluk, were the graves of the kings ; immense galleries excavated in the rocks, planned with a boldness and grandeur unlike anything else in Egypt, and which, ever since the time of the Greek travellers, have constituted one of the great sights of Thebes. In Egypt the deceased was honoured as a demigod, and there- fore a chapel for his worship was a necessary adjunct of the Egyptian 1 Iliad, 9, 38 1 ff., Derby. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. tomb. These chapels were as a rule either close to the tomb or they formed part of it ; but in the narrow desert valley of Biban el Moluk, there was no space to erect funeral temples worthy of the kings, and they therefore stood in the plain. Thus on the edge of the western mountains a series of great buildings arose — the funeral temple of Abt el Qurna (Sety I.) ; Der-el-Bahri (Queen Chnemtamun) ; Medinet Habu (Ramses III.) ; the Ramesseum (Ramses II.), and others to which we shall often refer. It follows, of course, that these colossal erections, with their de- pendencies, their gardens, their cattle-yards and storehouses, must have given employment to a great number of officials and workmen. If we add to these the crowd of embalmers, coffin manufacturers, and priests of the dead, employed in the numberless private tombs, as well as the stone- masons, builders, and other artisans always required for the building of new tombs, we shall understand how this realm of the dead gradually became a real city. The tract between the river on the edge of the western hills was doubtless more or less covered with houses, at least along the high roads which led down from each great funeral temple to the Nile. Strabo reckoned the extent of Thebes, including the western side, as nine miles ; and even if parts of this gigantic town were taken up with country houses and gardens, yet it may well compare with the great towns of the world of modern times. Thebes fell like Rome and Nineveh. When the seat of government was removed to Lower Egypt the heart of the city was destroyed and her importance lost, and she became more and more deserted. Those parts of the town which could be used for arable land were cultivated, and gradually the inhabitants who remained withdrew to the sites occupied by the great buildings ; and thus the villages of Karnak, Luxor, and Medinet Habu nestled round those vast temples, and now constitute the last remains of the great city. Sailing down the stream from Thebes, we come on the eastern bank to the “ Nome of the two Hawks,” important in old and modern days for the same reason. The river here makes a deep bend towards the Red Sea, and is met by a transverse valley of the Arabian desert which forms a natural road from Egypt to the coast. The Egyptian expeditions to the incense country of Punt, the Greek merchantmen travelling to South Arabia, the Indian navigators of the Middle Ages, the modern pilgrims to Mecca, all have used this road ; and it is only since the opening of the Suez Canal that traffic has been wholly diverted into another channel. The starting-points for the desert, and the harbours, have changed from time to time ; Koptos (Qobte) was the usual starting-point in old times ; Ous in the Middle Ages ; and at the present time it is Keneh, which lies farther to the north. In old times this road was also important for the great quarries of Rehanu, the modern Hammamat, situated where the limestone meets the older formations. With the exception of granite, all the hard dark- coloured stone used by the Egyptian sculptors came from these quarries ; THE LAND OF EGYPT and those who know how much the Egyptians valued these “ eternal stones ” can estimate the importance of the road by which alone they could obtain these treasures. Soldiers protected it from the Beduins of the ’ Ente , who, like their successors the Troglodytes and the Ababde, would suddenly attack travellers. A higher protection than the soldiers was also at hand, for Koptos was the abode of the great god Min, the Ban of the Egyptians, who, although he was peculiarly the god of nature, took the travellers of the desert under his special protection. The same god had another famous temple in the town of Chemnis, in the 9th nome, which adjoined the 5th nome on the north. This part of Egypt is the true home of the great gods. In the 6th nome, about fourteen miles from Koptos, there lav on the western bank the temple of Denderah, the sacred abode of Hathor, the goddess of joy and love. The old sanctuary is now replaced by a Graeco-Roman building. Then again, thirty-eight miles down the stream in the 8th nome, was the most holy place in Egypt, Abydos ^ Jj^T1, Wlt^ Srave °f Osiris. A blessing was supposed to rest on those buried here, and many who preferred to be interred near their homes put up gravestones here, so that “ Osiris, the lord of Abydos,” should receive them into the under- world. Thus Abydos became in the first place a city of the dead, in which, as in western Thebes, the living only dwelt for the sake of the tombs. Politically, the neighbouring town of Thinis, which lay rather nearer to the river, was the more important, at any rate in old times. The 10th and 1 ith nomes both lay on the western bank ; they played but a small part in history ; the district belonging to them on the eastern bank, the “ Nome of the two Gods,” was of more importance. The chief town of the latter, Du qau (high mountain), the modern Qau, lay at the entrance of one of the great desert roads which led to the porphyry quarries in the northern part of the Arabian desert. Traffic also passed along this road, and across the Gulf of Aqabah to the quarries in the peninsula of Sinai ; this was an easier route than that by sea from Lower Egypt. The 1 2th nome, “ his Mountain,” lay on the eastern bank, and was the chief seat of the worship of Anubis, the jackal-headed god of the dead ; the same great god was revered in the opposite nome, the “ first sycamore nome,” with its chief town of Sint (Saut). This latter fact is significant, for this nome with the two following was governed by a powerful race of rulers during the so-called Middle Empire (about 21 00- 1900 B.C.), and the interesting representations and inscriptions in their rocky tombs are almost all that is left to show us the civilisation of this period. In nearly every section of this work we shall have to refer to these tombs of Siut, Bersheh, and Beni Hasan. We next come to the 1 5th province, probably called the “ Nome of the Hare,” with its famous capital of Chmunu (now Ashmunen, the Greek I Iermopolis). This town “of the eight,” as Chmunu signifies, was so ;4 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAr named from the eight elementary beings of the world, who were honoured here. The chief god of the town was Thoth, the god of wisdom, who was considered to be the guide of these eight elementary beings. The tombs of the princes of this old town lie on the opposite (eastern) side of the river near the modern Bersheh. A little to the south of Bersheh, at a point where the eastern chain of hills retreats somewhat, we find some most remarkable ruins, the remains of the city and tombs of Tell el Amarna. This town was founded (about 1340 B.C.) in a peremptory fashion by the so-called heretic king, the strange creature Amenhotep IV. He had broken with the old religion, which had been evolved in the course rock tombs of beni HASAN (seeL.D., i. 61). of centuries, and he wished that the reformation introduced by him should remain untouched by the associations which were bound up with the capital of his fathers. He therefore left Thebes and built a new capital at Tell el Amarna, but this town enjoyed only a short existence, as a few years after the death of this great heretic it was razed to the ground. We shall often have to speak of Meh, the 16th nome, with the ante- lope as its coat-of-arms, and of the “ eastern country,” connected with that province, and of the town of Men'at Chufu (the nurse of king Chufu). The tombs of the governors of this part of the country are on the east bank, the celebrated tombs of Beni Hasan ; they are most precious for the light they throw on the history of Egyptian manners and customs. At other points also in the eastern hills, eg. at Zawijet el Mei'tin and at Oum el ahmar, we find important tombs in the rocks. The two provinces No. 5 and No. 9, which were contiguous, both served the god Min ; No. 12 and No. 13 the jackal-headed god Anubis ; I THE LAND OF EGYPT 25 the latter god was also worshipped on the opposite side of the Nile in the 1 7th and 1 8th nomes. These provinces played little part in political history, least of all the 1 8th, where there was little arable land, but to which belonged the celebrated alabaster quarries lying in the mountains at the distance of about a day’s journey. The 19th nome to the west of the Nile, was one of the few parts of Egypt in which Set or Typhon was revered. The worship of this god, the enemy of all fruitfulness, may have been connected with the calling followed by the inhabitants, who were most of them guides to the desert caravans.1 The road to the northern oasis, both in old and in more modern times, started from this province. On the west side there follow the anterior and posterior Nomes of the Date Palm (the 20th and the 21st), both famous in old Egypt. The former for religious reasons, for the sun-god Re‘ first appeared, bringing light and order into the world, on the hill of its ancient capital Chenen- suten or Chenensu (Herakleopolis, the present Ahnas). The fertile Feyum belonged to the posterior nome, and the water reservoirs here were most important for the whole country of Egypt. Whilst the other oases lie 20 or 30 miles from the Nile, and are watered by springs, the Feyum is connected with the Nile by a canal, and is close to the edge of the western valley, the traveller in fact can cross the inter- vening mountainous district in little more than an hour. A little to the south of the above-mentioned Bersheh, the great canal (the modern Bahr Yusuf, Joseph’s river) makes a bend away from the Nile, and flows northwards to the western side of the valley. This is not an artificial canal, as is proved by its many curves and bends, but an old branch of the river like that of Abydos ; it is connected with the Bahr Yusuf by a dry watercourse, the remains of the old bed of the Nile, which can easily be traced farther north into the Delta. Herodotos relates that the present eastern channel of the Nile was not the ancient one ; the latter formerly flowed close to the western edge of the valley. This great change was probably due to no sudden convulsion of nature ; it is well known that a stream left to itself, with no rocky walls to stop it, will slowly shift its bed, and sometimes, after forming a new branch may even for centuries allow its waters to flow through both branches equally before it entirely gives up the old channel, in which the water gradually subsides till the watercourse is left dry. Thus in ancient Egypt there was probably an older channel to the west of the valley in addition to the present one on the east side ; the former, as was related by the priests to Herodotos, was dammed up above Memphis by Menes, the first Egyptian king of human race, in order to make a site for his new capital. It may be that another work as daring was undertaken at the same time that this dam was constructed, — that a gorge in the rocks between tire Nile valley and the Feyum was deepened and the branch of the river allowed to flow into the Feyum. By these means this barren depression in the ground was changed into one of the 1 Dtim. Gesch. des alt. Aeg. 202. 26 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. most fertile parts of Egypt, and a province of about 900 square miles of arable land added to the little country. This was not all. An enterprising king (probably Amcnemhe't III. about 2000 B.C.) built dykes some miles in length in order to change the south-eastern corner of the Feyum into an immense reservoir in which the water could be regulated by sluices. By this great basin, 66 square miles in area (the Lake Moeris, the wonder of the Greeks), the inundation in the Feyum and in Lower Egypt was regulated ; for if the water rose too high, part was retained in this deep lake, if too low, some of the reserve water could be used from it. It was natural that in this lakeland , the ancient name of the Feyum, men should revere the crocodile-headed god Subk, whose temple was to be found in the capital Shedet, called in later times Arsinoe. The two nomes of the Date Palm, and the unimportant nome opposite (the 23rd), complete the provinces of “ the South” or Upper Egypt. We now turn to the discussion of the “ North Land,” to which the northernmost part of the Nile valley belonged. We shall be able to be the more brief as, with the exception of its southern division, Lower Egypt was of little importance in ancient times. During the course of centuries, in no part of the Nile valley has the river undergone so many changes as in the Delta. There are now but two mouths to the Nile — that of Rosetta and that of Damietta ; in Greek times we know there were seven, and of the course of the river in yet earlier periods we really know nothing. The north of the Delta, as has been said above, was covered with swamps, and our knowledge of the southern part is very scanty. It is there- fore difficult to determine the position of individual provinces ; indeed it is doubtful whether in the Delta this division was the old national one. We will therefore waive that question entirely, and confine ourselves to the description of certain important towns. The old capital of Egypt, Memphis (Mennufer), naturally stands first ; it was situated a little above the modern Cairo on the west bank of the river. It has entirely disappeared ; the mounds overgrown with palms close to the village of Mitrahine alone denote the spot where stood the great temple of Ptah. The famous citadel of the town, the “ White Wall,” as well as the other buildings, have utterly vanished, evidently owing to the fact that the inhabitants of the neighbouring Cairo used the ruins of Memphis as a convenient quarry. The long line of pyramids, stretching for miles along the western ridge of hills, alone betrays what a powerful city once stood here. Groups of these royal tombs rise from the plateau, which extends past Gizeh, Zawijet el Aryan, Abusir, Sakkarah, Dahshur, and Lisht, to Medum, not far from the entrance to the Feyum (see Plate IV.). Grouped round each pyramid are the smaller tombs of courtiers ; these are the so-called mastabahs, — those ancient tombs which teach us so much about the life of the ancient Egyptians in the earliest period, in the same way as those of Thebes picture to us the later times, and those of Beni Hasan the time of the “ Middle Empire.” We are I THE LAND OF EGYPT 27 indebted to the private tombs of this Memphite necropolis for almost all contained in this book concerning the “ Old Empire.” About 19 miles to the north of Memphis, north-east of the bend of by its Greek name, Heliopolis. This name, “ City of the Sun,” shows us which god was revered here ; the temple was one of the most splendid in the country, and, according to Herodotos, the priests were considered the wisest in Egypt. A great part of the ancient Egyptian religious literature appears to have been written in this town.1 At the present day fields cover the sites both of town and temples, and one obelisk stands alone to point out the spot to visitors. The west of the Delta was probably inhabited chiefly by Libyans, one town only being frequently mentioned in ancient times, Sais (Sau), the city of the goddess of war, Neith. In the eighth century B.C. this town first became of historical importance, the Libyan family reigning there, certain chiefs of the names of Psammetichus and Necho having raised themselves to be kings of Egypt. The east of the Delta was more thickly populated ; at Mendes ( Ded ) the sacred ram was revered ; at Busiris was a famous tomb of Osiris ; at Bubastis were held the Dionysiac festivals of the cat-headed goddess of pleasure, Bast. To the north-east, on the edge of the swamps, was Tanis (Zoan), an important town even in early ages. Non-Egyptian rulers seem to have reigned there in old times ; later kings also resided here and built a great temple to the warrior god Set. Mariette excavated the vast ruins here thirty years ago, and further work has since been carried on by the Egypt Exploration Fund, the results of which have been pub- lished by that society.2 The isthmus now cut through by the Suez Canal between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean is intersected by a number of lakes, the remains of the strait which formerly separated Africa from Asia. These lakes are connected with the Delta by a narrow valley, the modern Wadi Tumilat. In old times there was a canal from the Nile into this valley, which fertilised the whole district. This is the well-known Land of Goshen, in which, according to the Hebrew account, the ancestors of the Jews fed their cattle. The towns of Ramses and Pithom, built by the Hebrews when in bondage, must have been situated here. The same king Ramses II., who caused these towns to be built, seems to have undertaken another great work here, the continuation of the canal of the Wadi Tumilat to the Bitter Lakes, and the cutting through of the rising ground between them and the Red Sea. This connection between the Nile and the Red Sea was the true precursor of the Suez Canal. How- ever, this great work seems soon to have been rendered useless by the silting up of the sand ; King Pharaoh Necho and King Darius re-opened the river, was the ancient better known to us 1 Ed. Meyer, Set. Typhon, p. 7 ff. ; ditto, History of the East, § 93. - See Tanis, i., 1S84-S5 ; and ii., 1887-88. Published by the Egypt Exploration Fund. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. I it, but it was soon filled up again with sand ; afterwards Trajan and Hadrian undertook the work, and later the conqueror Amr made the canal navigable for some time. The old course of the canal can still be distinctly traced by the side of the modern one. The isthmus of Suez was of the greatest consequence also from a military point of view — it was doubtless fortified in very early times. Probably here stood the great fortress T’aru, often spoken of as the starting-point for the expeditions into Syria, and also the strongly fortified town of Pelusium, which was situated at the mouth of the eastern branch of the Nile. Close by we must place Hat-uar (Avaris), the fortress which for centuries served as a protection to the power of the barbarian con- querors of Egypt, the Hyksos. ONE OF THE PATRON GODDESSES OF BOTH DIVISIONS OF THE KINGDOM, IN THE FORM OF A SERPENT. ORNAMENTATION COMPOSED OF CARTOUCHES GUARDED BY URJF.US SNAKES. CHAPTER II THE PEOPLE OF EGYPT The people who inhabited ancient Egypt still survive in their descendants the modern Egyptians. The vicissitudes of history have changed both language and religion, but invasions and conquests have not been able to alter the features of this ancient people. The hundreds and thousands of Greeks and Arabs who have settled in the country seem to have been absorbed into it ; they may have modified the race in the great towns, where their numbers were considerable, but in the open country they scarcely produced any effect. The modern fellah resembles his forefather of four thousand years ago, except that he speaks Arabic, and has become a Mohammedan. In a modern Egyptian village, figures meet one which might have walked out of the pictures in an ancient Egyptian tomb. We must not deny that this resemblance is partly due to another reason besides the continuance of the old race. Each country and condition of life stamps the inhabitants with certain characteristics. The nomad of the desert has the same features, whether he wanders through the Sahara or the interior of Arabia ; and the Copt, who has maintained his religion through centuries of oppression, might be mistaken at first sight for a Polish Jew, who has suffered in the same way. The Egyptian soil there- fore, with its ever-constant conditions of life, has always stamped the population of the Nile valley with the same seal. The question of the race-origin of the Egyptians has long been a matter of dispute between ethnologists and philologists, the former main- taining the African theory of descent, the latter the Asiatic. Ethnologists assert that nothing exists in the physical structure of the Egyptian to distinguish him from the native African, and that from the Egyptian to the negro population of tropical Africa, a series of links exist which do not admit of a break. The Egyptians, they maintain, cannot be separated from the Berbers, nor the latter from the Kelowi or the Tibbu, nor these again from the inhabitants round Lake Tsad ; all form one race in the mind of the ethnologist, differentiated only by the influence of a dissimilar LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. manner of life and climate. Therefore, they say, many old customs of the ancient Egyptians are now found amongst the people of the Upper Nile. I will only instance the curious head-rest still used in the east of the Sudan to protect the wig, and the peculiar sickle-shaped sword, still carried by the Monbuttu princes with the same dignity as it was of old by the Pharaohs. On the other side philologists maintain that the language of the ancient Egypt- ians has distinct kinship with that of the so-called Semitic nations. Spread over anterior Asia, and the east and north of Africa, is found a great root - language, which has been called after its chief representatives, the Egypto- Semitic. The Semitic languages of Arabia, Syria, and Mesopotamia belong to this group, as well as the allied Ethiopian dialects of east Africa, the languages of the Besharis, Gallas, and Somalis. Further removed is the Libyan, spoken by the people of Berber in north Africa, as far as the Atlantic ; and still more peculiarly constituted is the ancient Egyptian. Nothing certain has been or probably will be ascertained, for the Libyan and Ethiopian languages are only known to us in their present much-changed forms. But the fact remains that philologists consider that the people who speak these languages belong to one and the same race. Other reasons tend to show us that the Semitic races migrated from one part of Asia to the districts in which they afterwards settled, and therefore the theory has been accepted that the Ethiopian, Libyan, and Egyptian people all forsook their Asiatic homes during the dim ages of the past, and seized possession of north and east Africa. This theory is directly opposed to that of the ethnologists, according to whom these races are purely African. If we free ourselves, however, from the prejudices which have so long held unlimited sway over this domain of science, we shall be able to reconcile these two theories. It seems a very doubtful hypothesis that ancient races should dwell quietly in one inhospitable region until the idea should suddenly seize them to forsake their homes and, with their children and their goods, to seek a better PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN MAN OF THE fourth dynasty. Mistaken by Mariette’s workmen for the present Sheik - el - Beled (Mayor) of Sakkarah (Perrot-Chipiez). II THE PEOPLE OF EGYPT 3i country. Such migrations have certainly taken place amongst the hordes of barbarians (eg. the old migrations of the Teuton or Scythian races), but they never had much effect. After a few generations all traces of them have disappeared in the countries they conquered, and no one would imagine from the appearance of the inhabitants of modern Italy, Spain, or Tunis, that whole tribes of Germanic race had overrun those countries. Neither the language nor the race of the subject nation suffers permanent change from such violent incursions. On the other hand, if but a few adventurers conquer a country and thus make it possible for their kindred to settle there, the constant influx fellah from el kab. (From a photograph by Ebers. ) of immigrants even in small numbers has an immense influence on the people. In the first place, the conquerors succeed in introducing their language to be used officially ; the upper classes of the subject race, desiring to belong to the ruling class, then begin ostentatiously to use foreign idioms ; at last, perhaps only after a thousand years, the lower classes begin also to adopt the new language. Thus in our own days we have seen nations extend their nationality, eg. a few Spaniards and Portuguese in South America, a few Arabs amongst the Copts and Berbers, a few Anglo-Saxons amongst the Celts in England. In each case we see that in this process the language only of the subject people is changed, the race itself remains unaltered. In like manner probably ancient nations underwent transformations. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. The inhabitants of Libya, Egypt, and Ethiopia have probably belonged to the same race since prehistoric times ; in physical structure they are still Africans, though in later times they have adopted an Asiatic language. No one can say how long they have used kindred dialects. It may be these proceeded from the one language they originally possessed, or it is quite possible that one of these races imposed their tongue on the others, or they may have been derived from a tribe of which we have never heard. Considering how little we know of the Egypto-Semitic speech, we may suppose that it was to a Libyan invasion that the valley of the Nile owed in the first place its later language ; that a similar incursion endowed the inhabitants of Syria and Arabia with the Semitic tongue ; and that the latter nations gave the same to the dwellers in east Africa. This is of course pure hypothesis, for the same process may have taken place in many other ways. Probably we shall never have any certainty on the matter, for these events occurred more than five thousand years ago, which is the length of the period we hope to survey. How it hap- pened is of small consequence, it is only important to remember that there is no necessity for a great immigration of the Egyptians from some distant corner of Asia. We may conscientiously believe them to be natives of their own country, children of their own soil, even if it should be proved that their old language, like their modern one, was imported from other countries. It is well known that the Egyptians considered themselves an indi- genous people, free from any foreign taint. Were they not the peculiar people, specially loved by the gods ? Did not the great gods first manifest themselves in Egypt, where the sun-god ruled and fought as a king, and where his descendants still sat on the throne ? Therefore the Egyptians alone were termed (romet) ; other nations were negroes, Asiatics, or Libyans, but not men } According to the myth, these nations were descended from the enemies of the gods, for when the sun-god Re‘ overthrew his opponents at Edfu, a few succeeded in making their escape ; those who fled to the south became the Ethiopians, those to the north Asiatics ; from the fugitives of the west sprang the Libyans, and from those of the east, the Beduins.1 2 The Egyptians named their country from the colour of the soil “ the black country ” (Qemet), and thus distinguished it from the red country of the barbarians : they also believed themselves to be superior to foreigners by the colour of their skin. The Syrians were light brown, the Libyans white, the negroes black, but the Egyptians had received from the gods their beautiful colour, a deep dark brown for the men, a light yellow for the women.3 Circumcision was also practised from early times by the Egyptians, 1 L.D., iii. 136, where the names of the nations are explained by puns on the name of the god Ilorus. The word Retu, which appears in ethnological works for Egyptians, is incorrect, the word reads Romet. 2 Naville, Myth of Horus, 21, 2. 3 Stele of Kuban, line 3. II THE PEOPLE OF EGYPT 33 yet probably they did not attach so much importance to this curious custom as the Jews and Mohammedans. It first became a religious token amongst the Jews, who zealously tried to distinguish themselves in all ways from the surrounding heathen ; had the Egyptians also regarded it as a divine institution they would have mentioned it more frequently. The reader will be able to judge of the physical form of the ancient Egyptians from the illustrations of this book. It must be noticed that the faces of the distinguished men of the Old Empire have as a rule little that is aristocratic about them. These ancient grandees have robust STATUE OF AN UNKNOWN SCRIBE IN THE LOUVRE (Perrot-Chipiez). bony features with the clever witty expression that we are accustomed to associate with the faces of knowing old peasants. The expression of the face becomes more refined in the great men of the New Empire, showing the usual effect exercised on the higher class by long intellectual civilisation. Many contrary opinions have been expressed touching the character of the Egyptian people, and their mental faculties. While Herodotos praises the wisdom and the good memory of the Egyptians, and Dio- dorus declares them to be the most grateful people in the world, the Emperor Hadrian says that, when travelling in Egypt, he found them to be utterly frivolous, vacillating, credulous of every idle tale, hostile, good-for-nothing, and slanderous. In the same way many modern D 34 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. scholars represent them as pious folk, who thought more of the future world than of the present, while others praise their cheerful childlike pleasure in the things of this world. The exponents of each of these theories regard the matter too exclusively from one point of view ; in truth the question is one admitting only of a subjective answer. If the character of an individual is complex, that of a nation is still more so, and what Faust says of the “ spirit of the times ” is equally true of the “ spirit of the nations,” for after all, it is a well-known fact that the mind of the man himself is mirrored in that of the people. We have already indicated in the preceding chapter what we think of the character of the ancient Egyptians. As a nation they appear to us to have been intelligent, practical, and very energetic, but lacking poetical imagination: this is exactly what we should expect from a nation of peasants living in this country of toilsome agriculture. We will quote the words of one, profoundly acquainted with Egypt, referring to the modern lower classes, i.e. to those in whom the characteristics of the nation find their natural expression. He says, “ In his youth the Egyptian peasant is wonderfully docile, sensible, and active ; in his riper years, owing to want and care, and the continual work of drawing water, he loses the cheerful- ness, freshness, and elasticity of mind which made him appear so amiable and promising as a boy. He sows and reaps, he works and earns money, but his piastres rarely remain in his own possession, and he sees the fruits of his labour pass into the hands of those above him. His character is therefore like that of a gifted child who has been harshly brought up, and who realises as he grows older that others are taking advantage of his work.”1 This picture of a race, cheerful by nature, but losing the happy temperament and becoming selfish and hardened in the severe work of life, represents also the ancient people, as they appear to the eyes of an unprejudiced observer. The earliest monuments that have come down to us represent the Egyptians as possessing, even then, an ancient civilisation, also a complete system of writing, a literature, a highly-developed art, and a well-ordered government. Preceding this first period of Egyptian history a long time of peaceful development must have elapsed, about which we have no information. The learned men of Egypt imagined the time before their first king Menes to have been a sort of golden age, in which the gods reigned ; the learned men of modern times call the same period “ the stone age both theories are certainly ingenious, but both are alike difficult to prove. It is but seldom that we can draw any conclusion, as to the life in Egypt in prehistoric times, from customs existing amongst the Egyptians during the historical periods. We may conclude however, from the form .of the royal robes, that the dignity of king existed in Egypt at a time when the people, like the negroes of to-day, wore nothing but a kirtle. The royal attire was formerly an apron and a lion’s tail, whilst the grandees distinguished themselves from the people by a panther’s skin, 1 See Baedeker’s Lower Egypt, p. 47. II THE PEOPLE OF EGYPT 35 which they threw over their shoulders. The sportsmen made their way through the swamps on boats made of reeds, and hunted there with throw- sticks. Their knives, in part at least, as well as the tips of their arrows, were made of flint, yet we must not conclude from this fact that they were ignorant of the use of metals. They reckoned their years by notches, reminding us of a time when the art of writing was unknown. All these customs, which were dying out even in the earliest historical times, are a heritage from that ancient period when the Egyptian civilisa- tion mpy perhaps have equalled that of the modern Somalis or Gallas. How many hundreds or thousands of years were necessary to evolve the civilised subjects of King Snofru from these simple savages we cannot even conjecture. In many parts of Egypt, where nature was unfavourable, the people doubtless were far behind their compatriots in civilisation, eg. the people of the swamps ( sochete ), who are represented on the monuments of the Old Empire as shepherds or bird-snarers. Their clothing of rush-mats, and the manner in which they wear their hair and their beard, make them appear very barbaric. These dwellers in the swamps may possibly belong to a different race from the native Egyptians. We know that the north- west of the Delta was inhabited by Libyans and that at one time a foreign element existed also in the north-east. By the latter we refer to that people whose remarkable features we recognise on the so-called Hyksos Sphinxes of Tanis, whose descendants were the Bashmurites of the Middle Ages. THE SUN'S DISC, WITH BRIGHTLY COLOURED WINGS, THE EMBLEM OF A VICTORIOUS KING. CHAPTER III HISTORY OF ANCIENT EGYPT In the foregoing chapter, we were unfortunately obliged to concern ourselves chiefly with prehistoric conditions, of which we can only form hypotheses. With the first inscriptions we pass on to firmer historical ground. The reader must not expect too much from the short sketch of Egyptian history which follows : to a great degree our knowledge consists merely of the names of the kings and their order of succession, and in several periods even these are not certainly determined. As a rule but few facts can be gleaned from the inscriptions, which mostly contain foolish exaggerations of the glory of the monarch ; a hundred texts will tell us that the Pharaoh was the “ friend of the gods,” and that he “ overthrew all the barbarians,” while one solitary inscription may inform us which temple he built, or against what nation he sent his soldiers. Civil wars and disputes about the succession are always passed over in silence, that posterity might only know that “the gods have established their son the Pharaoh on the throne, that the world may rejoice.” Chronology also fails us. We can say for certain that King Necho reigned from 609-595, and King Sheshonk about 930, that Ramses II. lived in the thirteenth and Thothmes III.1 in the fifteenth century B.C., but more than this we cannot tell. Amenemhe't I. is placed by one scholar about 2130 B.C., by another about 2380 B.C., and by yet another about 2466 B.C. ; and the various dates suggested for King Snofru and his successors are quite endless. Whether we follow the date given by Edward Meyer, 2830 B.C.. or that of Lepsius, 3 1 24 B.C., or that of Brugsch, 3766 B.C., one is as impossible to prove as another. We should have been able to draw up an approximately correct chronology had we possessed the whole of the Turin Papyrus instead of a few fragments, for this docu- ment contained a list of the kings, with the length of their reigns, or again had the Greek history of Egypt by Manetho been preserved to us intact, instead of in a few scanty quotations. Even then our dates would not have been quite trustworthy, for we know that neither the compiler of the 1 The form Thothmes will be used in the English edition instead of Dhutmose, the former being more familiar to English readers. CHAP. Ill HISTORY OF ANCIENT EGYPT 37 Turin Papyrus nor Manetho was always correctly informed as to the more ancient kings. Lepsius has collected together all that can be gathered from these two sources, and on the whole his chronology gives us an accurate idea of Egyptian history, especially for the later periods. As it would be impossible to give exact data, I prefer to state the chronology' in this book in round numbers, which the reader will at first sight understand to be only approximate. I shall follow the chronology of Edward Meyer in his excellent history of the ancient east, and the numbers given may be accounted as nearly correct from about 15 30 B.C. ; earlier than that they' are only minima data, that is, they indicate the lowest date which can be accepted for the individual ruler, eg. Amenemhe't I. is said to have reigned 2 1 30 B.C., and this signifies that probably his reign was not later than that date, though it may have been one or even two hundred years earlier. This uncertainty'' is of course greater in the earliest periods, and when we state the latest date for King Snofru to be 2830 B.C., we may be placing him five hundred years too late. As a simple and practical way out of the difficulties which arise from this uncertain chronology, Egyptologists, following the example of Manetho, have divided the kings of Egypt into dynasties, which they have numbered. Historically, this division is often not quite accurate, but it is useful in practice, and enables us to maintain the ancient familiar terms for the different periods of Egyptian history. Otherwise we have little to do with the 30 dynasties, into which the time before the conquest of Alexander has been divided, and of which the following are the principal : — Dynasty IV. and V. VI. XII. XIII. XVIII. XIX. XX. At latest from 2830 B.C. „ „ 2530 „ The so-called “ Old Empire.” About ” “I3° ” [. The “ Middle Empire.” „ 1930 „ 1 1 1530-1320 „ j 1320-1180 „ l The “ New Empire.” 1180-1050 „ | We have only to take into serious consideration these three periods, and the reader is requested to remember them carefully, and to note the following facts : there are no monuments belonging to the first three dynasties ; from the 7th to the 1 ith, and from the 14th to the 17th, are periods of political confusion, and after the 20th, inscriptions and papyri are too rare to yield satisfactory' results for our object. Before the time of the 4th dymasty Egypt had already been united into one kingdom, but we may feel sure that this was not the original political state of the country. It was doubtless formerly divided into two parts, the frontier being a little above Memphis. We know not under which king these “ two countries ” were united (they' were not really' merged into one country), probably it was under one of the rulers of Upper Egypt, whose titles were used alone by the later kings of the whole country'. It may' have been Menes, of whom the Egyptian legend tells 3§ LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. that he was the first king of human race, that he came from Thinis in Upper Egypt, and that he founded Memphis. In this case Egypt, at the time of the 4th dynasty, would, for about the space of three centuries, have been united into one kingdom, but however powerful this united kingdom KING cha'fre' (Gizeh Museum, from Perrot-Chipiez). may have been, there is no trace of any wish to claim power outside Egypt. We hear of no great wars or conquests, perhaps because the rulers had, as they thought, more important work for the resources of the country. They had to b- n 1 their gigantic tombs, those pyramids, THE PYRAMIDS OF GIZEH, SEEN FROM THE SOUTH. (After L. D., I. 19.) [To face page 38. Ill HISTORY OF ANCIENT EGYPT 39 standing on the Memphite plateau, which have become symbolic of Egypt. All the kings of the Old Empire indulged in this luxury, and this epoch has been rightly termed the Pyramid Age, for apparently the whole life of the nation revolved round the building of those royal tombs. Three kings of the 4th dynasty have gained special renown for the building of their tombs, Chufu (Cheops), Cha'fre* (Chephren), and Menkere* (Mykerinos) : to them we owe the three famous pyramids of Gizeh. Their successors also built magnificent tombs, and if none of them vie with those of Chufu and Cha‘fre‘, it may have been that the later kings could not devote so much time to their tombs as those two monarchs, whose reigns were so long. At the same time other works were carried on, temples were restored or enlarged, the mines were worked in the Penin- sula of Sinai, and numberless private tombs were erected for the courtiers, partly at the public cost. The mania for building, which is so characteristic of the Egyptians, was thus actively pursued under the Old Empire, and princes were proud to bear the title — “ Superintendent of the works of the King.” We must be grateful to those old architects ; for were it not for the non-religious reliefs which decorate the private tombs surrounding each pyramid, we should be almost entirely ignorant of the cheerful pleasant life of this ancient period. It is interesting to note how the time of the Old Empire appeared to the later Egyptians. Under the New Empire men looked back to it as to the dim past, a time long before the classical age, and if they wished to represent anything as having happened very long ago, e.g. the discovery of a sacred book, they preferred to ascribe it to one of those ancient rulers. On the contrary, to the men of the time of Psammetichus, the Old Empire appeared to be the finest period of Egyptian history ; they delighted to imitate the customs of that time, even in undesirable ways, such as the difficult orthography. Then, again, the populace of late date, and the Greek travellers informed by them, looked back to the pyramid age as to a time when the lower orders were greatly oppressed by forced labour. Lastly, to the modern world, the Old Empire appears to have been a period of youthful power and undisturbed development ; for not only do the tomb-pictures show no dislike of this world, but also art itself is fresher than in any subsequent period. Later artists were never able to achieve works like the statues of the scribe of the Louvre or of King Cha‘fre‘. The duration of the 4th and 5th dynasties is reckoned as about 300 years, during which time perhaps fifteen kings may have reigned. In the meantime the nation did not remain stationary, and if we compare a monument of the time of Snofru, one of the first kings of the 4th dynasty, with one of the time of ’Ess’e or of L’n’es, who reigned at the close of the 5th dynasty, we see at once that the old simplicity has given place to greater luxury. Pepy, the third king of the 6th dynasty, is worthy of special attention. 40 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. He must have been a mighty monarch, for memorials of him are found throughout Egypt, as well as in various mines and quarries. He erected buildings both at Denderah and at Tanis, and yet it appears that in his time there was a decentralisation of the government ; this may have been owing to political events at the time of the rise of the 6th dynasty. Formerly the great men, although they can scarcely all have resided in the capital, were buried together in the Memphite city of the dead, but at this time other burial-places in the country began to be used. Many princely families were laid to rest near their homes {eg. the tombs of Zawijet el Meitin), and others of exceptional piety erected their tombs on the sacred soil of Abvdos near the grave of Osiris. An inscription tells us of a great campaign, which Pepy carried on against the Syrian Beduins, SPHINX FROM TANIS. who had overrun the country. Of the kings who immediately succeeded Pepy we know little, though their tombs and names yet remain with us ; after them ensues a period of historical darkness. We know not what happened to the kingdom of Pepy, and though we conjecture that it was afterwards divided into small principalities, history is silent on the subject. Neither can we tell how long the country was split up in this way,— probably for a long time, for under the Middle Empire Egypt has acquired an entirely different aspect. The east of the Delta was probably governed at this time by a mighty race of rulers, the first king of whom, according to Manetho, was more powerful and more wicked than any preceding monarch. These barba- rians were probably the old inhabitants of this part of the Delta; and it is to them I believe that we owe those remarkable unegyptian statues and sphinxes, generally considered as belonging to the later time of the Hyksos invasion. Ill HISTORY OF ANCIENT EGYPT 4i In Thebes, meanwhile, there ruled another dynasty called the 1 ith, whose princes bore the names of ’Entef and Ment'uhotep. The last of their race seem again to have gained possession of the whole kingdom. There was probably great confusion in the land in their time, and when the first king of the 12th dynasty, Amenemhe‘t I., marched through the country “to overthrow the evil, he who shone as the god Atum was obliged to restore what he found destroyed. He divided one town from another, he fixed the frontier of each township, and placed the boundary stones as firm as the sky.” He proceeded in this matter not according to his own will, but “ he sought information from the books as to the irrigated district belonging to each town, and this was drawn up according to the old writings, because he loved truth so much.”1 Thus the first kings of the 1 2th dynasty tried to reorganise the country, and the result was that they succeeded in raising the kingdom to a higher level of civilisation than it had reached before. These kings (who all bore the names of Amenemhe‘t and Usertsen) built much in the interior of the country, not temples and tombs alone, but also constructions for general utility. Amenemhe't III. planned the great reservoir in the Fevum, generally called Lake Moeris, of which we spoke in the first chapter. Literature and art also flourished. The effect of this prosperity at home was a development of foreign power. For the first time as far as we know the Egyptians planned foreign conquests, and naturally enough they turned their arms first against Nubia. It was not the narrow arable valley of this country which attracted them, but the gold mines in the desert. The rulers of the 12th dynasty fought again and again in Nubia for their possession, until at last Usertsen III. erected a great frontier fortress at Semneh. He was considered therefore to be the real conqueror of Nubia, and five hundred years later, when Thothmes III. carried on the same wars, he thought it his duty to erect a temple to his great predecessor. The kings of the 1 2th dynasty had constant intercourse also with Syria and South Arabia, but this always seems to have been of a peaceful nature. In short, the two hundred years of the 1 2 th dynasty formed a period of such prosperity, that it is easy to understand how the later Egyptians looked back to it as to a national classical epoch. The kings of the 1 2th dynasty were considered to be ideal wise rulers, and the language of that time the standard for good writing. A long line of obscure kings followed, of whom we have few monu- ments or buildings. Probably a period of political confusion again ensued, and the kingdom was shaken and divided by disputes about the succession. During these years of disorder, we must place the famous invasion of the Shepherd Kings, the Hyksos of the Greeks. A foreign race of nomads broke into the Delta from the north-east, and conquered Egypt. We have no certainty as to their nationality, nor as to the details of their history nor the duration of their invasion. We know that their seat of government was at the city of Hatu'ar (Avaris), in the eastern swamps of the Delta, and that they served the native god of this district, Sutech. 1 Inscription of Chuemhotep at Beni Hasan, L. D., ii. 124, 11. 36-46. 42 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. Events probably followed the same course as in similar barbaric invasions. The kingdom, weakened by internal strife, was overthrown with terrific force, and when peace ensued, the Hyksos probably found that though they could conquer, they could not govern Egypt. The old form of govern- ment was then revived, and the barbarian garrisons alone remained to show that the country was in the hands of foreigners. The strength of the Hyksos lay in their fortress on the Syrian frontier ; the rulers resided here, and were contented if the provincial princes sent them rich tribute. After some generations they naturally became civilised, and the later Hyksos were perhaps as good Egyptians as the descendants of Dshingis- khan and Hulagu were good Mohammedans. Like the latter too they forfeited their power, for civilisation will kill a rough nation of nomads as surely as the plants from the desert die in a good soil. Had they remained long enough in Egypt they would no doubt have been absorbed into the Egyptian nation and have left no traces. But it happened otherwise, and they were driven out of Egypt by force. Thebes was the birthplace of the new kingdom. There ruled here, tributary to the Hyksos, a dynasty who may have been the descendants of the old kings. One of these princes called Ta‘a had a quarrel with one of the Hyksos kings Apopi (the same perhaps whose name is cut on a number of older statues in Tanis) ; this may have been the beginning of the war of liberation. When ‘Ahmose, the grandson of Ta‘a, came to the throne, nearly the whole of the country was free, and the country about Hatifar alone remained in the hands of the Hyksos. Here they made a desperate stand, and it was oniy in the third campaign that Hatu'ar was taken by storm. ‘Ahmose made good use of his victory, and imme- diately advanced eastwards as far as Sharuhen in the south of Palestine. This advance is important as the first step in the direction afterwards pursued during some centuries by the Egyptian policy. The time of conquest, the “ New Empire,” begins with ‘Ahmose. Egypt seems to have gained strength like a field that has lain fallow ; she now rose to such great prosperity and power as she had neither experienced before nor has since. Her strength showed itself, not in gigantic buildings as in the earlier days of hej* glory, but in foreign conquest, for these Pharaohs carried their arms as far as the Euphrates and into the distant Sudan. Out of darkness, as it were, the Egyptians rose to be a power in the world, and the results of this new position were soon seen. The Egyptians came in contact with foreign nations whom they had looked down upon as barbarians ; they then found out to their astonish- ment that their northern neighbours possessed a civilisation nearly equal to their own. They began to admire this civilisation, and soon it was considered permissible to serve Ba‘al and Astarte, and it became fashion- able to coquet with foreign Canaanitish words, much in the same way as the Germans of the last century did with scraps of French. The wars of the 1 8th dynasty were next directed against Nubia, which had to be reconquered. ‘Ahmose fought again and again for the Ill HISTORY OF ANCIENT EGYPT 43 possession of Nubia, and his grandson, Thothmes I., subdued the country as far as the third cataract. From this time the “ vile country of Cush ” was formed into an Egyptian province, and gradually became civilised ; yet at the same time it was always under a separate government, and the governor bore the title of “ royal Son of Cush,” and was one of the most important officers in the court of the New Empire. Amenhotep I. fought against the Libyans only, but his son, Thothmes I., besides his conquest of Nubia, undertook a second great campaign in the north. He overthrew the whole of Palestine and Syria, penetrated into Mesopotamia, and erected a stela east of the Euphrates to tell posterity of his conquests. Yet this great war had no permanent results, for, after the king’s death, Thothmes II. and his sister-consort, Queen Ha'tshepsu, who succeeded him, preferred to abandon a possession so difficult to maintain. According to their father’s will this king and queen reigned conjointly, but for how long we do not know, probably only for a short time. When Thothmes II. died, Ha'tshepsu began her reign as sole ruler by erasing her brother’s name from all the monuments, and the suspicion of being concerned in the guilt of her brother’s death probably does her no injustice. She had a nominal co-regent, a brother who was a minor, who later became Thothmes III. The reign of this lady, the Egyptian Catherine II., was a peaceful one ; her foreign achievements seem to have been limited to the great expedition to the incense countries of the Red Sea, to which we shall frequently have occasion to refer later. Her buildings were also very extensive ; we must mention specially her temple of Der-el-Bahri in western Thebes. There is always a powerful favourite to be found under similar queenly governments ; in this case he seems to have been a certain Senmut, who was originally an official in the temple of Amon. In the inscription on his statue in the Berlin Museum he boasts that his lady-ruler had made him “ great in both countries,” and “chief of the chiefs” in the whole of Egypt.” 1 Ha'tshepsu died after a reign of twenty years, and Thothmes III. retaliated on her the wrong she had done „ to her elder brother ; he ordered her name to be effaced from all the monuments, and again we cannot help suspecting violence to have been the cause of the change of government. However that may be, the reign of Thothmes III. forms a great epoch in Egyptian history, for this young ruler followed the steps of his fathers in the path of conquest. In the twenty- (Granite statue m the 1 1 y Gizeh Museum. ) second year of his nominal regency, that is in the first year of his actual government, he marched into Syria. He found no difficulties in the south of Palestine, but at Megiddo to the east of Carmel he first met with serious resistance, viz. a confederate army 1 L. D. , iii. 25 i. 44 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAr. of all the Syrio- Palestinian towns under the command of the prince of Kadesh. A battle ensued ; the Egyptians gained the victory, which was so decisive that Megiddo surrendered, and the whole country submitted to the conqueror. After this first campaign the unwearied victor carried on at least fourteen others, by which he finally secured the sovereignty of the whole country southwards from the Amanus, as well as west of the Euphrates, which stream he crossed with his army. The countries yet beyond, eg. Sangara (east of the Euphrates, the modern Sinjar), Assyria, Cilicia, and Cyprus, never belonged to him, and the sup- posed tributes he received from them were really voluntary presents which they sent to their mighty neighbour. In the annals of Thothmes III. we first find mention of the king of the Cheta, whose capital Kadesh was conquered by the Egyptian monarch in his sixth campaign ; about a century later this same people succeeded to the political position in anterior Asia which Egypt had formerly occupied. Wars seem to have been carried on in the south at the same time as in Syria, and the frontiers of the kingdom were extended southwards into the Sudan. Thothmes III. also erected great buildings, upon which he employed his prisoners of war, and we can easily understand what a mighty hero he appeared to posterity. More than one later king esteemed it an honour to assume his prenomen Ra'-men-choper, and it was also thought to be a lucky device, and used as a seal 1 by private individuals during the 19th dynasty. A happy chance has preserved to us the body of this great con- queror, and we see that, like Napoleon, he was of small stature. His son Amenhotep II. and his grandson, Thothmes IV., who neither of them reigned long, kept the kingdom together, energetically repressing any attempts at foreign rebellion. Amenhotep III., his great-grandson, ruled over all the countries from Ethiopia to the Euphrates, and in time this vast empire might have become a compact kingdom had not disorders broken out in Egypt after the death of Amenhotep III., which made it impossible to keep up the Syrian possessions. This confusion was not due to disputes about the succession, which is the usual cause of political trouble in the east, but to an attempt to reform the Egyptian religion. The old religion of Egypt consisted, broadly speaking, of the worship of the great solar gods. Re‘, Horus, Atum, Osiris, were all different con- ceptions of the sun-god, either as the giver of life, or as the disperser of 1 Three letters of a certain Mery'etf (Leyden, i. 365-367) are sealed in this way, and the number of scarabsei engraved with this name are countless. AMENHOTEP III. FROM HIS TOMB. (From Champollion.) Ill HISTORY OF ANCIENT EGYPT 45 darkness, or as a being dying to-day but rising again on the morrow. In one locality the people preferred to call their god Re‘, in another Horus, in a third Osiris ; different customs were developed in the various temples, and different legends were connected with the individual forms of the deity. In this way the sun-god in the Egyptian religion had been divided into various parts, and these became separate gods in the eyes of the people. It could scarcely be otherwise, for the myths relating to Horus differed entirely from those of Re‘ or of Osiris. Yet even in early times the educated class believed these deities to be essentially identical, and the priests did not shut their eyes to this doctrine, but strove to grasp the idea of the one god, divided into different persons by poesy and myth. Under the New Empire Re‘, Atum, Horus, and Osiris were but varying names for the one god. In order to perfect their religious system, they even carried these ideas yet further, and identified with the Sun-god, gods who had really nothing in common with him, eg. Amon the god of the harvest, or Sobk the water-god. As is usual in the decadence of all religions, the boundary lines between the divinities were removed, and the deity was addressed by his worshippers in the same breath as Re‘ or as Amon, as Atum or as Horus. The priesthood, how- ever, had not the courage to take the final step, to do away with those distinctions, which they declared to be immaterial, and to adore the one god under one name. They went on in a conventional way, keeping up the worship of all the individual gods as well as the most trivial customs of ruder ages. It is easy to imagine how many were the contradictions which arose. An Egyptian king, Amenhotep IV., the son of Amenhotep III. and of Oueen Tye, who seems to have played an important part at her son’s court, now attempted to take the final step, and, in place of the confusion of the numerous gods of a bygone age, he tried to set up the Sun- god as the one really living god. How the young king extricated himself from the supersti- tious reverence for the faith of his fathers we know not, his portrait shows us that he had not good health, and it may be that the fanaticism with which he set to work on this meritorious reformation was due to bodily weakness. He introduced the worship of the sun as the one god, and following probably the teaching of Heliopolis, he called this god Re‘ Harmachis, or more commonly ’Eten, the “ Sun disk.” Had he been content to establish this worship officially only, to introduce it gradually, and to let time do its work, his efforts might have been crowned with success ; but he tried violence, and therefore his innovation, in spite of momentary results, had no duration. He endeavoured to exterminate all remembrance of the old gods, and especially he declared amenhotep IV. (Statue in Louvre — from Chipiez). 46 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. war against the great god of his ancestors, Amon, whose name he erased from all the monuments. He changed his old name containing the name of Amon to Chu-en-’eten, the “ splendour of the disk,” and as the capital, where his famous forefathers had lived, was filled with memorials in honour of Amon, the puritan king resolved to live no longer in such an idolatrous place ; he therefore forsook Thebes, and built a new town, the “ Horizon of the Sun’s disk,” near the modern Tell el Amarna. We know not how long he resided here with his mother Tye, his consort Neferteyte, and chu-en-’eten, his consort, and his six daughters make offerings to the sun’s disk. Rays of light ending in hands descend to the king. The inscriptions give the names and titles of the god, and of the royal family. his seven daughters. The representations in the tombs there to which we shall often refer) show us that splendid buildings were erected, and a brilliant court was held in the new capital. When Chu-en-’eten died, he was succeeded in the first place by his son-in-law, S'aanacht, and then by his favourite, the priest ’Ey, who had been a zealous adherent of the new religion. The latter, on ascending the throne, thought it wiser to retire from the conflict with the priest- hood ; he therefore returned to Thebes and made his peace with the old gods ; notwithstanding this he was overthrown, and another son-in-law of Chu-en-’eten, Tuet’anchamun, a proselyte, succeeded to the throne, only however, soon to be set aside for a yet more powerful ruler, the great king Har-em-heb, who energetically put down the reformation, and razed to the ground the buildings erected by the heretic. We shall always lament Ill HISTORY OF ANCIENT EGYPT 47 the sad end to Chu-en-’eten’s reformation ; for though it was a good thing for the country that the state of disorder should cease, yet this victory of the old orthodox party sealed the fate of the Egyptian religion, — no one again attempted a reformation, and the religious conceptions of the nation were narrowed. The successors of Har-em-heb, the kings of the 19th dynasty, sought to re-establish the Egyptian power in the north, but they encountered much greater difficulties than their predecessors of the 1 8th dynasty. It appears that during the time of the religious disturbances, whilst Egypt was unable to maintain her possessions in Syria, the Cheta had made good use of the favourable moment, and had succeeded there to the poli- tical heritage of the Pharaohs. The Cheta at this time must have been an important nation, for they had gained possession of Syria, the north of Mesopotamia, and the greater part of Asia Minor. We know little for certain about them ; their name appears to indicate that their language was not Semitic, but their religion seems to have been that dominant in Syria. They are the Chatti of Assyrian lore, who had their capital in later times on the Euphrates ; the semi-legendary Chittim of the Old Testament also probably signify the Cheta. At the time of which we are now speaking they were a highly civilised nation, and it is to be hoped that systematic excavations in north Syria may add greatly to our number of monuments and inscrip- tions of the Cheta kings. The few that have been found show us that this nation wrote in hieroglyphics something like the Egyptian, but that their art was influenced rather by the Assyrio-Babylonian. Thus the Egyptians found at this time a powerful kingdom opposed to them, instead of a number of small states, and we are therefore not surprised to learn that these wars were far less successful than those of Thothmes III. Sety I., the second king of the 1 9th dynasty, began the campaign ; in the first year of his reign he fought against the Beduins dwelling between Egypt and Canaan, and thus opened the way to north Palestine, which submitted to him. Here Mutenr, the king of the Cheta, met him, and it is doubtful whether, as the results were so insignificant, the war actually ended in such great victories as are described by the Egyptian inscriptions. The Egyptian king also seems to have made little way in the south of SETIY i. (relief at Abydos). 48 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. Palestine. Later in his reign he had to fight for the western frontier of Egypt against the Libyans, who with the barbaric tribes of the islands and the coast-lands of the Mediterranean, the Shardana, the Shakarusha,etc., had made an incursion into the west of the Delta. Sety beat them, and thus the danger was averted, though only for a time. His son Ramses II., on his accession, again led his forces against the Cheta kingdom. He spent the first years of his reign in subjecting Palestine, and then turned his arms against the Cheta themselves. Their king had collected together all the forces of his kingdom and a powerful army of confederates ; he made a stand at Kadesh on the Orontes. In the fifth year of Ramses II. there was a great battle, which, although at first unlucky for the Egyptians, was finally won by the personal bravery of the young ruler. At the same time it was not a decisive victory, for the war was continued several years longer with varying success. At one time we find the Egyptian king in Mesopotamia, but at another time he is fighting close to his own frontier and storming Askelon. At last, in the twenty-first year of his reign, he concluded not merely a peace, but a treaty, with Chetasar the king of the Cheta. Egypt kept the south of Palestine, but the kingdom of the Cheta was treated as an equal power. This ente7ite covdiale was maintained, and thirteen years later Chetasar visited his Egyptian ally, and his daughter became one of the principal consorts of the Pharaoh. A busy peaceful intercourse soon developed between the two kingdoms ; Egyptian civilisa- tion was brought closer to the tribes of anterior Asia, whilst the Egyptians themselves were influenced more and more by their Canaanite neighbours. Ramses II. reigned forty-six years after this conclusion of peace, and he made great and good use of his time. No king of Egypt built as much as he did ; from Tanis to the deserts of Nubia numberless temples were erected by him, and it is said (it is difficult to say with how much truth) that half of all the Egyptian buildings that remain to us may be ascribed to him. He seems specially to have loved building in the east of the Delta, at the town called after him, “ the house of Ramses,” or, according to the official title, “ the house of Ramses, the beloved of Amon, the great image of the sun-god.” Here he had his seat of government close to the Syrian frontier ; this change of residence is easily explained by the new political conditions of the kingdom. When Ramses II. died, he had not only outlived thirteen of his sons, but also, as it would appear, the glory of his kingdom. The country was, however, still able to withstand one blow from without. In the fifth year of Merenptah, his fourteenth son, who succeeded him, hordes of the above-mentioned Mediterranean tribes broke into the east of the Delta, and at the same time Maraju, the king of the Libyans, marched into Egypt. Merenptah beat both armies, which had joined forces near the town of Per-’er-shepes. Soon afterwards the Egyptian king died ; his son, Sety II., not being able to withstand his internal foes, there followed a time of confusion and conflict about the throne. Several pretenders were set up, but not one RAMSES II. STATUE AT TURIN. AFTER PERROT-CHIP1EZ. DRAWN BY WILKE. [To face page 48. Ill HISTORY OF ANCIENT EGYPT 49 arrogance, and sety ii. (Statue in the was able to maintain the upper hand ; therefore, as so frequently happened in Egypt, there ensued “ many years in which the country of Egypt was governed by princes who killed each other in pride and did after their own pleasure, for they had no chief.” ’Ersu, a prince of Syrian descent, succeeded, “ in the years of famine,” in subjecting the other rulers, and in making the whole country pay tribute. The son of his opponent tells us with pious horror that under him one joined with another in making piratical incursions, and “ they treated the gods as they treated men, no one brought any offerings into the temples.”1 ’Ersu in fact, relying on his strength, had ventured to touch the temple revenues, and had in that way fallen under the displeasure of the priest- hood, who now supported one of his rivals named Setnacht. In official language we read : “ the gods placed their son, born of the gods, on their great throne as prince of the whole country. He was as the god Chepr’e-Set, when he is angry. He organised the whole country, which had been in confusion. He slew the enemies who had been in the country and when he had attained to power, he “ provided the temples with sacred revenues,” and thus attached the priesthood to his cause. Ramses III., the first king of the 20th dynasty, reaped the reward of the work of his father Setnacht ; his reign, which lasted thirty-three years, was apparently equalled by few in splendour. His own wish was to emulate the fame of Ramses II. ; he therefore named all his sons after those of his great predecessor, and gave to each the same office in the state which those had held before. A prince Cha‘emuese was again high priest of Memphis, and a prince Meryatum high priest of Heliopolis." He won over the priesthood by endowing them with large presents and im- mense buildings; he re-established the old worship everywhere, “ he created truth and abolished lies.” He reorganised the mining operations in the Peninsula of Sinai, as well as the expeditions to the incense countries. He was also a great warrior. In the same way as under Sety I. and Merenptah II., the Libyans, during the late time of confusion, had taken possession of the west of the Delta, and at this time they occupied the country as far as the neighbourhood of Memphis. Ramses III. attacked them in the fifth and eleventh years of his reign, and subdued them. In the interval between these two wars a yet more serious danger threatened the country. The pirates of the sea, who had already made several descents into Egypt, the Shardana, the Turusha, and the Shakarusha, with some other tribes, were again in a disturbed state ; they had overrun North Syria in a real national migration. They travelled with their wives and their 1 Harris, I. 75. 2 A. Z., 1883, pp. 60, 61. E Louvre). Chipiez. From Perrot- 5° LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. goods partly by land in bullock waggons, and partly by water in stately ships. They seem to have overthrown the kingdom of the Chcta, which from this time disappears from Egyptian history, but in Palestine they were met by Ramses III. in the eighth year of his reign, and vanquished both by land and by sea. This is the last time that we hear of incursions made by the Libyans and the seafolk ; they probably never again renewed their attempts on Egypt. They had already obtained a footing in the country in another way, for since the time of Ramses II. the Egyptian army con- sisted in great part of mercenary Shardana and Libyan soldiers, whose leaders gradually became a power in the state. We know very little of the nine kings who succeeded Ramses III. They all bore the name of Ramses, and were some of them his sons. Most of them were but tools in the hands of the two existing powers, the mighty priesthood and the foreign mercenaries. The former were the first to gain the supremacy, for about a century after the time of Ramses III., Hrihor, the high priest of Amon of Thebes, forced the last of the Ramessides to abdicate in his favour. The priest-kings maintained them- selves on the throne for about a century, after which, under the great king Sheshonk, the government passed into the hands of the Libyans, whose chiefs had already played a powerful part in the state. PTom this time Egypt became completely Libyanised, Libyan governors ruled in all the towns, and even the high priests of Thebes and Memphis were Libyans. The adherents of the old priest-kings seem to have fled into Ethiopia, where about this time there arose an independent kingdom with Egyptian civilisation, in which the priestly power was so supreme that the king himself was obliged to bow to it. Two hundred years later, 728 B.C., king Shabaka left his capital Napata, situated in the 19th degree of lati- tude, and completed the conquest of the whole of Egypt, the southern part of which had been for centuries in the possession of the Ethiopians. Shabaka would gladly have advanced still further, and have penetrated into Syria, but the power of the Assyrians, which was then pre-eminent there, caused his schemes to miscarry. There now began the conflict between the Assyrian and the Egypto- Ethiopian kingdom. The campaigns were at first fought with varying success in Syria, but at last the Assyrians, under Asarhaddon, marched into Egypt and conquered the country as far as Thebes, and the governors of the towns became the vassals of the great king of Assyria. Twice the Assyrians were driven out by the Ethiopians, but they again succeeded in re-entering the country, and in the year 662 B.C. Egypt became an Assyrian province. Their power, however, did not last long, for in 654 B.C. prince Psammetichus, who was descended from the Libyan chiefs of Sais, succeeded, with the help of his Greek mercenaries, in driving the Assyrians out of Egypt. Psammetichus was the founder of the famous 26th dynasty, under which Egypt rose again to prosperity after the troubles she had suffered during Ill HISTORY OF ANCIENT EGYPT 5i the last centuries. The illustrious names of Psammetichus, Necho, and Amasis, are known to every reader of Herodotos. On one hand these kings favoured the settlements of the Greeks, and on the other they endeavoured to re-establish the ancient Egyptian government. They tried to link themselves with the Old Empire by using the same royal titles, the same language, and even the same orthography in the inscriptions. Art revived again, but though the works of art of this time possess great elegance and prettiness, yet the spirit is dead within them, and we feel that the men who created them were leading an artificial life. The 26th dynasty is in fact therefore a renaissance period ; people attempted consciously to revive a civilisation belonging to the past. 1 his dream of a new kingdom of the Pharaohs lasted barely a century ; Cam- byses attacked it in the year 525 B.C., and it collapsed at the first blow. Egypt next became a Persian province ; several rebellions were cruelly suppressed, and the country was entirely ruined. Egypt was afterwards subdued by Alexander, and at the division of his empire fell to the share of Ptolemy and his family ; finally, in the year 30 B.C., the country became a Roman province. During this long period of foreign rule the priesthood kept up the fiction of the existence of an independent Egyptian kingdom. Darius and Alexander, Ptolemy and Hadrian, are all regarded in the temples as true Pharaohs. Even in the year 250 B.C., Decius is spoken of as Pharaoh in a hieroglyphic inscription, written at a time when the greater part of the Egyptian nation had embraced Christianity. We intend in this work to consider only the three periods of ancient Egyptian history, the Old, the Middle, and the New Empire ; the con- stitution of the Egypt of later centuries, of Egypt under the Libyans, the PRINCE MR'EB, SON OF KING CHUFLT (L. D., ii. 20 f. ) PRINCE MENT'UHERCHOPSHEF, SON OF ramses in. (L. D., ii. 217 a.) 52 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. Ill Ethiopians, the Assyrians, the Persians, the Greeks and Romans, is too complicated for us to treat of together with the Egypt of older days. Yet in limiting ourselves to the time between the 4th and the 2 1st dynasty, we have at least eighteen centuries to review, that is, a period equal to that which divides the modern Romans from those of the time of the emperors. We can well understand that it was impossible that these ages should pass over the Egyptian people without leaving some traces ; and indeed if a courtier of the palace of Chufu could by a miracle have visited the court of Ramses III., he would have believed himself to be in a foreign country. No one would have understood his speech, the learned alone could have deciphered his writing, and his attire would only have been recognised from the representations of the gods or from the statues of the kings. I must now beg my readers to keep in mind the following fact : in point of time the Old Empire is as far removed from the New Empire as are the times of King Arthur, the hero of romance, from the more prosaic days of Queen Victoria. NECHEBT, THE PATRON GODDESS OF THE KING. CHAPTER IV THE KING AND HIS COURT The idea of a state, as bequeathed to the world by the Greeks and Romans, was as strange to the mind of Eastern nations of old as it still is to that of the modern Oriental. In the East the idea prevailed, and still exists, that the whole machinery of the state is set in motion by the will of the ruler alone ; the taxes are paid to fill his treasury, wars are undertaken for his renown, and great buildings are erected for his honour. All the property of the country is his by right, and if he allows any of his people to share it, it is only as a loan, which he can reclaim at any moment. His subjects also belong to him, and he can dispose of their lives at his will. This is merely the theoretical view, which is impossible to carry out in practice, for the king, though supposed to dispose of everything as a god, is rarely able to act independently. It is true that the great body of the nation, now such an important element in the modern state, was unrecognised in old times ; yet other factors existed which could render a ruler powerless, however absolute he might appear to be. Around the king were the old counsellors who had served his father, and whom the clerks and officials were accustomed blindly to obey, as well as the generals with the troops in their pay, and the priesthood with their unlimited power over the lower classes. In the small towns the old rich families of the nobility, residing in their country seats, were nearer to the homes of the people than the monarch dwelling in his distant capital. The king was afraid to offend any of these powerful people ; he had to spare the sensitive feelings of the minister ; discover a way of gratifying the ambition of the general without endangering the country ; watch carefully that his officers did not encroach on the rights of the nobility ; and above all keep in favour with the priests. It was only when the king could satisfy all these claims, and understand at the same time how to play off one party against another, that he could 54 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. expect a long and prosperous reign. If he failed, his chances were small, for there lurked close to him his most dangerous enemies, his nearest relatives. There always existed a brother or an uncle, who imagined he had a better claim to the throne than the reigning king, or there were the wives of the late ruler, who thought it a fatal wrong that the child of their rival rather than their own son should have inherited the crown. During the lifetime of the king they pretended to submit, but they waited anxiously for the moment to throw off the mask. They understood well how to intrigue, and to aggravate any misunderstanding between the king and his counsellors or his generals, until at last one of them, who thought himself slighted or injured, proceeded to open rebellion, and began the war by proclaiming one of the pretenders as the only true king, who had wrongfully been kept from the throne. The result was always the same; the others admired the boldness of their rival and hastened to imitate it, until there were as many pretenders as there were parties in the kingdom. It made little difference who won in the fight, he made his way to the throne through the blood of his opponents, and then began a struggle with those who had helped him. If he possessed good luck and energy he was able to clear them out of his way ; otherwise he became a tool in the hands of those around him, who, at the first sign of independence, would cause him to be murdered and place a more docile ruler on the throne in his place. In the meantime, in those parts of the country where there was no civil war, events followed their peaceful course — the labourer worked in his field, and the clerk in his office, with oriental indifference as if nothing were happening. The people however felt it bitterly when the govern- ment was weak. The taxes were raised, and were gathered in irregularly to satisfy the greed of the soldiers, the officials became more shameless in their extortions and caprices, and the public buildings, the canals and the dykes, fell into decay. Under these circumstances the nobility and priesthood alone flourished ; when no central power existed they became more and more independent, and were able to obtain fresh concessions and gifts from each new claimant. The next powerful ruler had to spend long in reducing the country into order, and even then he could not flatter himself that his work would endure, for in the East the same fate awaited each ruling family. The troublous conditions which we have sketched from the Oriental history of the Middle Ages were in force at all periods in ancient Egypt. The inscriptions may lead us to believe that an ideal kingdom existed in that country— a kingdom where, surrounded by his dear friends and wise princes, a good god cared like a father for his country ; was adored by his subjects; feared by his enemies; and revered by the priests as the “true son of the Sun-god”; when we look closer however we see the same fatal conditions which ever had such evil results in Eastern history. In the preceding chapter the reader will have seen how frequently there occurred periods of political disorder, yet our knowledge is confined to those of long duration, we know scarcely anything of the short dis- IV THE KING AND HIS COURT 33 putes about the succession to the crown. The kings who made war on each other, were generally mere puppets in the hands of ambitious men, as we see by an inscription of a certain Bay, chief treasurer to the King Septah of the 1 9th dynasty, in which Bay boasts quite openly that he “ had established the king on the throne of his fathers.” 1 * Even powerful rulers lived in constant danger from their own relatives, as is shown by the protocol of a trial for high treason of the time of Ramses III. The reign of this king was certainly a most brilliant one, the country was at last at peace, and the priesthood had been won by the building of great temples and by immense presents. All appeared propitious, yet even in this reign those fatal under-currents were at work which caused the speedy downfall of each dynasty, and it was perhaps due only to a happy chance that this king escaped. A conspiracy broke out in his own harem headed by a distinguished lady of the name of Tey, who was certainly of royal blood, and indeed may have been either his mother or stepmother.1’ We know not which prince had been chosen as aspirant for the crown (in the papyrus he is only mentioned by a pseudonym), but we see how far the matter had progressed before discovery, by the letters of the ladies of the harem to their mothers and brothers : “ Excite the people, and stir up those who bear enmity to begin hostilities against the king.” One of the ladies wrote to her brother, who was commanding the army in Ethiopia, and ordered him explicitly to come and fight against the king.3 When we see how many high officials had taken part or were cognisant of this conspiracy we realise the seriousness of this danger to all eastern kingdoms. I have intentionally represented the adverse side of this form of government ; and I would ask the reader always to remember that, behind all the pomp and splendour which surrounded the Egyptian king and his court, conditions probably lay hidden no better than those described above. The dignity of king in Egypt goes back to prehistoric ages. The insignia of the Pharaohs evidently belong to a time when the Egyptians wore nothing but the girdle of the negro, and when it was considered a special distinction that the king should complete this girdle with a piece of skin or matting in front, and should adorn it behind with a lion’s tail. We know not how long elapsed before this chief of a half-savage race became the divine Pharaoh, nor can we now determine what wars pre- ceded the gradual union of the separate Egyptian provinces into one state. We know only that before the time of the Old Empire there must have been a long period in which Egypt was divided into two states, the south and the north, or as they are called in the Egyptian formal style, “ the two countries.” Both must have been powerful states equal in importance, so that there was no question of the incorporation of the one into the other ; and after the union both remained independent, only 1 L. D. , iii. 202 a, c. The consort of his father at any rate bears this same name, Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 1170. 3 V). T.,4, 2; 5, 3. 56 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. connected by that doubtful bond called personal union. The king of Egypt might call himself lord of both countries , or the uniter of the tzuo countries , or as in later times the Ruler of Egypt , yet his official title was always the “ King of Upper Egypt and the King of Lower Egypt.” It was the same with the titles of his servants ; originally they were the superintendents of the two houses of silver, or of the two storehouses, for each kingdom had its own granary and its own treasury. Such a personal union could not last ; even in Egypt it soon became a fiction, though it was kept up at all times in the titles of the king. The royal names and titles always appeared to the Egyptians as a matter of the highest importance. The first title consisted of the name borne by the king as a prince. This was the only one used by the people or in history ; it was too sacred to be written as an ordinary word, and was therefore enclosed in an oval ring in order to separate it from other secular words. Before it stood the title “ King of Upper Egypt and King of Lower Egypt.” Thus e.g. King of Upper Egypt and King of Lower Egypt, Chufu. Under the Old Empire the idea arose that it was not suitable that the king, who on ascending the throne became a demigod, should retain the same common name he had borne as a prince. As many ordinary people were called Pepy, it did not befit the good god to bear this vulgar name ; therefore at his accession a new name was given him for official use, which naturally had some pious signification. Pepy became “the beloved of Re‘” ; ’Ess’e, when king, was called, “the image of Re' stands firm”; and Ment'uhotep is called “ Re‘, the lord of the two countries.” We see that all these official names contain the name of Re‘ the Sun-god, the symbol of royalty. Neverthe- less, the king did not give up the family name he had borne as prince, for though not used for official purposes, it yet played an important part in the king’s titles. It was the name which attested the high birth and the royal descent of the ruler, and as according to loyal belief the royal race was supposed to be descended from the sun-god Re‘, the title Son of Rd was placed with special significance before this name, eg. the prince Amenemhe't was therefore called as king : J Cl S k- g=^l “the King of Upper Egypt and the King of Lower Egypt : Re‘, the speaker of truth, the son of Re‘: Amenemhe't.” The style was not even then complete, for on his accession the king took three other titles : “ Horus ”;M’“ lord of the diadem of the vulture and of the snake ” ; and ylT. “the golden Horus”; these testify to his divine nature, for lO*rrfC~ C Horus is the youthful, victorious sun-god, and the two diadems are crowns belonging to the gods. To these three titles are again added three surnames, e.g. a king of the I 3th dynasty is called : “ Horus, who united the two countries, the lord of the diadem of the vulture and of the snake, IV THE KING AND HIS COURT 57 of abiding splendour, the golden Horus, souls of the gods, the King of Upper Egypt and the King of Lower Egypt : ‘ Re‘ of splendid life,’ the son of Re‘ : ‘ Sebekhotep.’ ” Such are the phrases necessary to designate the Egyptian king in full style, and even these long titles were often insufficient to content the loyalty of the scribes of the new Empire ; their reverence for their ruler sometimes even found expression in a short psalm appended to his name ; eg. the dating of a stele, erected under Ramses II., on the way to the gold mines of Nubia, runs thus : “ In the 3rd year of His Majesty Horus : the strong bull, beloved by the goddess of truth, the lord of the diadem of the vulture and of the snake : who protects Egypt, and subdues the barbarians, the golden Horus : full of years, great in victories, the King of Upper Egypt and the King of Lower Egypt : Re‘, strong in truth, chosen of Re‘, the son of Re‘, Ramses, the beloved of Amon, giver of everlasting life, the beloved of the Theban Amon Re‘, the lord of the temple, the throne of the two countries, shining daily on his throne amongst men as his father Re‘. “ The good lord, the lord of the south,- — the Horus with the bright plumes of the temple of Edfu, the beautiful silver hawk, who protects Egypt with his wings, preparing shade for mankind, the castle of strength and of victory, — who came out terribly from his mother’s womb, in order to take to himself fame, extending his borders,- — the colour of his body is as the strength of the war-god Mont — the god Horus, the god Set — Heaven rejoiced at his birth ; the gods said : we have brought him up ; the goddesses said : he was born of us, to be the leader of the kingdom of Re‘ ; Amon said : I am he who made him, I seated truth in her place; for his sake the earth is established, the heavens satisfied, the gods con- tented— -the strong bull against the miserable Ethiopians, his roaring rages against the negroland : whilst his hoofs trample the Troglodytes, his horn pushes them — his spirit is mighty in Nubia, and the fear of him reaches to the land of Kary, his name is famous in all countries because of the victories which his arms have won — at the mention of his name gold comes out of the mountains, as at the name of his father ; the god Horus of the land of Baka — he is greatly beloved in the land of the south, as Horus at M’e'ama, the god of the land of Buhen. “ The king of Upper Egypt and the king of Lower Egypt, Re‘, strong in truth, the chosen of Re‘ — from the loins of Re‘, the lord of crowns, Ramses, the beloved of Amon, the daily giver of eternal life like his father Re‘.” 1 When the reader has made his way through the stupefying clatter of these empty phrases (which were used even of the weakest monarch), he is still ignorant of the contents of the inscription, for we should express all that he has read by the words “In the 3rd year of Ramses II.” These exaggerated titles show us that the Egyptians believed their king to be a kind of deity, and in fact always so designated him. 1 Prisse, Mon. 21. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. One difference existed between king and god: while Amon, Re‘, Osiris, and Horus are called the great gods, the king as a rule had to be content with the appellation, the good god. Each king was of divine birth, for as long as he was acknowledged sovereign, he was considered as the direct descendant of Re1. This belief was not affected by the fact that in course of time the throne passed frequently from one family to another ; it was not more difficult for the genealogists of the New Empire to trace the relationship of the usurper Setnacht or of the Libyan Sheshonk to the old race of kings, than for the Arab genealogists to trace the descent of the royal families of Northern Africa, in spite of their Berberic blood, from the Arab comrades of the Prophet. In modern times the historians of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries have done the same for other royal families. Thus the Egyptian kings did not hesitate to call their predecessors their ancestors, for it was always easy to construct some relationship with them. The people were also early accustomed to view their rulers as gods, for in the beautiful song of the i i th dynasty, concerning the passing away of all things earthly, we read : “ the gods who were of old, rest in their pyramids.” 1 The Egyptians avoided using the name of the reigning monarch, in the same way as we feel a certain awe at needlessly pronouncing the name of God. They therefore spoke of the king as : “ Horus the lord of the palace, the good god, his Majesty, thy Lord,” or (usually under the New Empire) instead of all these designations, they used the indefinite pronoun one to signify sacred power — “ One has commanded thee,” “ One is now residing at Thebes,” would be, in the older style, “ The king has commanded thee,” or “ The king resides at Thebes.” When royal deeds are mentioned, the name of the ruler is used in a way common to many nations; eg. as the Turks call their government “the sublime Porte,” so the Egyptians of all ages preferred to speak of the government buildings rather than of the ruler. “ The Palace, the king’s house, the great double hall ” 2 and above all the “ great house ( pedo ) are the usual appel- lations for the king ; the last was used so commonly that the Hebrews and Assyrians employed it (Pharaoh) almost as the actual name of the Egyptian monarch. In the early period this idea of the divinity of the king was not carried to its final consequences ; temples were not erected, nor were sacrifices offered, to the good god whilst he dwelt amongst men. This custom appears to have been a new departure in the time of the New Empire, and it is noteworthy that the temple, in which Amenhotep III. adores himself (the mystical official expression is adores his living earthly image — i.e. that of the sun-god), was not on Egyptian soil. This new venture was only made when the Egyptian religion was introduced into Nubia.3 1 Harr., 500, 14, 4. 3 Ed. Meyer, Gesch. des Alterthums, § 225. IV THE KING AND HIS COURT 59 The king was of course distinguished from his subjects by his costume ; the tokens of royal dignity have been so exactly described, and so much importance has been attached to them, that we must dwell a little on their gradual development. Under the Old Empire the royal ornaments were very simple.1 It is easy to see that the usual form of the royal dress origin- ated in very primitive times. In prehistoric ages, when the only garment was a girdle round the loins, with two or three ties hanging down in front, it was considered a luxury that the ruler should replace these ties by a piece of matting or fur, and, as further decora- tion, should add the tail of a lion behind. In the rock steles of the quarries of Sinai the King Sa’hure1 is seen standing clothed in this way, killing his enemies the Beduins. This is only an ancient symbolical representation, and we must not imagine that the king really wore this costume of a savage chief. In the time of MEMORIAL OF THE VICTORIES OF SA'HURfU IN THE WADI MAGHARA (L. D. , ii. 39 f. ) the 5 th dynasty the loin girdle had long become the dress of the lower orders, all the upper classes in Egypt wearing a short skirt. The king wore this skirt sometimes over, but more usually under his old official costume. Both corners of the piece of stuff were then rounded off, so that the front piece belong- ing to the girdle could be seen below. Sometimes the whole was made of pleated golden material, and must have formed quite a fine costume. His Majesty shaved off both hair and beard as carefully as his subjects, and like them he replaced them by artificial ones. Even in these respects he was distinguished from the people, for the artificial beard which he fastened under his chin was longer than that usually worn under the Old Empire. The king also covered his head with a head-dress of peculiar form (see pp. 43, 45) the sides of which fell over his shoulders in two pleated lappets ; it was twisted together behind, and 1 Pictures of kings of the Old Empire, L. D., ii. 2 a, c. 39 f, 1 1 6 ; Statues of Cha‘fre‘ at Gizeh. THE USUAL ROYAL COS- TUME IN THE OLD PERIOD. 6o LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. hung down like a short pigtail, always found on his head-dress ; THE SACRED URAEUS SNAKE. red, and the wire stretchin The uraeus , the symbol of royalty, is this brightly-coloured poisonous snake seems to rear itself up on the brow of the king, threatening all his enemies, as formerly it had threatened all the enemies of the god Re‘. On festive occasions the king would wear his crown, either the white crown of Upper Egypt, a curious high conical cap, or the scarcely less quaint red crown of Lower Egypt with its high narrow back, and the wire orna- ment bent obliquely forward in front. Sometimes he wore both crowns, the double crown, the white one inside the from the former. g forward THE CROOK. The crook and the flail also served as royal insignia, and the sickle- shaped sword, called from its shape, the thigh ( Chopesh ), seems also to have been a symbol of royalty. The king appeared at times in the costume of a god ; he then either bound his royal girdle round the narrow womanish garment in which the people imagined their divinities to be dressed, or he wore one of the strange divine diadems constructed of horns and feathers, and carried the divine sceptre.1 1 L. D., ii. 2 a. IV THE KING AND HIS COURT 61 The royal insignia were very complex even in the time of the Old Empire ; in later times they were essentially the same, though more splendid in appearance. In the later period special importance was attached to the front piece of the royal skirt, which was covered with rich embroidery, uraeus snakes were represented wreathing themselves at the sides, and white ribbons appeared to fasten it to the belt. If, according to ancient custom, the Pharaoh wore nothing but this skirt, it was worn standing out in front in a peak, which was adorned with gold ornamentation. Usually, however, the kings of the New Empire preferred to dress like their subjects, and on festive occasions, they put on the long transparent under dress as well as the full over dress, the short skirt being then worn either over or under these robes. The crowns also remained unchanged, while the diadems of the gods with their horns and feathers 1 came more into fashion than in the earlier periods. It was also the custom that Pharaoh, even in times of peace, should wear his war-helmet, the Chcperesh ; this was quite in character with the warlike spirit of this age. THE KING IN THE COSTUME OF THE GODS (L. D. , ii. 39 f. ) USUAL ROYAL COSTUME UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE. a, Short skirt over the under dress ; double crown. (Offering of an ointment box.) b, Short skirt under the same ; war helmet. (Drink offering and incense. ) c. Short skirt ; under and over dress ; diadem of the gods. (Offering of wine.) We have written thus much about the costume and ornaments of the 1 Stele of Kuban, 1. 8 : the fillet and the double feather are part of the king’s costume when in council. 62 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. king, but a whole volume would be required to describe them completely ; so minutely were they represented by the Egyptians. The lords of the royal toilette had the charge of their proper employment ; there were many of these officials under the Old Empire, and they seem to have held a high position at court. These officials were called the “ superintendent of the clothes of the king,” 1 2 the “ chief bleacher,” " the “ washer of Pharaoh,” 3 and the “ chief washer of the palace.” 4 Even the sandals had their special custodian,5 * * and for the wigs there were the “ wig-maker of Pharaoh,” b the “ upper and under wig- makers of the king,”' and the “ superin- tendent of the wig-makers.” s It was the duty of those officials, who had the care of the monarch’s hair, to take charge of the other numerous head- dresses of the king ; they were called “ keepers of the diadem,” 9 and boasted that they “adorned the brow of their god,” or of “ the Horus.” 10 There was a special superintendent and clerk, the “ chief metal-worker and chief artist for the care of the royal jewels ” 11 — which at the same time formed part of the charge of the treasury ; the superintendence of the clothes of the king was also vested in the same department.1" There were not so many of these officials in later times, yet under the Middle Empire, “ the keeper of the diadem who adorns the king” had a high position at court. He had the title of “ privy councillor of the two crowns,” or “ privy councillor of the royal KING IN THE LATER FORM OF THE ROYAL APRON, AND IN THE HEAD CLOTH. He offers incense before the god. » 13 ROYAL HELMET ( Cheperesh ). jewels, and maker of the two magic kingdoms. Divine power was ascribed to the crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt, which are referred to as the magic kingdoms , and under the Middle Empire a regular priesthood, instituted by the keepers of the diadem, was appointed to these two crowns. The office of keeper of the diadem seems to have been suppressed under the New Empire, or it may have been replaced by 1 R. J. H., 83 ; Mar. Mast., 185. 2 Mar. Mast., 185, 198 f. ; Stele of ’Euf’e in the Brit. Mus. (L. A.) 3 Stele of ’Euf’e ; Mar. Mast., 198. 4 Mar. Mast., 70. 5 A. Z., 1882, p. 20. 6 ^ L. D. , ii. 91 b. 7 L. D., ii. 95 f.; R. J. H., 60 ; L. D., ii. 65 ff. ; Mar. Mast., 250. 8 R. J. H., 60. 9 ^ L. D., ii. 35 fif. 65 ff. ; R. J. H., 60 ; Mar. Mast., 250 ; Br. Die. Supplm., 670. 10 L. D., ii. 35 ff. 65 ff. 11 ^ o jj R. J. H., 60, 7S (97) ; Mar. Mast., 101, 116, 135, 233 ff., 250. 13 Mar. Mast., 251 ff. ; R. J- H., 90; L. D., ii. 100 c. 13 The titles of these and other officials are found on the Steles of Chent-em-sete and Chent-em- sete-ur (L. A.), both of the Anastasi collection ; the latter is now in the Brit. Mus. IV THE KING AND HIS COURT 63 the “ overseer of the ointments of the king’s treasury, superintendent of the royal fillet of the good god.” 1 The throne of the living one, the great throne on which the king shone when giving audience, belongs also to the royal insignia. In later KING TUET-'ANCH-AMUN (OYN. 18) OX HIS THRONE GIVES AUDIENCE TO THE GOVERNOR OF ETHIOPIA HUY. The king wears the war helmet, and holds the whip and sceptre ; the governor bears the sceptre, and (as a sign of his rank) the fan. The canopy is adorned at the top with uraeus snakes, below with griffins, the symbol of wisdom, over whom the king rules. By the king are written his names : the King of Upper Egypt and the King of Lower Egypt,' ' "the god Re ‘ for all beings,” " the son of Rg‘,” “ Tuet-‘anch-Amun, the lord of Hermonthis,” who lives for ever like Rg‘ (L. D., iii. 115). times this throne certainly could not be recognised by its shape or in any other way as a special symbol of royal dignity. A canopy raised on 1 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 1122. 64 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. pretty wooden pillars, a thick carpet on the floor, a seat and footstool of the usual shape; the whole brilliantly coloured and decorated,- — such was the great seat of Horns, according to the numerous representations of the time of the New Empire. When we examine the decoration, we see that it befits a royal throne ; negroes and Asiatics appear to carry the seat, and a royal sphinx, the destroyer of all enemies, is represented on either arm at the side. On the floor, and therefore under the feet of the monarch, are the names of the enemies he has conquered, and above, on the roof, are two rows of uraeus snakes,1 2 3 the symbol of royal rank. It was the custom of the court that the Pharaoh, or rather, according to the poetical language of Egypt, that the sun-god should shine when he rose from the horizon, and showed himself to the people ; therefore whenever we see the Pharaoh outside his palace, he is surrounded by the greatest splendour. When according to ancient usage he is carried out in a sedan-chair, he is seated within it in full dress, two lions striding support the chair, the poles of which rest on the shoulders of eight dis- tinguished courtiers." The fan-bearers accompany the king, fanning him with fresh air and waving bouquets of flowers near his head, that the air round the good god may be filled with sweet perfumes. The ordinary fan-bearers walk in front and behind the monarch, but the high official, who accompanies the king “as his fan-bearer on the right” carries a beautiful fan and a small bouquet merely as the insignia of his rank, and leaves the work to the servants. A representation at Tell el Amarna of King Chuen-’eten visiting his god the Sun-disk,'1 shows us how the royal family set out : — - The procession moves out of the courts of the royal palace surrounded by the greatest pomp and splendour. Two runners with staves hasten first to clear the way through the inquisitive crowd for the king’s chariot. Following close behind them comes His Majesty drawn by fiery richly- caparisoned horses, with which the servants can scarcely keep pace. On either side is the bodyguard on foot, running; Egyptian soldiers and Asiatic mercenaries armed with all kinds of weapons ; their badges are borne before them, and behind them the officers follow driving. After the king’s chariot come those of his consort and of his daughters, two of the young princesses drive together, the elder holds the reins, while the younger leans tenderly on her sister. Behind them come six carriages with the court ladies, and on either side six more with the lords of the bed-chamber. Runners and servants hasten along on both sides swinging their staves. A more splendid spectacle can scarcely be imagined than this proces- sion as it passed quickly by the spectators ; the gilded chariot, the many- coloured plumes of the horses, the splendid harness, the coloured fans, the white flowing garments, all lighted up by the glowing sun of Egypt. When the Pharaoh died and was buried, or rather as the Egyptians 1 L. D., iii. 76, 77, and other similar passages. 2 L. D. , iii. 2 b, c. 121a. This account refers to the time of the New Empire. 3 See the interesting representations in the tomb of Mry-Re‘ at Tell el Amarna (L. D., iii. 92-94). IV THE KING AND HIS COURT 65 would have said, “ when he like the sun-god has set below the horizon, and all the customs of Osiris have been fulfilled for him ; when he has passed over the river in the royal bark and gone to rest in his eternal home to the west of Thebes,” then the solemn accession of his son takes place. “ His father Amon, the lord of the gods, Re‘, Atum, and Ptah beautiful of face, the lords of the two countries, crown him in the place of his forefathers ; joyfully he succeeds to the dignity of his father ; the country rejoices and is at peace and rest ; the people are glad because they acknowledge him ruler of the two countries, like Horus, who governs the two countries in the room of Osiris. He is crowned with the Atef- KING HAREMH&B IS CARRIED BY SOLDIERS ; BEFORE AND BEHIND ARE THE REAL FAN-BEARERS, NEAR HIM A DISTINGUISHED “FAN-BEARER ON THE RIGHT OF THE KING." The ornamentation of the throne is the binding together of the flowers of Upper and Lower Egypt, signifying the union of the two halves of the kingdom (L. D., iii. 121 a). crown with the uraeus ; to which is added the crown with the double feathers of the god Tatenen ; he sits on the throne of Harmachis, and is adorned like the god Atum.” 1 We know little of the details of the ceremonies of the day of acces- sion ; it was kept as a yearly festival,2 and celebrated with special splendour on the thirtieth anniversary.3 One representation only is known of a festival which apparently belongs to the coronation festivities,4 i.e. the great processional and sacrificial festival, which the king solemnises to his father Min, the god who causes the soil to be fertile. It was natural 1 Harris, i. 76, 1-4. 2 Coronation festival, L. D., iii. 31 b. 13. 3 L. D., iii. 174 d., 175 f. 4 L. D., iii. 162-164, ib. 2 12-2 13 (more fully W. iii. lx.), in both places amongst pictures of the life of the king. F 66 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAI'. that the king should begin his reign over this agricultural country with a sacrifice to the god of the fields. We first see how the king, “ shining as the sun,” leaves the “ palace of life, steadfastness, and purity, and is borne towards • the house of his father Min, to behold his beauty.” The Pharaoh is seated under a canopy in a richly decorated sedan-chair, he is carried by some of his sons, while others fan him with their large fans. Two priests walk in front burning incense ; a third, the reciter-priest, reads “ all that is customary before the king as he goes forth.” A company of royal relatives, royal children and great princes, precede the king, others follow ; at the head of the procession are drummers and trumpeters, while in the rear march the soldiers. In the meantime the god Min has left his sanctuary and advances to meet the king. Twenty priests bear the covered stand, on which is the image of the god ; others fan the god with bouquets and fans. The “ white bull,” sacred to the god, walks pensively before him, and a long procession of priests follow, carrying the insignia of kingship, and divine symbols ; also images of the royal ancestors, the statues of the kings of Upper and Lower Egypt. In the meantime the reciter-priest reads from the strange book the “ words of the negroes,” and the procession advancing meets that of the king, which is waiting on a terrace, where two flag-staves bearing the head-dress of the god have been erected. Here the priest lets fly four geese, to carry the news to the gods of the four quarters ot heaven, that “ Horus the son of Isis and Osiris has received the white and the red crown, that King Ramses has received the white and the red crown.” 1 When the monarch has thus been proclaimed king to the gods, he offers his royal sacrifice in the presence of the statues of his ancestors. A priest presents him with the golden sickle, with which he cuts a sheaf of corn, he then strews it before the white bull, symbolising the offering of the first fruits of his reign. He then offers incense before the statue of the god, while the priest recites from the mysterious books of the “ dances of Min.” When the Pharaoh, with these and similar ceremonies, has taken upon him the dignity of his father he next receives the congratula- tions of his court. If any of the high officials are unavoidably absent, they send congratulatory letters : eg. the treasurer Qagabu sends the following poem to Sety II. on his coronation, “ that it may be read in the palace of Meryma't in the horizon of Re‘ : — “ Incline thine ear towards me, thou rising Sun, Thou who dost enlighten the two lands with beauty ; Thou sunshine of mankind, chasing darkness from Egypt ! Thy form is as that of thy father Re‘ rising in the heavens, 1 According to a legend Ilorus employed the same messengers to announce his accession to the other gods. Cp. the representation of his accession, L. D., iv. 57-58. - An. 4, 5, 6 ff. The writing belongs to the first year. IV THE KING AND HIS COURT 67 Thy rays penetrate to the farthest lands. When thou art resting in thy palace, Thou hearest the words of all countries ; For indeed thou hast millions of ears ; Thine eye is clearer than the stars of heaven ; Thou seest farther than the Sun. If I speak afar off, thine ear hears ; If I do a hidden deed, thine eye sees it. O Re‘, richest of beings, chosen of Re‘, Thou king of beauty, giving breath to all.” If we may believe what Diodorus1 tells us of the daily life of the king, we shall find the order of each day most strictly regulated for the Pharaoh. At daybreak the king despatches and answers his letters, he then bathes and robes himself in his state garments and assists at the sacrifice in the temple. There the high priest and the people pray for the god’s blessing on the king, and the priest gives him to understand, in a figurative way, what is worthy of praise or blame in his manner of ruling. After this homily the king offers sacrifice, but does not leave the temple till he has listened to the reading from the sacred books on the deeds and the maxims of famous men. His manner of life during the remainder of the day is exactly laid out for him, even as to the times for his walks, or for his frugal meals of goose-flesh, beef, and wine. Everything, Diodorus tells us, is arranged as strictly and reasonably as if “ prescribed by a physician.” It is not possible that the rulers of a kingdom, which flourished for 3000 years, should really have been such puppets as Diodorus represents. This historian gives us the ideal of a pious king, according to the priestly ideas of later times, and in fact the later kings of the 20th dynasty, may have led such lives under the governance of the Theban ecclesiastics, until the high priests judged it more expedient to ascend the throne themselves. Yet there is some truth in many features of this description even as regards the more ancient periods, for the Egyptian king had always to play a religious part. In the same way as each Egyptian of high standing exercised a kind of priestly office in the temple of his god, so the king was considered the priest of all the gods. Whenever we enter an Egyptian temple, we see the king represented offering his sacrifice to the gods. In most cases this is symbolic of the presents and revenues with which the king endowed the temple, but it is not probable that they would have had these representations if the king had not sometimes officiated there in person. At many festivals (eg. the above-mentioned festival of the god Min) it is expressly declared in the official style of the inscription, that the chief business of the king is to “ give praise to his fathers, the gods of Upper and Lower Egypt, because they give him strength and victory, and a long life of millions of years.” 2 It was part of the king’s work to guide the government and carry on the wars, but in theory his duty towards the gods was still more important. Being, in very deed, “ the son of Re‘, who is enthroned in his heart, whom 1 Diodorus, i. 70. 2 Stele of Kuban, line 7, and many other examples. 68 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. he loves above all, and who is with him, he is a shining embodiment of the lord of all, created by the gods of Heliopolis. His divine father created him to exalt his glory. Amon himself crowned him on his throne in the Heliopolis of the south, he chose him for the Shepherd of Egypt, and the defender of man- kind.” 1 2 When the gods blessed the country, it was for the sake of their son ; when after many failures they allowed some under- taking to succeed, it was in answer to the prayers of their son. With these ideas what is more natural than that the people should con- sider the king to be the media- tor for his country ? He alone with the high priest might enter the Holy of Holies in the temples, he alone might open the doors of the inner sanctuary and “ see his father the god.” The monarch could scarcely fulfil all these religious duties, as well as those of the administration which were expected of him. His cabinet 2 formed the centre of the govern- ment, to which all the chief officials had to “ render their account,” 3 and to which “ truth must ascend.” When reports were concluded, they were laid before the ruler, and special questions were also brought to him for his decision ; this was the case, at any rate, in the strained conditions of the time of the New Empire. When thieves were caught, tried, and found guilty, the court was not allowed to pronounce sentence ; the report was made to the Pharaoh, who decreed what punishment was to be awarded ;4 when houses were allotted to labourers, the king was importuned about it.y In short, there was nothing which might not, under certain circumstances, be brought before the Pharaoh, and if he were not able personally to sift the matter, he was obliged to appoint a delegate 6 to take his place. We who know the pleasure the Egyptian scribe took in lawsuits, realise how many reports the king had daily to read, and how many royal orders he had to give. The monarch had also to journey through the country and examine in person the condition of the buildings, etc. We learn how more than 1 See L. D. , iii. 24. 2 Q old spelling ^ ^ 0 g-jjp e-g- R- J- H., 95. CP- Br- Dic- Suppl., p. v. ’ah’a. 3 d'd sm'e, e.g. An., 4, 4, 9. 4 Pap. Amherst, 3, 9 and 4, 3. 5 Insc. Hier. Char., 12. 8 Abb., 6, 14. RAMSES II. MAKES AN OFFERING BEFORE THE GODDESS NEBTHAT. He ‘‘gives two jugs of milk to his mother." The goddess promises him, in consequence, "that he shall endure eternally like the heavens." IV THE KING AND HIS COURT 69 once the king travelled through the desert in order to understand the position of the quarries and of the oases.1 The king had of course trustworthy officials to assist him in this work ; the chief of these was the T ate, the “ governor,” whom we may consider as the leader of the government, and who communicated with the king on state affairs through the “speaker.”2 In difficult cases the king summoned his councillors, or (as they were called under the New Empire) “his princes, who stand before him,”3 and requested their opinion. The king often appointed his son and heir as co-regent, — this was the case under most of the kings of the 12th dynasty. We read that he “appoints him his heir on the throne of the god Oeb ; he becomes the great captain of the country of Egypt, and gives orders to the whole country.” 4 The “ great house,” therefore, in which the king resided was not only the dwelling-place of a god (his horizon as the Egyptians were accustomed to call it), but also the seat of government, the heart of the country. This double definition was carried out in the disposition of the royal house, which was always divided into two parts, an outer part serving for audiences ; an inner one, the dwelling of the “ good god.” The outer division is the large battlemented enclosure which bore the name of Usechet the wide ; the inner part is the narrow richly decor- ated building 'Alia hjj, lying in the background of the enclosure.0 These two parts of the palace were sharply defined, especially under the Old Empire, when the titles of the court officials showed to which division their owners belonged. Audiences were held in the “ usechet ” ; the highest government officials, the “ great men of the south ” and the Judges, were therefore called the “overseers” “the governors of the vesti- bule,”" or “the governors of the writing business of the vestibule.”' The palace 'Alia on the other hand was the home of the king, and whoever was called governor of the palace was either a prince or a personal servant of the king, a lord-chamberlain. 8 In the palace itself, under the Old Empire, there were various divi- sions : there was the the great hall of pillars, which was used 1 L. D., ii. 149 f., iii. 140 b. the time of the 18th dynasty. 3 Stele of Kuban, 1. 11 ; L. D., iii. 187. 4 Harris, i. 75, 10. 5 The form here given of the palace belongs to the Old Empire (e.g. L. D., ii. 4S. Mar. Mast., 248, 424); it is the traditional form in later representations (e.g. W. , iii. pi. lx.). The palace of the New Empire appears in several different ways (see ch. ix. ), but it always contains this division, bearing indeed the same names : ’ah'a, An., 4, 5, 9 ; usechet, An., 5, 19, 6. e L. D., ii. 48 ff., 103 c.; R. J. H., 86, 87 ; Mar. Mast., 124 ff., 214 flf. , 228 ff. etc. 7 Mar. Mast., 214 ff. H cherp, ’ah’a with princes, L. D., ii. 34 g. ; R. J. H., 65, with other court officials, e.g. R. J. H., 82 f.; L. D., ii. 35 ff., S9 a.; Mar. Mast., 160 f., 236 ff. ; mer ’ah’a, R. J. H., 78. 70 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. for council meetings, and, still more important, there was the house of adoration I i ^ ^ > the king’s room. Only the king’s sons, his nearest friends, and the governor of the palace, were allowed to bear the title of “ Privy councillor of the house of adoration,” a gentilhomvie de la chambre du roi, as they would say at the French court. The Egyptian king had several palaces 1 in the different towns of his kingdom, and Ramses II. and Ramses III. made for themselves noble palaces even in the two temples, which they built to Amon on the west side at Thebes.1’ We should expect in this ceremonious country, that the palaces should receive particular names, and we find, e.g., that of Sety II. called “ Beloved of the goddess of truth.”3 Even in modern times it is considered a special honour to have personal intercourse and to associate with the ruler of the state. If this be the case now, when we consider him only as the chief officer and the first nobleman of the land, how much greater would the honour be in Egypt where the Pharaoh was looked upon as a god. Pie who was chosen to enjoy this great happiness never forgot to inscribe it in his tomb for the benefit of posterity ; and many are the phrases and the titles which he used to express his sense of the dignity conferred upon him : “ He knew the place of the royal foot, and followed his benefactor in the way,4 he followed Horus in his house,5 he lived under the feet of his master,0 he was beloved by the king more than all the people of Egypt, he was loved by him as one of his friends, he was his faithful servant, dear to his heart, he was in truth beloved by his lord.”' Over and over again we meet with these phrases in the tombs of the great men, and all that they signify is that the deceased belonged to the court circle, or in the Egyptian language to the the “ Chosen of the Guard." These courtiers watched jealously lest one should approach the monarch nearer than another ; there were certain laws, the “ customs of the palace and the maxims of the court,” which were strictly observed by the officials who “allowed the courtiers to ascend to the king.”8 This presentation of the courtiers in order of precedence was openly considered as a most important business, and those whose duty it was to “ range the princes in their places,5' to appoint to the friends of the king their approach when standing or sitting,”1" boast how excellently they performed their duty. We know little more of the ceremonial of the Egyptian court ; the fact that King Shepseskaf allowed Ptahshepses, one of his grandees, to kiss his foot instead of kissing the ground before him, shows us how strict etiquette was even under the Old Empire. It is noteworthy that the man 1 Even under the Old Empire, “Governor of the noble dwellings of the King,” L.D., ii. 35 ff. “ Privy councillor of the king in all his dwellings,” Mar. Mast., 195. 2 L. 1)., iii. 159 ; Harris, i. 4, 11. That these funerary temples were at least nominally dedi- cated to Amon we see from L. D., iii. 167 ; Harris, i. 3, If. 3 An., 4, 5, 6. 4 Louvre, C. 170. 5 Louvre, C. 55. 6 Passim. 7 R. J. H., 11. 8 A. Z., 1882, 204. !* Cp. e.g. A. Z., 1882, 10. 10 Mar. Cat. d'Ab., 764. IV THE KING AND HIS COURT 7 1 chosen out for this high honour was not only the high priest of Memphis, but also the son-in-law of His Majesty.1 Under the Old Empire these conventionalities were carried farther than in any later time ; and the long list of the titles of those officials shows us that the court under the pyramid-builders had many features in common with that of the Byzantines. Under the New Empire it seems to have been rather out of fashion, at any rate for the highest officials, to kiss the earth : the words may occur occasionally in the inscriptions, but in the pictures the princes only bow, either with their arms by their sides or with them raised in prayer before His Majesty. The priests also, when receiving the king cere- moniously at the gates of the temples, only bow respectfully, and even their wives and children do the same as they present the Pharaoh with flowers and food in token of welcome ; it is only the servants who throw themselves down before him and kiss the earth at the sight of the monarch.2 It seems to have been the custom under the New Empire to greet the king with a short psalm when they “ spoke in his presence ” (it was not etiquette to speak “ to him ”) — e.g. when the king had called his coun- cillors together, and had set forth to them how he had resolved to bore a well on one of the desert roads, and had asked them for their opinion on the subject, we might expect them straightway to give him an answer, especially as already on their entrance into the hall they had “ raised their arms praising him.” The princes considered it necessary however to make a preamble as follows : “ Thou art like Re‘ in all that thou doest, everything happens according to the wish of thy heart. We have seen many of thy wondrous deeds, since thou hast been crowned king of the two countries, and we have neither seen nor heard anything equal to thee. The words of thy mouth are like the words of Harmachis, thy tongue is a balance, and thy lips are more exact than the little tongue on the balance of Thoth. What way is there that thou dost not know ? Who accomplishes all things like thee ? Where is the place which thou hast not seen ? There is no country through which thou hast not journeyed, and what thou hast not seen thou hast heard. For from thy mother’s womb thou hast governed and ruled this country with all the dignity of a child of royal blood. All the affairs of the two countries were brought before thee, even when thou wast a child with the plaited lock of hair. No monument was erected, no business was transacted, without thee. When thou wast at the breast, thou wast the general of the army ; in thy tenth year thou didst suggest the plan of all the works, and all affairs passed through thy hands. When thou didst command the water to cover the mountain, the ocean obeyed immediately. In thy limbs is Re‘, and Chepr’e thy creator dwells within thee. Thou art the living image on earth of thy father Atum of Heliopolis. The god of taste is in thy mouth, the god of knowledge in thy heart ; thy tongue is enthroned in the temple of truth; 3 R. J. H., 80. - From the picture, L. D., iii. 92 ff. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. God is seated upon thy lips. Thy words are fulfilled daily, and the thoughts of thy heart are carried out like those of Ptah the creator. Thou art immortal, and thy thoughts shall be accomplished and thy words obeyed for ever.” When the princes had expressed their admiration of the young king in this pretty but in our opinion exaggerated, senseless style, they might then address him directly : “ O King, our master,” and answer his question.1 Special titles served to signify the degree of rank the great men held with respect to the king. In old times the most important were jl^ the friend , and |1 ^ the well-beloved friend of the king. These degrees of rank were awarded at the same time as some promotion in office. A high official of the 6th dynasty received the office of “ Under-superin- tendent of the prophets of the royal city of the dead,” and at the same time the rank of “ friend ” ; when later he was promoted to be “ Chief of the district of the Nubian boundary,” he became the well-beloved friend r Promotion to a certain rank was not exactly connected with certain offices, it was given rather as a special mark of favour by the king. Amongst the “ nearest friends ” of king Pepy, was one belonging to the lower rank of “ Overseer of Scribes ” ; in this case he was invested with a title of honour usually reserved for higher officials." The princes of the royal household were as a matter of course raised to this rank sooner than others, for whilst as a rule no high priest, no “treasurer of the god,” bears the title of “ friend ,” the sons of the king holding these positions are often called the “ nearest friends ” of their father.4 5 Though these titles were generally given only to the highest officials, yet some of the “ great men of the South ” are counted as “friends” while many chief judges3 are without this rank. It seems that officers in the palace received it when called to be “ Privy-Councillors of the honourable house,”6 while the high priests appear, as we have said, to be entirely excluded. The rank of friend was kept up in later times, though it did not play so important a part as before. Under the New Empire the title of “ fan-bearer on the right hand of the king ” was given to princes, judges, high-treasurers, generals, and others of the highest rank. They had the 1 Stele of Kuban. It is possible that the redactor of this inscription may have embellished it in a poetical manner. 2 A. Z. , 1882, p. 8. 3 Stele of Pepy-sed in the Brit. Mus. (L. A.). 4 High priests without rank : R. J- H., 79 ff. , 93 ff. ; Mar. Mast., 74 ff., 123. 157 ; Mar. mon. div., 18. With rank : L. D., ii. 22 c. Treasurers of the god, without rank : L. D., ii. 97 a. 100 b. ; Mar. Mast., 88, 162, 198 ff. With rank : R. J. H., 89; Mar. Mast., 189, 191. 5 Chief judges without rank: L. D., ii. 45 ff. ; Mar. Mast., 228 ff. With rank (e.g. princes) : L. D., ii. 15.34 g., 41-75; R- J- H., 65, 96.153; Mar. Mast., 124 etc. 6 Palace officials, without rank : Mar. Mast., 116, 135. !36, 250; L. D., ii. 65, 95 f. ; R. J. H., 78, 88. As friends, R. J. H., 82 ; Mar. Mast., 236. As nearest friends, L. D. , ii. 35 ff. , 86, 89 a; R. J. H., 6.60; Mar. Mast., 160.175 ff., 185. IV THE KING AND HIS COURT 73 privilege of carrying as insignia, a fan and a small battle-axe 1 of the shape represented below. The axe, symbolic of the warlike character of the New Empire, shows that this title was originally given to those of high military rank, and in fact we find some of the standard-bearers and fan-, bearers in the army 2 carrying this fan. The fan was also given to ladies, and the maids of honour of the queen and the princesses often bear it. ' That it was certainly considered a great honour, we judge from the fact that the happy possessor was never depicted without it, — even when the hands are raised in prayer, the fan or the axe is represented on the band on the shoulder.4 I have observed above that those who were raised to the rank of “ fan-bearer ” received also the title of “ nearest friend ,” which under the New Empire signified essentially the same dignity. Similar con- servative customs in maintaining names and titles may often be observed under the New Empire, e.g. notwithstanding that all the conditions of the state had altered, yet we see that under Thothmes III. the royal bark bears the same name, “ Star of the two coun- tries,” as the bark of King Chufu fifteen hundred years previously.5 * We have as yet considered the king only from his official side, as a demigod high above all other human beings. This de- scendant of the Sun-god was also however, in spite of his divine nature, a private indi- vidual ; so that although nominally the whole country belonged to him, yet, at any rate under the Old Empire, he had his own private property, the “ house of the palace,” which had its own administration 0 and perhaps its own storehouse ‘ and its own court of justice.s As the Pharaoh had his own property although in theory all the country belonged to him, so also he had his own consorts although, according to ancient ideas, all the wives of his subjects were his.9 There was only one legal wife, the queen ; she was of royal or of high noble birth, and indeed she may have been the “ daughter of the god”10 i.e. of the late king, and therefore the sister of her husband. Her titles testify to her rank at court ; the queen of the Old Empire is called : 1 We find this axe certainly in the time of the l8th dynasty, L. D., iii. 98, 104, 105 ; later it is often wanting. 2 L. D., iii. 92. There is no difference between standards and fans, they serve for both, L. D. , iii. 100 b. 3 L. D., iii. 101. 4 L. D., iii. 98. 5 L. D., iii. 17 a, cp. L. D., ii. 18 ft 8 For the various grades in this department of <~~=> the inscriptions onwards from L. D., ii. 49 ff, 55 ff. will be found specially instructive. 7 Mar. Mast., ioo. 8 Mar. Mast., 70. 9 Pyramid of Un’es, 1. 629. 10 R- J- H., 153. INSIGNIA OF HIGH RANK UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE. 74 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. IV “ She who sees the gods Horus and Set ” (i.e. the possessor of both halves of the kingdom) “ the most pleasant, .the highly praised, the friend of Horus, the beloved of him who wears the two diadems.” 1 The queen under the New Empire is called — “ The Consort of the god, the mother of the god, the great consort of the King ; ” 2 and her name is enclosed like that of her husband in a cartouche. The queen appears as a rule to have been of equal birth with her hus- band ; she took her share in all honours. Unfortunately the monuments always treat her as an official personage, and therefore we know scarcely anything of what took place in the “ rooms of the royal wife.” 3 The artists of the heretic king Chuen’eten alone emancipate themselves from con- ventionalities, and give us a scene out of the family life of the Pharaoh. We see him in an arbour decked with wreaths of flowers sitting in an easy chair, he has a flower in his hand, the queen stands before him pouring out wine for him, and his little daughter brings flowers and cakes to her father.4 After the death of her husband the queen still played her part at court, and as royal mother had her own property, which wras under special management.0 Many of the queens had divine honours paid to them even long after their deaths, — two especially at the beginning of the New Empire, ‘Ah-hotep and 'Ahmose Nefert’ere, were thus honoured ; they were probably considered as the ancestresses of the I 8th dynasty. Besides the chief royal consort, and other consorts, the Pharaoh possessed a harem,6 whose inmates, the secluded , under the supervision of an ancient matron,' attended to the pleasures of the monarch. High officials, e.g. the “governor of the royal harem, ”s the scribe of the same,9 the “ delegate for the harem ”10 looked after its administration, and a number of doorkeepers prevented the ladies from holding useless intercourse with the outer world.11 These secluded were some of them maidens of good Egyptian family, but many were foreign slaves. King Amenhotep III. 1 Mar. Mast., 183, 208, 225, R. J. H., 153. 2 L. D., iii. 132 o. 3 These “ nest suten f j enta hemt suten ” have a special administration : L. D., iii. 242 d. ; see also ib. 100 d. 4 L. D., iii. 98. 5 L. D., iii. 100 d. 6 The harem is called f OfKPl I i (Mar. Cat. d’Ab. , 686) ^ i i (ib. 719) under the New Empire 33 III \ cs 33 I 1 . The name which occurs frequently 1 <2 , seems to signify the family dwelling-house in a wider sense, as the children (ib. 702) and the mother (L. D., iii. 100 d.) of the king reside in it. 7 Mar. Mast., 138 ff. 8 P. J. T., 4, 4 ; L. D., iii. 242 d (a higher officer). 9 P. J. T., 4, 5.5, 10 (N. E.) ; Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 686.719 (M. E.) 10 P. J. T., 5, 9. 11 Stele of Kefnen under Amenemhe‘t III. (L. A., “ Mus. Eg., 70”), P. J. T., 5, 1. All these harem officials are themselves married, and therefore are not eunuchs. IHII3 kS /4i RAMSES II., ACCOMPANIED BY MIS SONS, STORMS A SYRIAN TORTRESS. The Princes Ment'uherchopshet and Cha'emuese are engaged in the hand-to-hand mclde ; the Princes Meryamun, Antenemu'ea, Sety and Setpenrc* are in command near the penthouses under which the troops advance to the attack ; two princes (unnamed) have climbed up the scaling ladders. (After L. D., iii. 166. ) 7 6 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. received as a gift from a certain prince of Naharina, his eldest daughter and 317 maidens, the choicest of the secluded} We see from this state- ment what a crowd of women must have lodged in the house of the women belonging to the court of Pharaoh. We know scarcely anything of the harem life, except that the inmates had to provide musical entertainments for the monarch. On one occa- sion only a king allows us a glimpse into his harem ; in the building in front of the great temple of Medinet Habu we see representations of Ramses III. with his ladies.2 They, as well as their master, are dressed solely in sandals and necklets, they wear the coiffure of royal children, and therefore some scholars have thought them to be the daughters of the king. But why should the daughters of Ramses III. be depicted here and not his sons? It is also quite contrary to Egyptian custom to repre- sent the members of the royal family with no names appended. We can therefore conscientiously consider these slender pretty ladies to be those who plotted the great conspiracy against the throne of Ramses III. of which we have spoken above. In these pictures no indication is given of this plot ; the ladies play the favourite game of draughts peacefully with their master, they bring him flowers, and eat fruit with him. Under these circumstances it was natural that posterity should not fail the Egyptian kings, though all did not have so many children as Ramses II., of whom we read that he had 200 children; of these ill sons and 59 daughters are known to us.3 In the older periods at any rate special revenues 4 were put aside for the maintenance of these princes. Under the Old Empire they also received government appoint- ments, c.g. one called the “treasurer of the god ”5 had to fetch the granite blocks out of the quarries of the desert ; others officiated as high priests in the temple of Heliopolis, e and others again (bearing the title of “ prince of the blood,” erpa'te') became the “ chief judges ” or the “ scribes of the divine 1 A. Z., 1880, p. 82. 2 L. D., iii. 208 a. b. d. The uraeus snake in d. ought certainly to be a flower. :i L. D., iii. 179; Mar. Abyd., i. 4. 4 L. D., 26, 53. 5 R. J. II., 89. L. D., ii. 1 8. Mar. Mast., 188 f. 6 L. D., ii. 22 c. Mar. mon, div., 18. IV THE KING AND HIS COURT 77 book,”1 and nearly all of them were, in addition, “ Chief reciter-priests of their father,” and belonged, as “ governors of the palace,” to his inner circle of courtiers. Under the New Empire, when the army came more to the fore, they preferred to be invested with military titles, and were called the generals of their father. They assisted zealously at the battles, and were the first to venture up the ladders when a castle was stormed ; at least so the official representations of battles inform us.2 Those even who devoted them- selves to the priestly profession, and who in their old age were high priests, as Cha’emuese the pious son of Ramses II., were not excluded in their youth from taking part in the battles.3 The princes, or, as they are called under the New Empire, the “ divine offspring,” 4 can be recognised by their robes. In later times they also retained during their lifetime the side -lock, the old badge of child- hood, though not in its original form, for instead of a plaited lock of hair, they wore a fringed band. The princes were brought up in the home of their father, and in a special part of the palace, the shep Qfg==^ ! their tutor Jd ^5=^ "’ho was one of the highest court officials, was called, strange to say, their nurse. Pahri, the prince of El Kab under Amenhotep I., was nurse to the prince Uad'mes;5 * Semnut, the favourite of Queen Chnemt-amun, was nurse to the princess Ra’no- fru ; b and Heqerneheh, a grandee at the court of Amenhotep II., had the care of the education of the heir- apparent, Thothmes II., and of seven other princes.' In addition to these male nurses, the real female nurse played an important part at court, e.g. at the court of the heretic king Chuen’eten, the “ great nurse who nourished the god and decked the king” was an influential personage.8 “Decking the king” signifies some duty the nurse performed at the coronation ; in the time of the Middle Empire a “ keeper of the diadem ” boasts that he had “ nourished the god and beautified the Horus, the lord of the palace.”9 There was a pretty custom in the time of the Old and Middle Empire : the king allowed other boys to be educated at court with his own sons. A SON OF RAMSES III., THE FAN, SYMBOLIC OF RANK, IN HIS HAND. (L. D., iii. 214.) (Cp. also the representations of two princes in the vignette on page 51, preceding chapter.) 1 L. D., ii. 15, 34 g., 41 f. ; R. J. H., 65, and L. D., ii. 12 f. ; Mar. Mast., 178 f. 2 L. D., iii. 166; cp. alsoib., 154, 156. 3 L. D., iii. 166. 4 L. D., iii. 176 b. Pap. Mallet, 4, 1. 0 L. D., iii. 10 b. The above date is not quite certain. 6 L. D., iii. 25. 7 L. D., iii. 69. Other tutors, Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 702, 703 (M.E.), iio3(N.E.). 8 L. D., iii. 105 f. 9 Stele of a Chent-em-sete from Abydos (L. A.). 78 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. IV Ptahshepses, who later became high priest of Memphis, was brought up by king Menkare* “ amongst the royal children in the great house of the king, in the room and dwelling-place of the king, and was preferred by the king before all the other boys.” When Menkare' died, Shepseskaf, who succeeded him, kept him amongst the princes and honoured him before all the other youths. When Ptahshepses became a man, his Majesty gave him “the great royal daughter Ma‘tcha‘ to wife, and his Majesty wished her to live with him rather than with any other man.”1 It was the same under the Middle Empire, for a nomarch of Siut relates with pride how he had received swimming lessons2 with the royal children, and a high officer of the palace boasts that as a child “ he had sat at the feet of the king, as a pupil of Horus, the lord of the palace.”3 Another man relates :4 “ His Majesty seated me at his feet in my youth, and pre- ferred me to all my companions. His Majesty was pleased to grant me daily food, and when I walked with him, he praised me each day more than he had the day before, and,” he continues, “ I became a real relative of the king.” These last words are easy of explanation : the same honour was bestowed upon him as upon Ptahshepses — he received one of the daughters of the king for his wife. In the time of the Old Elmpire we continually meet with these “ royal relatives,” holding different dignities and offices. We can rarely discover what their relationship was to the king, and we suspect that those who were only distantly connected with the royal family made use of this title which had formerly been given to their ancestors. Under the I 2th dynasty, it is expressly stated when any one was a “ real royal relative,” and the words “ royal relative,” when used alone, began to have an ambiguous meaning. 1 R. J. H., 79. - R. J. H. 289= Mar. mon. div., 68 d. 3 Stele of a Nebpu-Usertesen from Abydos (L. A.). 4 Stele of a Chent-em-sete from same place (L. A.). A KING OFFERS WINE BEFORE THE SPHINX, THE EMBLEM OF KOVAL DIGNITY. EGYPTIAN ORNAMENTATION FOR A CEILING. Consisting of Conventional Lotus Flowers. CHAPTER V POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN EGYPT UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE In the following pages I shall endeavour to give a sketch of the constitution of the Egyptian state, as it existed at the different historical periods ; at the same time I must beg my learned reader to consider how many are the difficulties connected with this first attempt, especially with the treatment of the most ancient period. The tombs of the Old Empire may indeed faithfully give us the names of all the offices held by the deceased, but even if we work our way patiently through these wearisome lists of empty titles, we are scarcely any the wiser for our trouble. Out of thirty or more titles borne by one of these great men, we may perhaps understand the meaning of twenty, but there will be barely ten of which we can say what duties belonged to the office designated by a certain title. Still less do we know which was the principal office held by the deceased, or what connection there was between all his various dignities. These great men nearly always contented themselves with enumerating with evident delight a bare list of titles, given them by the gracious favour of the king. They call themselves “ Governor of the town,” “ Director of the land,” and “ Chief prophet,” but they do not tell us where the town, the land, or the temple was situated over which they ruled ; nor do they say what were the duties they had to perform. If we read the long list of titles in the tomb of “ Un’e the prince, the administrator of the south, the chief reciter-priest, the nearest friend of the king, the leader of great men, the sub-director of the prophets of the pyramids of King Pepy and King Merenre', the director of the treasure-houses, the scribe of the drinks, the superintendent of the two fields of sacrifice,”1 etc., we should never realise that this was the man of whom we read in another inscription, that his 1 R. J. H., 2. So LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. duties were to order stone to be cut for the pyramid of the king and to examine all the state property. Still less should we guess that in his youth Un’e officiated as a judge, and that later he commanded the Egyptian army in a dangerous war. His titles in no way indicate what were the most famous achievements of his life, and meanwhile others who bear the title of “ Commander of the soldiers ” may never have been in action. The materials we possess for the period of the Middle Empire are rather more satisfactory, and much that is good exists for that of the New Empire, but unfortunately only a small part is as yet accessible. Great research has been necessary to put together even this short account of the history of the Egyptian government ; the essential features are probably fairly accurate, the details will naturally in the future require rectifying and supplementing. The classical writers and the inscriptions of the later temples agree in informing us of the traditional division of Egypt into about forty provinces, and the monuments of the earlier periods show us that this was in fact an old national division : many of the names of these provinces occurring in the inscriptions of the Old Empire. The basis alone of this division remained unchanged ; in certain particulars there were many alterations and fluctuations, eg. in the number and in the boundaries of the provinces, especially in the Delta, which appears later to have been entirely divided into twenty provinces, in imitation of the twenty provinces of Upper Egypt. In the Delta, where under the Old Empire there was but one province,1 jUU, we find later an eastern and a western province, and in another case, the province ^jxj^ , of which part was called the “ west country,” was later divided into a northern and a southern province. In later times we hear nothing of other ancient provinces, such as the “east province,” or the east and west crocodile provinces, at any rate not under those names. In the same way our knowledge of the divisions of the Delta under the Middle Empire 2 3 agrees in general features but not in details with the later division. Under the Middle and also under the Old Empire, each province was the seat of an ancient noble family, who for generations inherited the government and the high -priesthood of its temple.11 It is true that these provincial princes could only actually bequeath to their children the family estate and the membership in the priestly college of their native temple ; but if there were no special circumstances against it, the Pharaoh would always bestow the government on the great landowner of the province, and in choosing their high priest, the priests could scarcely 1 Provinces of the Old Empire : L. D., ii. 3-7 ; R. J. H., 95 ; Mar. Mast., 437. - The inscriptions of Beni Hasan, Siut, and Bersheh are especially instructive for the provinces of the Middle Empire. 3 Cp. with the inscriptions of Beni Hasan, what I have ascertained from the texts of Siut, A. Z., 1882, p. 16 1 f. The nomarchs of the Old Empire are easily recognisable by their titles, yet they do not usually state their place of residence ; we cannot therefore determine whether the governor- ship of the provinces was hereditary. V POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE 81 pass over the richest and most important personage amongst them. At any rate in his own town they would leave him in the enjoyment of the titles of his ancestors, even if he himself did not perform all the duties. It has been conjectured, with great probability, that these provinces with their nobility, their coats-of-arms and their own militia, were the remains of independent little princedoms, and that therefore they represent the most ancient political state of the country. Such a period must be of great antiquity, for other conditions seem to lie at the root of the political constitution of the Old Empire, which, as we have seen in the preceding chapter, appears to have consisted of two kingdoms, connected by the bond of personal union. The government of the two states remained separate, and only once under the Old Empire do we meet with a high official who united in his person the governorship of the whole country, viz. Kagemn’e, the “ director of the whole country, of the south and of the north.” 1 As a rule the twofold division was always maintained ; the whole government was split up into “ two houses,” and the temple property, or the public lands, belonged to the “ two houses, the southern and the northern.”2 In theory all state property was divided into two parts, and the high officials, whose province it was to superintend the treasury or the granaries, were always called the superintendents of the “ two houses of silver,” or of the “ two storehouses.”3 4 Even if the treasury or granary contained the revenues of but one province or of one town, they yet formed part of the two “ houses of silver,” or of the two storehouses which received the revenues of the two countries. The royal jewels were also prepared in “ two workshops,” and kept in “ two houses of gold ; ”* the two abodes of food ” were for the maintenance of the living, the “ two fields of sacrifice ”5 for that of the dead. Originally the war department was double, but in early times they seem here to have felt the need of concentration, for the single form 6 is more often used than the double for this department as well as for the king’s court, and for the courts of law. The system of government as far as we can judge does not seem to have been quite the same for the two halves of the kingdom ; eg. while the “great men of the south” ruled over Upper Egypt, there do not seem to have been any corresponding “ great men of the north.” Each state may have maintained its former organisation even after the union. At the same time we know so little of the Delta under the Old Empire, that it is impossible to form a decisive opinion ; we shall therefore confine ourselves 1 L. D. , ii. 97 b, perhaps identical with the old wise man of the same name, mentioned in the papyrus Prisse. - Temple estate : 1 1 L. D., ii. 8S. Fields: Mar. Mast., 1 1 5. 3 Houses ’of Silver: L. D., ii. 45 ff., 73 ff., 77 ff. ; Mar. Mast., 124 ff., 228 ff. Granaries: L. D., ii. 45 ff., 73 ff., 77 ff. 4 Workshops : L. D., ii. 45 ff. ; Mar. Mast., 1 24 ff., 228 ff. ; Houses of gold : L. D., ii. 75, 103. 5 Abodes of food : L. D., ii. 27 ff. ; Mar. Mast., 228 ff. Fields of sacrifice : R. J. H., 2. 8 Double : L. D., ii. 73 ff. Single : Mar. Mast., 214 ff. , 228 ff. G LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. in the following pages to the conditions in Upper Egypt, which certainly played the chief part politically. Upper Egypt, officially styled “ the South,” was divided into a great number of districts, each possessing local government. We do not know how far these were identical with the provinces of the country. There were altogether thirty “ great men of the south,” 1 many of these, however, had a merely nominal share in the government, their district consisting of the “desert,” the “ Nile,” or the “ fisheries.” These governors, who always bore the proud title of “ First under the king,” I jj^, had a double function, judicial and administrative. The governor was the judge, and the chief of the district (as perhaps the latter title may be translated) 2 in his department, and if a large town number of lesser offices were apparently connected with this principal one ; we say apparently , because for the most part these lesser offices were only empty titles. The members of this ancient bureaucracy were fond of creating a special title for each function of their judicial or administra- tive work ; for instance, they had to pass on the royal orders to their district or their town, they therefore entitled themselves “ Privy coun- cillor of the royal orders,” and as their duty consisted in directing the public works, they called themselves “ Superintendent of the works of the king” and “Superintendent of the royal commissions.” If they collected the taxes of corn and cattle, or commanded the local militia, they bore the title of “ Superintendent of the sacrificial and provision houses,” or “Superintendent of the war department”; if they had an office for the different secretaries, connected with their government or judicial work, they then assumed the title of “ Superintendent of the royal scribes,” or “ Superintendent of the legal writers.” In addition, they had various priestly duties. As judges, they were priests of Ma’t the goddess of truth ; their loyalty constrained them to be priests of the king and of his ancestors ; finally, they were almost always invested (I know not why) with the office of prophet of the frog-headed goddess Heqt.3 We do not know how large a district was governed by one of the “ great men of the south ” ; it was certainly not a whole province. The fib great chiefs of many provinces belong, however, to this collegiate the later quotations, they were exactly the same as judges, though originally they were so only inci- dentally ; what Diodorus (i. 75) says about the choice of these thirty judges by the three towns of Thebes, Memphis, and Heliopolis, can at most apply only to the latest epoch. 2 L. D., ii. 3, shows that this title does not signify (as Brugsch maintains) “Inspector of the canals and dykes,” but has a more general sense. (Cp. also ibi 100 b, where this title follows that of “Superintendent of the desert.”) 3 Titles of Chiefs of the Districts, e.g. L. D., ii. 3 ff., 27 ff., 60 ff., 72, 84, 88 ; Mar. Mast., 118 ff., 164 ff., 211-214 ff., 243 ff. ; R. J. H., 52, 77-86. were situated in the latter, he was also town. A Cp. the interesting passages quoted by Brugsch, Die. Suppl., 927 ff. According to POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE 83 v number ; 1 the “ great one of the south,” ‘Amt'en a contemporary of King Snofru, was prince of the 17th province, prince of the eastern Feyum, and possessed in addition the dignity of district chief in several of the provinces of the Delta.2 On the other hand, there were “ great men of the south,” who had no administrative duties in the south, and who yet, by special favour of the king, were considered members of the collegiate assembly, e.g. Ra’hotep, the high priest of Heliopolis, a town scarcely belonging to the south ; the departments over which he ruled as “ district chief” were certainly peculiar : they were the fisheries and the Nile/ The government of these departments was given to him, in order that a personage so important should have a seat in the great council ; a seat was also generally given to the superintendent of the agricultural department. The thirty were not all of equal rank, for some were deputy superin- tendents,4 and at the head of all stood the distinguished “ governor of the south.” This was a very high office ; after Un’e, the favourite of King Pepy, had served the king faithfully many years, and had risen to high honour, Merenre*, the successor of Pepy, appointed the worthy old man to be “Governor of the south” and “Chief of the great men,” and gave him at the same time the rank of prince. Un’e relates that this was a token of special favour, and that he strove by his good government of the south to show himself worthy of the confidence of his master. He apportioned the duties justly, and twice he ordered the registration of all the properties and revenues which the king possessed in the south. This had never been done before, and on account of his energy Un’e was then named “ real governor of the south ” ; i.e. his office was not merely nominal, as had perhaps been the case with many of his predecessors. As we have seen, this honour was given by special royal favour ; not long before the time of Un’e it had been bestowed upon a nomarch of the 15 th province of Upper Egypt.5 We know little of the government of the “ north country,” the Delta. Under the Middle Empire we meet with a “ governor of the north country.” This dignity may have existed in an older period, although it is strange that the title never occurs amongst the numberless titles in the older tombs. The Delta was also governed by district chiefs, as is shown by the inscriptions in the tomb of the above-mentioned ‘Amt'en, the “ great man of the south,” 6 the same tomb, which now forms one of the chief treasures of the Berlin Museum. ‘Amt'en governed the 17th province and the eastern half of the Feyum in the south, but in his 1 E.g. the nomarch of the 15th province : L. D., ii. 113. 2 L. D., ii. 3-7. 3 Mar. mon. div. 18. In the same way a somewhat later colleague of the same. L. D. , ii. 22 c. L. D., ii. 61 a; Mar. Mast., 164 ff. 5 Inscriptions of Un’e : A. Z., 1882, p. 20 f. R. J. H., 2. Others holding this office : L. D., ii. 60 ff., 1 13. 6 L. D., ii. 3-7 ; in every way an important but very difficult inscription. Amongst other things it treats of the landed property of the deceased, and the part taken from it for the funerary worship. 84 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. tomb these appointments are not to be compared to those which he possessed in the Delta, where he was “ Prince of the great house ” in perhaps a dozen large towns. It is not certain whether he had actually to govern the towns or only the crown property, the property of the “ great house” contained in them. His position was at all events very important, for it constituted him “ district chief in the province of each town.” In this way he ruled the sacred city of Dep 1 (the later Buto), the “ city of the two dogs ” in the province of Mendes, several towns in the province of Sal's, the town Sent in the east of the Delta and others. In each of these provinces he was also a “ district chief,” and in the country to the west of STATUE OF RA'hOtEP IN THE MUSEUM OF GIZEH. Sal's, where he governed the town of Hes-uar, he was “ Prince of agricul- ture.” The most remarkable of his towns however was the “ Cowhouse,” probably situated in one of the oases (perhaps the modern Farafrah). As prince of this town he was district chief of the “ foreign country,” i.e. the desert, and again in the same capacity he was “chief of the Beduins,” and “ Master of the hunt ” of the king. The latter was his favourite distinc- tion, for in his tomb he allowed nothing to be represented except the game brought in by his servants. Besides his administrative duties, ‘Amt'en as usual had judicial and priestly functions to perform ; he was prophet and leader of the priests of various divinities, and “agricultural judge” in the “ province of the Ox.” ‘Amt'en also relates to us the history of his career, how that although 1 Another district chief of this town. R. J. H., 63, 65. POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE v 85 of high birth (he was a “ royal relative ”) he was obliged to work his way up from below. He was at first “scribe of the house of food” (perhaps a superintendent of a provision depot) ; he then rose gradually to be “district chief” and “deputy agricultural judge” in the “province of the Ox ” in the west of the Delta. After he had filled various positions, amongst others that of “ governor of all the royal harvest,” those high dignities were bestowed upon him which he retained till his death. This inscription contains almost all that we know about the govern- ment of the north country, and suffices to show that the organisation there was less traditional than in the south. ‘Amt'en received such and such towns, he became chief in certain provinces, but he acquired none of those titles and additional posts which were always connected with such appoint- ments in the south. He ruled the province of Sals, but he was neither the “superintendent of buildings” nor of “commissions” nor of “ writing affairs,” — titles such as these he owed to his districts in Upper Egypt ; an organised bureaucracy seems to have been unknown in the Delta. From these facts we conclude that a great difference existed between the civilisation of the two halves of the kingdom. Upper Egypt possessed a thoroughly organised ancient administration, while simpler conditions held sway in Lower Egypt. As we see from the above description, the constitution of the Old Empire was one of decentralisation. The numerous small districts into which the country was split had their own courts of justice, their own storehouses for corn, and their own militia. The central power which held these somewhat loose organisms together was the “ Chunu,” — the inner , i.e. the public treasury ; it had property in all the provinces of the country, over which its representative, the “ governor of the south,” had the control,1 and besides the treasure houses of the different provinces, there was also a central finance department, which at the same time had the care of the clothes and ornaments of the monarch. This “ house of silver of the treasury ” employed numerous men, the “ superintendent,” the “ deputy-superintendent,” and the “ scribes of the house of silver,” with their chief.' The house of silver cr^i | belongs however to the great department of the treasury Q or and the rank of lord high treasurer was one of the highest in the kingdom c£=\) . It was his duty to collect and value all precious things “ that are given by heaven, or brought forth by the earth, or brought down by the Nile ” ; perfumes from the incense countries, minerals from the mountains, and costly blocks from the quarries.3 The practical work of the department, 1 R. J. H., 2 ; A. Z., 1882, p. 21. 2 L. D., ii. 100 c ; R. J. H., 90; Mar. Mast., 251 ff. Cp. also ib. 233 ff. L. D., ii. 149 c ; Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 654 ; Louvre, C. 2. Borchardt has shown (A. Z., 1890, 87-92) that O docs not signify “ lord high treasurer,” but rather denotes a degree of rank, which was usually borne by various high officials, especially by the “ Superintendent of the treasury,” 86 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. IcTCi. the labour of obtaining and transporting these precious things, was generally in the hands of the second officer,1 the “ treasurer of the god,” a half military rank much desired by the sons of the king. This officer must have been a man of many gifts 2 in order to fulfil the various duties which were expected of him. His expeditions would take him into the deserts and into hostile coun- tries, he was -therefore “ Superintendent of the infantry,” and of the “ house of war,” and “ Chief superintendent of the young men.” He was “ Superintendent of the shipping ” in order to command the trans- port ships, and therefore the care of the other ships of the kingdom was placed in his hands, and he was considered the admiral of the state.3 He had to see that the blocks were dragged through the desert, therefore he was the “ Superintendent of the gangs of workmen of the god ” ; and as his journeys and voyages were generally under- taken for the royal buildings, he was also the “ Superintendent of all the works of the king,” or “ of his commissions.” Other departments of the state seem also to have had similar central superintend- ence, eg. the “ chief of the granaries,” who collected the corn tax, the most important part of the customs.4 There was also a central department for the superintendence of agriculture, which The PRINCE MER- EB. Treasurer of the god, under King Chufu (after L.D., ii. 21). inundation required uniform government. on account of the “ superintendent of agriculture, and of the scribes of agriculture,” therefore held office in of the south and that of the north,” i.e. in both In the same way for the forests of the anterior “ both houses, that divisions of Egypt.5 the real lord high treasurer. The C i ranks between the “ Prince ” and the f ‘nearest friend.” 1 This is the case at any rate under the Middle Empire. See L. D., ii. 137 a. He may have been called “ treasurer of the god ” because he worked specially for the temples and tombs. 2 Cp. on the subject of these officials, A. Z., 1882, p. 6 ; L. D., ii. 18 ff., 97 a, 100 b; Mar. Mast., 162, 188 ff., 198 ff. ; R. J. H., 78, 89 ( = Mar. Mast., 191). 3 At Beni Hasan (L. D., ii. 127) he commands the ship which conveys the body of the nomarch to Abydos. Pj T* | N/~~\/| Mar. Mast., 108. A superintendent of the south : L. D., ii. 60 ff. Stele of a Sebekhotep (Dyn. VI., L. A.). A chief judge : L. D., ii. 73 ff., 77 ff., 103 c. 5 L. D.,ii. 94d, 110c; Mar. Mast., 104, 115, 135, 150; R. J. H., 85/101. An exception is made in the case of the “superintendent of the agricultural scribes of the Nome of the Ox.” Mar. Mast., 437. V POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE 87 country (J.e. the boundary district between Nubia and Egypt), the posses- sion of which was of importance for shipbuilding, there was a special department, at the head of which stood the “ high superintendent of the anterior country of the Pharaoh.” 1 The administration of justice was also centralised. We meet with the office of judge in many forms. One of the least important of the judicial posts, one often held by sons of the higher judges, was that of “judge and superintendent of the scribes”2 [ 1 1 ' j|- Another was that of “judge belonging to the city of Nechent ” ^ ; the latter is sometimes said to assist the high-judge “ on all secret occasions,” 3 a third was the which may signify the judge of agriculture.4 These lower judicial appointments were held as a rule by the “ great men of the south” or by their sons, and their jurisdiction extended over the town or the province of their respective great lords. All the judges belonged to one of the “ six great houses,” that is, to one of the great law-courts, in which “ the secret words ” were discussed,0 and the chief of these great men, the superintendent of the south, was a member of all the six.6 At the head of this court of justice ' stood the “ Chief judge,” , who was at the head of the whole jurisdiction of the country. The chief judge was always of very high birth ; if not one of the sons of the king,s he would be one of the “high priests of the great gods,”9 or a “ hereditary prince,” 10 or at least a “ real prince.” 11 There was good reason for this, for the chief judge held the highest appointment that could be bestowed under the Old Empire. He was a I the T'ate, the chief of the whole administration — the governor, or as we may translate this title, the “ leader of the great men of the south and of the north,”12 the “second after the king in the court of the palace.” 13 At all ages of Egyptian history this was the most popular position in the kingdom. When the poet describes the palace of the king, he adds, 1 For the ■ na see A. Z., 1882, pp. 4, 8, 25, 26 (in which much correction is needed). Br. Die. Suppl., 944, 949; L. D., ii. 72, 88 c, ink. 2 For the sons of higher judges, see Mar. Mast., 164 ff., 214 ff., 228 ff. Other examples, R. J. IF, 52, 78, 99 ; Mar. Mast., 158, 224 ; L. D., ii. 43 ff., no 1— n. 3 The inscription of Un’e is specially instructive on this subject (A. Z., 1882, p. 2 ff. ). Also R.J. H., 64; L. D., ii. 16. 4 E.g. R. J. H., 5 ; Mar. Mast., 105. Also amongst the titles of ‘Amt'en, L. D., ii. 3 ff. * Mar. Mast., 70. 118 ff., 164 ff., 214 ff ; L. D., ii. 84. 6 L. D., ii. 60 ff 7 * L. D., ii. 103 c, 77 ff ; Mar. Mast., 124 ff , 228 ff 8 L. D., ii. 15, 34 g, 41 ff ; R. J. IF, 65. 9 R. J. H., 96 f., 153 f. ; Mar. Mast., 149. 10 L. D., ii. 77 f. 11 L. D., ii. 73 ff. 12 R. J. II., 153 f., 304. 13 R. J. H., 303 f. 88 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT fcHAP. that in it there “ rules a governor with a merciful heart for Egypt,” 1 and of the god Amon he can say nothing better than that he is “ as gracious towards the poor as a good governor.”2 Even the sun-god could not carry on his rule without the help of a good governor, and for this office he chose Thoth, the god of wisdom.3 The popular idea was that earthly governors and chief judges ought to vie in wisdom with their heavenly prototype ; therefore wise sayings were ascribed to wise governors of old time. It was comprehensible to the naive understanding of the people that Kagemn’e or Ptah-hotep should have owed their high position as judges to their great wisdom ; they even believed that the excellent sayings of the former on the “ being of man ” had induced King Snofru to name him governor and superintendent of the town.4 The governors also cherished high ideas about their own position — Ment'uhotep, chief judge under Usertsen I., boasts that he had “ charmed the heart of the king more than all the dwellers in the two countries, he was beloved amongst the friends of the king and mighty against his enemies, full of power in the two countries, and the first in the valleys of the desert, and in the two countries. He had been the only one loved by the king, without any equal, great men came to him bowing down to him, and all the people rejoiced in his light.” This was not strange, for it was the duty of Ment'uhotep “ to give the laws, to promote men in their appointments, to adjust the places for the boundary stones, and to settle the quarrels of the officials. He made peace throughout the country, as a man of truth in the two countries, a faithful witness like the god Thoth. He, the chief of the judges, through the words of his mouth, caused brothers to return home in peace ; the writings of Thoth were on his tongue ; and he surpassed in righteousness the little tongue of the balance. He knew the secrets of every one ; he listened well and spoke wisely ; he made those to tremble who were dis- posed to be hostile to the king, he kept the barbarians in check, and made the Beduins to live in peace.” -l This agrees with what we hear of the governors from other sources. A certain Amony-seneb, priest at Abydos under the I 3th dynasty, relates to us with pride that the governor sent his clerk to him as a messenger to summon him, he went with the clerk, and found the governor in his own hall, and there he received his commission.6 Apparently it was a great honour for a priest of lower rank to be summoned into the direct presence of the great man. Even the “great men of the south” had to be introduced into his presence and to throw themselves on their faces before him.' Respect towards the governor was even carried so far that we sometimes find added to his name the words “Life, health, happiness,” which are usually appended only to the names of kings and princes.8 It was also an unparalleled 1 An., 4, 6, 6. 2 Bol. , 1094, 2, 4. 8 Destruction des Homines, 1. 74. 4 Prisse, 2, 9 and 4, 1. 5 With omissions from R. J. II., 303-304. 6 Louvre, C. 12. 7 Stele of ’Entef, the chief of the cabinet, of the 39th year of Usertsen I. (L. A.). 8 Under Usertsen I., L. D., ii. 122. . V POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE 89 sign of his dignity that the same ceremonial expressions were used with him as with the kings : e.g. people might not speak to the chief j ridge but before him, they did not write to the governor, but they laid a letter before him} It was natural that men in such a powerful position should gradually widen their sphere of influence. Under the Old Empire the chief judges often usurped the superintendence of the treasury also ; they were super- intendents of the “ houses of silver ” and of the granaries,2 and even bore the proud title of “ Lord high treasurer.” 3 They also officiated as high priests,4 or in later times they were usually governors of the chief town. ' These chief judges often retained the rank of “ first under the king,” 6 which they had held before attaining the above high position ; in the same way many of them retained in after-life all the dignities of their former appointments. Thus the number of offices they then held grew to be enormous, e.g. a certain Ka’e is said to have held more than forty,' yet this multiplicity of appointments did not hinder them from exercising the high office of judge, e.g. we know that they personally conducted the inquiry in the secret state process against the members of the royal household.8 This hasty sketch of the constitution of the Old Empire shows but the leading features. The hierarchy of the bureaucracy was carried into the smallest details. Above the scribes and the superintendent of the scribes, stood a chief and between the prophets and their superintendent were the sub - superintendents |1 1 and the deputy superintendents ^ /' Then there were “first men. / Then there were “ first men,” “ chiefs,” o “ great men,” “ associates,” as well as other dignitaries. There was wide scope for the ambition of the Egyptian official, who, if he longed for them, could always obtain high-sounding titles ; there was e.g. the splendid title “ Chief of the secrets,” or, as we should say, of the privy council. There were privy councillors connected with all branches of the govern- ment. The officers of the palace became “ privy councillors of the honourable house,” 10 the judges became “privy councillors of the secret words of the court of justice,” I 11 and the chiefs of the provinces became “ privy councillors of the royal commands.” 12 He who directed the royal buildings was called “ privy councillor of all royal works.” 13 A general was the “ privy councillor of all barbarian countries,14 and the high priest of Heliopolis, who also officiated as astrologer, was even called the “ privy councillor of the heavens.” 15 These titles were so meaningless I Abb., 5, 6, 16. 2 L. D., ii. 73 ft'., 77 ft". ; Mar. Mast., 124 flf., 228 ff. 3 R. J. H., 65 ; L. D., ii. 34 g, 41 ff. 4 Mar. Mast., 149. 5 R. J. H., 153 ft'. (6th dynasty). 6 L. D., ii. 104 b ; cp. with ib. 103 c. Cp. also L. D. , ii. 73 with ib. 78 a. 7 Mar. Mast., 228 ff. ; cf. L. D., ii. 45 ff. 8 Inscription of Un’e, A. Z., 1882, p. 5, 11. 9 The order of these degrees of rank is uncertain. 10 L. D., ii. 41 ; R. J. H., 97 ff, and many other examples. II L. D.,ii. 60 ff. , 84 ; Mar. Mast., 164 ff, 214 ff.,and frequently. 12 Mar. Mast., 150, i64ff.,2i4 ff. 13 L. D., ii. 23. 14 L. D., ii. 100 b. ; Mar. Mast., 162. 15 Mar. Mast., 149. In the time of the New Empire he wears a dress bespangled with stars. 90 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. that the Egyptians generally contented themselves with the first half of them, e.g. they would say “ Chief of the secrets ” in the same way as we should abbreviate our titles of privy councillor of the kingdom or of the admiralty, into privy councillor alone. All these titles were not invented in the time of the 5th and 6th dynasties, they are of older origin, for we find in them indications of political conditions which have no significance in historical times ; e.g. the town of El Kab (the old Nechebt or Nechent) plays a peculiar part in the list of titles ; under the Old Empire, as I remarked before, many judges bore the title : “ Belonging to the town of Nechent,” 1 and “ Chief of the town of Nechebt” is the usual designation of the king’s “ chief reciter- priest ” 2 who assisted him at his worship. Possibly in a still more ancient period this court appointment was the privilege of the nomarchs of El Kab, and afterwards the title was retained by those princes and courtiers who recited the holy writings before the monarch. From what we have said, it will be seen that the structure of the old Egyptian kingdom was somewhat lax. As long as the royal power was strong, the princes of the provinces, the so-called nomarchs, were merely officials governing under the guidance of the court, the centre of govern- ment. As soon as this central power became weaker the nomarchs began to feel themselves independent rulers, and to consider their province as a small state belonging to their house. An external circumstance, viz. the places they chose for their tombs, indicates whether a race of nomarchs considered themselves as officials or princes. Under the 4th and 5th dynasties the “great men of the south,” with- out exception, were buried in the burial-place of the capital, near their king, like the other officers of his household. Under the 6th dynasty, however, the dynastic families of Middle Egypt preferred to rest in their native soil, and at Sheikh Said, at Zawiet el Meitin, and at Kasr Saiyad, the governors of those nomes hollowed out splendid grotto tombs in the rocks of their homes, as if the burial-ground of Memphis were no longer their rightful place. In the succeeding period of anarchy this custom took root amongst the nomarchs, and under the mighty kings of the 1 2th dynasty each provincial prince in Middle Egypt was laid to rest in his own territory. Amenemhe‘t I., founder of the 12th dynasty, tried to reorganise the divided kingdom ; but to accomplish this difficult task it was necessary not only to reduce the independent princes to be obedient vassals of the crown, but also to take away from many of them a part of their property. The old boundaries of the districts had long been disregarded, powerful governors of towns or provinces had seized the territory of their weaker neighbours, and in this way had constituted small kingdoms for their own families. In such cases the king took energetic measures : he “ passed through the country shining like the sun-god Atum, in order to punish interchanges always with 1 A. Z.. 1882, 5. V POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE 9i wrong: and to reinstate what was devastated. He divided the towns the one from the other, and appointed the boundary of each town. He replaced the boundary stones, and made them firm as the heavens.” He also determined for each province its share in the Nile and in the various canals ; and “ because he so loved the truth ” he took as the foundation of this division “ what was written in the books, and what he found in the old writings.” 1 Yet though this king may have succeeded by force of arms in punishing wrong-doing and re-establishing order, he was never able corrfpletely to subject the nomarchs who had risen to such great power. The tombs and inscriptions of Beni Hasan show us plainly that the nomarchs who were buried there considered themselves firstly princes of their provinces, and secondly servants of the king. Whatever they boast of having done, they did, as they expressly state, for their province ; they warded off famine from it, and at the head of its troops they fought for the king.2 Their ancestors boasted that they were beloved by the king more than all his other servants ; on the other hand they, in their tomb inscriptions, boast of being “beloved by their town.” 3 In fact, they stand in closer relationship to their people than to their king, and two-thirds of the inhabitants of their province are named after the ruling family.4 Even in the reckoning of time we find that whereas in the state the computation was by the years of the king’s reign, in the nome of the Middle Empire it was by the years of the nomarch.5 The nomarchs of the Middle Empire, like the vassals of the Middle Ages, though faithful to Pharaoh as their liege lord, were no longer his servants. Though the bureaucratic state of the Old Empire had become a feudal state, yet this brought about no great change in the country, and everything depended upon the king’s bestowing the provinces on faithful devoted men. He could do this the more easily as the sons 6 were not the sole heirs, but also the sons of the daughters ; 7 the Pharaoh therefore had a sufficient choice of candidates. We see how the nomes passed from one family to another by the inscriptions (often referred to in this work) in the tomb of the nomarch Chnemhotep at Beni Hasan. The two provinces of the Gazelle and of the Jackal lay on the left bank, some way below Siut, where, owing to a bend, the Nile flowed close to the western mountains, thus leaving a plain of about 14 miles broad and 90 miles long. The small piece of arable land on the right bank, with the high-sounding name of the Horizon of Horusf was too insignificant to form a province, and was therefore joined to the eastern desert. Its chief town bore the curious name of Men’at Chufu, the Nurse of Chufu ; this town cannot have been far from the 1 L. D., ii. 124. 2 L. D., ii. 122. 3 L. D., ii. 122; Louvre, C. 1, and frequently. 4 Cp. the remarks on this subject in chap. viii. 5 L. D., ii. 122. K The son of the nomarch follows his father in office ; L. D. , ii. 1 22, 134 c. 7 It is probable from the following inscription that the sons of the daughters were sometimes considered heirs-presumptive ; other passages coincide with this. I shall return to this obscure point in chapter viii. 8 L. D. , ii. 124, 1. 35. 92 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. capital of the Nome of the Gazelle, for the tombs belonging to both were in the same place, near the modern Beni Hasan, at a spot devoted to the lioness-headed goddess Pasht. When Amenemhe't I. subdued this district, he gave orders by a “ decree of his mouth ” concerning the town Men’at Chufu. He named the ruler “ hereditary prince, prince and ruler of the eastern lands in Men’at Chufu, he fixed the southern boundary, and established the northern as firm as the heavens.” The desert formed the eastern boundary, the middle of the Nile the western. The new prince must have shown himself worthy of the confidence of his lord, for when long afterwards the governorship of the neighbouring Nome of the Gazelle fell vacant, Amenemhe't bestowed that also on him. He again appointed the limits of his territory southwards to the Nome of the Hare, northwards to that of the Jackal, as was denoted by the newly-erected boundary stones. All within these limits, and on the other side between the middle of the stream and the desert, “ water, fields, groves, and sand,” — all was to belong to him. At the same time the new nomarch retained his own inheritance, the town of Men’at Chufu and the government of the eastern lands. At his death in the eighteenth year of Usertsen I., it appears that the king preferred again to separate these two princedoms : a son of the name of Nacht received the family property of Men’at Chufu ; and Amony, who was certainly a son of the late prince, inherited the Nome of the Gazelle.1 Men’at Chufu afterwards fell into the hands of another family. A daughter of the old prince called Baket, the olive tree , had married a prince of the town, Neher’e, governor of the town of Hat-Ra’-shetp-eb, who may also have belonged to the family of the nomarch of the neigh- bouring Nome of the Hare. The son of this marriage was called Chnem- hotep. In the nineteenth year of Amenemhe't II., the governorship of Men’at Chufu, which had become vacant, perhaps owing to the death of Nacht, was given by the Pharaoh to Chnemhotep, whom he considered the heir of the family. Chnemhotep, seeing how advantageous it had been to have an heiress-presumptive for his mother, married Cheti, the daughter of the prince of the Nome of the Jackal. His speculation was successful, for under Usertsen II. his eldest son Nacht inherited that nome. The limits of the Nome of the Jackal being uncertain, Nacht besought the king to revise them, or, as he expressed it in pretty but obscure fashion, he besought the monarch to allow his “ great rewards to reach his water.” The king granted his request ; he “erected a memorial for himself in the Nome of the Jackal, in that he restored there what he found in ruins. He divided the towns from each other, and appointed to each its province, revising all after the ancient books.” He placed a boundary stone on the south, but on the north where his land touched the Nome of the Sceptre which had been hostile, he placed fifteen boundary stones. On the east the nome was to extend to the middle of the stream, and on the west as far as the mountains. 1 L. D. , ii. 122. Amony remarks positively that he inherited the Nome of the Gazelle from his “ old father ” ; the date is given directly after. V POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE 93 THE NOMARCH CHNEMHOTEP (after L.D., ii. 131). Nacht was appointed at the same time to be superintendent of the south. We see his career was a promising one, and as one of his brothers, the younger Chnemhotep, was greatly in favour at court, the prospects of the family were brilliant. Whilst the inscriptions of Beni Hasan thus teach us the history during one century of the inheritance of the nomes of Middle Egypt, another inscription at Siut, of the same period, allows us a glimpse into the circumstances relating to the property of one of these nomarchs.1 They are, as may be imagined, of a most intricate nature, for the properties and revenues which he inherited from his ancestors, i.e.“ the house of his fathers,” were always separate from the “house of the prince” — that is, from the estates and rents with which the office of nomarch was endowed. The former was in reality his own property ; he could give it up or dispose of it at will ; the other was only held as a fief from the king, and even if he disposed of small por- tions from the “ house of the prince,” these gifts were not binding by law, and could be claimed at any time afterwards by a niggardly successor. The whole of the two estates, with the “ servants, the cattle, the gardens, and other things ” belonging to them, naturally formed a rich possession, and in addition there were all kinds of emoluments and taxes. The nomarch received, for instance, a leg of all the bulls sacrificed in the necropolis, also his share of the bulls sacrificed in the temple, and the brotherhood of the “ hour-priests ” of the sanctuary of ’Epuat sent whole cows and goats for the “ provision of the prince.” It was important for the personal property of the nomarch that his family should have their share in the management of the temple, and that therefore he should be a member by birth of the priestly college ; as such he would draw a certain income from the temple property, and have his share in “ all the bread, beer, and meat that came into the temple.” This would belong to him by inheritance, and he could do as he pleased with it. There was also a third source of income. The nomarch generally took the first place in the priestly college, and as chief prophet he received certain emoluments, eg. a piece of roast beef from each ox slain in the temple, and a jug of beer on the days of processions. We must add that though these properties belonged as a rule to the same person, yet this was purely incidental, and it was only his hereditary family property, the “ house of his fathers,” that the nomarch might dispose of quite freely. Amony ruled for many years in the Nome of the Gazelle, which 1 Cp. A. Z., 1882, p. 159 ff. 94 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. Usertsen I. had bestowed upon him ; he relates to us how a good nomarch should govern in his office.1 He says : No young son have I injured, no widow have I molested, no labourer have I arrested, no shepherd have I banished, no superintendent of workmen was there whose labourers have I taken away from their work. In my time there were no poor, and none were hungry in my day. When the years of famine came I ploughed all the fields of the nome from the southern to the northern boundary ; I kept the inhabitants alive and gave them food, so that not one was hungry. I gave to the widow even as to her who had a husband, and I never pre- ferred the great to the small.” Amony was therefore “ greatly beloved, and his popularity ever increased ; he was a ruler beloved by his town.” He was also in favour with the king. All that the “ royal house ” ordered to be done in his nome went through his hands, and he showed himself specially useful in collecting the revenues. In the twenty-fifth year of his rule he was able to save out of the temple properties of his nome 3000 draught oxen for the king. It was therefore no wonder that he was “yearly praised in the royal house,” so much the more because he acted with perfect honesty, delivered up all revenues, and put by nothing for himself. As nomarch, Amony also commanded the troops of the nome, and three times he had to lead them out. The first time he took part in the Nubian campaign before he himself was nomarch, “ according to the wish of the palace he took the place of his old father,” and in Ethiopia he won to himself “praise which reached to heaven.” His second expedition was the escort of a prince with 500 of his soldiers to the gold mines in Nubia ; and in the third he conducted the governor of the chief town and 600 warriors to the quarries of Hamamat. In the same way as the nome was a state in miniature, its government was a diminutive copy of the government of the state." The nome also had its treasury, and the treasurer, who was an important personage, had the oversight of all the artisans, the cabinetmakers, carpenters, potters, and smiths, who worked for the nomarch. He even built the tomb for his master, and he was so highly esteemed by the nomarch that he was allowed to travel in the boats with the princes. There were also the superintendent of the soldiers, who commanded the troops of the nome, the superintendent of the granaries, the superintendent of the oxen, the superintendent of the desert, a number of superintendents of the house, and a host of other scribes and officials. The accompanying illustration shows us part of the government offices of Chnemhotep ; they are in a court which appears to be surrounded by a wall. The building on the left is the treasury, in which we see the weighing of the money that has just been received. The treasurer Bak’te squats on his divan inspecting the work, whilst, outside, his scribe, Neter- nacht, makes a record of the proceeding. Close by is the building for the 1 L. D., ii. 122. 2 All that follows on this subject is according to the pictures in the tomb of Chnemhotep, L. D. , ii. 126 ff. We see here that the treasurer built the tomb of Chnemhotep, L. D., ii. 125, 1. 222. V POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE 95 “ superintendence of the property of the revenues,” and here the scribes are especially busy. The harvest is just over and the corn is being brought into the granaries ; each sack is filled in the sight of the overseer and noted down, and when the sacks are carried up the steps to the roof of the granary, the scribe Nuteruhotep receives them there, and writes down the number emptied through the opening above. In this way any peculation on the part of the workmen is avoided, and the officials check each other. The nom- arch is thus surrounded by a court en miniature , and like the king he has his “ speaker,” who brings him reports on all subjects. During the time of the Middle Empire, owing to the independent position of the nom- arch, the constitution of the state had become looser, but on the other hand one department of the government, a department centralised even under the Old Empire, viz. the superintendence of the royal treasury and property, remained unchanged. In fact most of the high officials interred in the burial-ground of Abydos belong to this department, which at this time was held in even greater honour than ever. It formed apparently the central point of the state. We find a whole list of “ houses ” with their super- intendents H they are the bureaus, the writing and account rooms, of the different government departments, and it was the duty of their overseers “ to reckon up the works, to write them down by the thousand, and to add them together by the million.” 1 The old office of “ superintendent of granaries ” is now called “ the house of the counting of the corn,” and the director takes a high position.2 The superin- tendence of the oxen, or the “ house of the reckoning of the oxen,” is placed under the “ superintendent of the oxen of the whole country,” who also bears the title of “ superin- 1 Mar. Cat. d’Ab, 661. stele of ’Enher-nacht, from the Anastasi QQQ * collection (L. A.); Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 388. GOVERNMENT BUILDING OF THE NOME OF THE GAZELLE (after L. 96 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. tendent of the horns, claws, and feathers.” 1 The “ superintendence of the storehouses ” 2 is often combined with the latter, and finally there is also the finance department, the house of silver of the Old Empire,3 called also the “ great house.” 4 This last department appears to have been the most important of all, and to have even included the others, eg. we sometimes find the superintendence of the storehouse and of the oxen subordinate to the treasury department.5 At the head of the treasury department was the high official whose and who called himself with bold exaggera- tion, the “ governor of all that exists, or that does not exist.” 6 At the king’s command he gave out of his treasury, sacrifices for the gods and sacrifices for the deceased,7 and it was he who “ fed the people,” 8 i.e. he gave to the state officials their salaries in bread and meat. Even under the Old Empire the position of the lord high treasurer was a very high one, and in later times his influence was, if possible, still greater ; he is entitled eg. “ the greatest of the great, the chief of the courtiers, the prince of mankind ;9 he gives counsel to the king, all fear him, and the whole country renders account to him.” 10 One is mentioned as the “captain of the whole country, the chief of the north country,”11 and another the “ chief commander of the army.” 12 Yet, notwithstanding their high rank, they performed the duties of their office in person ; we meet with one in the quarries of Sinai,13 another journeying to Arabia,14 and another on his way to the Nubian gold mines.10 It was incumbent on them personally to endow one of the great temples at home with the precious things they brought from foreign countries.10 The second official of the treasury, the “ treasurer of the god,” whose chief business consisted in the superintendence of the transport of precious things, is to be met with in the mines,1' in Nubia, 18 or on the way to Arabia.19 He is still the “ conductor of the ships,” and the “ director rank is thus denoted ■"IT/4 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 590, 601, 679. Stele of Kems’e in the Kestner Collection, and of Ra‘-shetp-’eb-‘anch at Leyden (L. A. ) ; L. D., ii. 150 a. 2 I ~| stele of Ra‘-sbetp-’eb-‘anch at Leyden (L. A.) ; Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 691, 384, 582. 3 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 594. 4 r 1 ‘’552=3. Mar- Cat. d’Ab., 654, 762; Louvre, C. 2. Stele of Ra‘-cheper-ka at Leyden (L. A.) There were six great houses, L. D. , ii. 150 a, as there were six courts of law Q ; this denotes some division of the kingdom, or of Upper Egypt, into six parts. 5 L. D., ii. 150 a ; Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 647 ; A. Z. , 1882, 203. 6 L. D., ii. 150 a. 7 Stele of Ra‘-shetp-’eb-‘anch at Leyden (L. A.), Louvre, C. 2. 8 R. J. H. , 303-304. 9 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 647. 10 L. D., ii. 150 a. 11 Stele of Ra‘-cheper-ka at Leyden (L. A.). 12 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 647. 13 L. D., ii. 137 a, 140 n. 14 L. D., ii. 150 a; A. Z., 1882, 203. 15 L. D., ii. 144 d. 16 L. D., ii. 135 h, after comparison with the original. 17 L. D. , ii. 137 a, c, g, 144 q. 18 L. D., ii. 144 c. 19 X. Z., 1882, 204. V POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE 97 of the works,” but his title has been changed to correspond with the spirit of these times, in which the hierarchy of the bureaucracy was more emphasised than under the Old Empire ; he is therefore called in the first place the “ cabinet minister of the hall of the treasurer,” 1 or the “ cabinet time he retains his old title, but only as a title, not as designating his office. The “ cabinet minister ” also held a high place at court ; one boasts that “ he had caused truth to ascend to his master, and had shown him the needs of the two countries,” 3 and another relates that he had “ caused the courtiers to ascend to the king.” 4 The titles of the lower treasury officials were also changed, and instead of using their old designation of treasurer , they pre- of the treasurer.” 5 We have already seen that many of the chief treasurers claim by their titles to be the highest official in the state. As such however we must generally regard the “governor and chief judge”; he may of course at the same time be the “chief treasurer.”6 Frequently under the Middle Empire this “ chief of chiefs, director of governors, and governor of coun- sellors, the governor of Horus at his appearing,” receives the government of the capital town ; ' in later times this becomes the rule. The above may suffice as a brief sketch of official life under the Middle Empire. A characteristic feature of this time is that, in addition to the high officials of the Old Empire, the subordinate ones come into greater prominence than before. Their number is legion, e.g. the treasury department possesses, in addition to the above-mentioned personages, the “ deputy governor of the treasurers ; ” 8 the “ clerk to this governor,” 9 the “ clerk of the house of silver,” 10 the “ chief clerk of the treasury,” 11 the “ custodian of the house of silver,” 12 the “ superintendent of the officials of the house of silver,” 13 etc. Evidently these lower officials have become personages of distinction and importance, and even if unable to make a show of long titles, or call themselves the “ privy councillors ” or “ friends ” of the king, yet, like the members of the old aristocracy, they kept servants and slaves,14 and erected for themselves splendid tombs at Abydos. They have formed a middle class in the nation. minister (or “ chief cabinet minister ”) of the house of silver,” 2 at the same ferred the more fashionable one of “assistant ^ to the superintendent a Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 764.588. Stele of Sa-setet under Amenemhe't III. (L.A.). 2 L. D., ii. 137 a, c, g, etc. 3 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 764. 4 X. Z., 1882, 204. 5 L. D., ii. 137 f. g. ; L. D., ii. 135 h., after comparison with the original. 11 R- J- H., 303/4. 7 L. D., ii. 149 c. Cover of the sarcophagus of a Usertsen (L. A.). * L. D., ii. 137 a. 9 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 635, 627. 10 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 635. ATnr Ont rl’Al, fi-jT Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 627. 13 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 677. Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 677. Stele of Sa-setet (L. A.). 14 E.g. a stonemason. Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 724. H 98 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. How this came to pass is quite evident ; it was the result of a process which always plays a part in the life-history of all states. The passions of mankind which influence the government of a kingdom are the same in all places and at all times, and as a rule therefore the development of a state follows the same course. The high official is always of opinion that in the interest of the state he ought to undertake the duties of his col- league as well as his own, so as to render the system of government more uniform and simple. If one man succeeds in holding two offices, each of his successors will endeavour to do the same, and thus the union of the two dignities becomes the rule. In the course of centuries, through the ambition of the officials, the government becomes more and more cen- tralised, the high dignitaries of the state continually add other offices to those they already hold, until we find at last an abnormal condition, like that existing under the ancient Empire, when a great number of offices were vested in one person. The result of this unwholesome concentration of all the authority in few hands follows as a matter of course. The most energetic man who is in charge of thirty departments cannot really perform the smallest part of the duties of each. No one at the same time can judge, govern the treasury, command the troops, direct the buildings, wait on the king in the palace, sacrifice to Horus or to the late Pharaoh, superintend the temple, and I know not what else besides. The happy possessor of all these honours soon contents himself with the direction of the depart- ments, leaving the work of each to his subordinates, and as some duties are of more importance than others, he confines his energies to the former, leaving the latter entirely to the inferior officials ; but though he gives up the work, he still nominally holds the office for the sake of the much- coveted title. This state of things rights itself in time, for instead of the power, which the great men thought to have gained, they find them- selves merely in the possession of a number of high-sounding titles. Egypt underwent the above process in very early times. Under the Old Empire many titles lay under the suspicion of being only empty titles, and conscious of this fact their owners added to them the word real. Thus a certain Tepem'anch of the time of the 5th dynasty 1 calls himself “ the real nearest friend of the king, the real director of commissions, the real judge and chief of the district, the real judge and chief scribe, the real judge and scribe.” Doubtless under the Middle Empire many of the terms of distinction borne by the nomarchs in Middle Egypt were mere titles ; indeed the fact that those who bear them protest that they are really chief prophets,2 or really royal relatives, indicates that all their pretended dignities are not equally trustworthy. The nomarchs of Siut, Beni Hasan, and Bersheh bear the title of “ lord high treasurer,” although we never 1 Mar. Mast., 195. 2 Mar. mon. div., 168 c. =R. J. H., 287. V POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE 99 meet one of them in Sinai or in Hamamat. In this case it was evidently a title that they retained from old times ; perhaps one or other of their ancestors really fulfilled the duties of that office, and Pharaoh conferred the honour of the title on his posterity. Before we further pursue the subject of the development of the state, we must take a glance at those social conditions on which the constitution of the state rested in old times. At the beginning of this chapter I showed that there existed an aristo- and of the nomes to which they belonged. They sat in the seats of their PEASANT WOMEN BRINGING TRIBUTE FROM THE VILLAGES OF “ LAKE, CAKES, WINE MOUNTAINS, FUNERAL SACRIFICES,” etc. From the grave of T'y (after Badeker, Lower Egypt, p. 41 1). “ fathers, the nobility of ancient days,” 1 and they present the best example of a hereditary nobility. Their riches consisted chiefly in landed property, and in their tombs we see long processions of peasant men and women representing the various villages belonging to the deceased. The names of the places are inscribed by the side and give us many interesting particulars. Most 2 are names derived from their chief products : — “ fish, cake, syca- more, wine, lotus, provision of bread, provision of beer, fish-catching,” etc.r and as these designations might repeat themselves, the name of the master is added : — “ the fish-catching of Pehen,” “ the lotus of Pehen,” “ the lake of Enchefttka,” “ the lake of Ra'kapu,” etc. Some proprietors prefer religious names, thus S‘abu, high priest of Ptah, named his villages : — “ Ptah gives life,” “ Ptah gives everlasting life,” “ Ptah acts rightly,” “ Ptah causes to grow,”3 etc. Others again loyally choose names of kings : eg. a Ptahhotep called his villages : “ S‘ahure‘ gives beautiful orders,” “ ’Ess’e, who loves the truth,” “ Horus wills that Userkaf should live,” “ Mut wills that Kaka’e should live,” “ Har’ekau has splendid diadems,” “ Har’ekau gives splendid rewards.” 4 We conjecture that these royal names, which are often those of past ages, may have belonged to those Pharaohs who bestowed the hands lay the government of the towns 2 E.g. Mar. Mast., 1S5, 186, 276, 305, etc. 4 R. J. H., 84. 89. 1 Leyden, v. 4 (twice). 3 R-J. H.,95- IOO LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. property on the family. The above-mentioned S'abu, who lived under Tet’e, would in this case have received several villages from Un’es and 'Ess'e the preceding kings ; but one of his estates, the honourable , had probably been given to his ancestors by the ancient king Cha'fre*. S'abu’s villages were not all situated close to Memphis, where he held his office, but were scattered throughout the Delta. Numerous functionaries were of course necessary to direct large pro- perties ; these are frequently represented ; there are “ scribes,” “ directors of scribes,” “ stewards,” “ directors of affairs,” “ scribes of the granaries,” etc. Very often the highest appointments in the superintendence of property are given to the sons of the great lord.1 There was also always a special court of justice belonging to the estate, to supervise the lists of cattle,2 and before this court the mayor of the village would be brought 3 when behindhand with the rents of his peasants. Besides the labourers there were numerous workmen and shepherds belonging to the property ; these went out THE MAYOR OF THE VILLAGE BROUGHT TO RENDER ACCOUNT. (Representation in the grave of T'y. After Badeker, Lower Egypt, p. 409.) to war with their lord, and formed various bodies of troops, each bearing their own standard.4 Under the Middle Empire the conditions of large landed proprietors appear to have exactly resembled those above described. The study of the representations in the tombs of the Old Empire might lead us to the conclusion that the population of Egypt during that period consisted only of the people represented there, viz. the great men of the kingdom with their large domains, their high appointments, and priestly offices ; their subordinates, the lower officials of all kinds ; and lastly, the crowd of serfs, labourers, and peasants. No others are repre- sented in the tombs, we never have the least glimpse of free peasants, artisans, or shopmen. Such peculiar social conditions might be the result of special political events, but it is difficult to understand how so high a civilisation could be developed in such an unnatural and one-sided com- munity. Serfs could scarcely have brought Egyptian art and handicrafts to that perfection which we see represented in the tombs of the Old Empire. We have in fact no convincing proofs that the Egypt of the earliest ages consisted of such a nation of slaves. We must not forget that we owe all our knowledge to tombs erected by members of the highest class 1 L. D., ii. 9. 11. 2 L. D., ii. 61 b. 3 Badeker, Lower Egypt, p. 409. 4 L. D., ii. 9. V POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE IOI of society. It was natural that these princes and royal relatives should wish to hand down to posterity the names of their faithful servants, and that they should cause to be represented the peasants, shepherds, and artisans who worked on their property. On the other hand, they had no interest in immortalising in their tombs those citizens of inferior rank who had no connection with them, either as servants or otherwise ; and if we wonder why the latter did not build tombs for themselves, we must not overlook the fact that probably the custom of building indestructible tombs began only in the time of the Old Empire. The highest of the land alone allowed themselves this luxury, and (as far as we can judge from the excavations of Lepsius and Mariette) there were scarcely a thousand tombs built in the burial-ground of Memphis during the three hundred years of the 4th and 5th dynasties. It was only under the Middle Empire that tomb-building began to be common in a wider circle, and in the necropolis of Abydos we find countless cenotaphs, commemorating those who belonged certainly to the lower rank of officials. At the same time with these “ scribes of the harem ” or “ cf the nomes,” 1 we meet with many other persons on the field of Abydos, bearing no title or rank; these may be wealthy free citizens, possessors of smaller properties, rich merchants, or tradesmen. These tombs are not of less importance than those of the royal officials ; the deceased had their “ master of the household,” and their male and female servants,'2 and often some member of the family had entered the official career." They are therefore of the same social rank as the servants of the state. A poem of very ancient date tells us in fact of tradesmen who were neither the serfs of high lords, nor officials of the state, but who worked for their own living. One is said to travel through the Delta “ in order to earn wages,” another, a barber, goes from street to street to pick up news, a third, a maker of weapons, buys a donkey and sets forth for foreign parts to sell his wares.4 In the same poem we read that the weaver must always sit at home at his work, and if he wishes to get a little fresh air, he must bribe the porter ; we see therefore that the poet considers him to be a bondservant.5 1 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 6S6, 561. 2 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 61 1, 704, 705. 3 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 709, 715, 729. 4 Sail., 2, 5, 5 ff. ; Sail., 2, 5, 3 ff. ; Sail., 2, 7, 4 ff. =An., 7, 2, 6 ff. 5 Sail., 2, 7, 2 ff. =An., 7, 2, 3 ff. SHEPHERDS COOKING, OF THE TIME OF THE OLD EMPIRE (after Perrot, p. 36). EGYPTIAN DECORATION FOR A CEILING. CHAPTER VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN EGYPT UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE IN spite of all changes and innovations, the Middle Empire rested on the same political basis as the Old Empire ; on the other hand, under the New Empire, the constitution of the state must be regarded as a new creation, differing as much from that of the old period as the military government of the first Napoleon differed from the feudal kingdom of St. Louis. Many of the old courts of jurisdiction and many titles still existed in this later period, but the fundamental principles of the government were so much changed that these resemblances could only be external. In the first place, under the New Empire the provincial governments on which the old state rested have entirely disappeared ; there are no longer any nomarchs ; the old aristocracy has made way for royal officials, and the landed property has passed out of the hands of the old families into the possession of the crown and of the great temples. This is doubtless the effect of the rule of the Hyksos and of their wars. The Theban dynasties maintained the struggle against these foreign rulers for generations ; they did not fight for the freedom of the small princedoms, but for their own interest. They conquered the country and drove out the barbarians, scarcely from those patriotic impulses to which we of the modern world pretend. They looked upon their conquest as their own hardly-won possession, and simply took the place of the foreign rulers. We can well understand that King Ta‘a would not only receive no support from the petty princes, but that they would resist him, preferring to remain vassals of the foreign ruler in Hatu‘ar rather than submit to one of their equals. In fact we find that after the war of liberation rebellions still arose, which A'hmose had to crush ; we read especially of a certain Tet’e-‘an, who “ collected the evildoers ” and marched against chap, vi POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NE IV EMPIRE 103 him, and whom A'hmose conquered in a pitched battle.1 On the other hand, A'hmose was obliged to reward with high titles those princes who had supported him, and therefore in the beginning of the 1 8th dynasty we meet with distinguished private men bearing the title of the “ first son of the king ” ; 2 the renunciation of their claims being evidently bought from them by the bestowal of high rank. The family of the “ first royal son ” of El Kab certainly kept this title during four generations, and Amenhotep, the son of Hapu, the celebrated wise man of the court of Amenhotep III., belonged to it." Whatever the details may have been, we may accept as a general fact that Tab and A'hmose exterminated the old nobility very much as the Mamluks were extermi- nated by Mehemed Ali, and as the latter obtained the greater part of all the property in the kingdom by the confiscation of the estates of the Mamluks, so the former absorbed in like manner the property of the small princedoms.4 Thus arose those abnormal agrarian conditions found in later Egypt by which all property, with the exception of the priest’s fields, belonged to Pharaoh, and was rented from the crown by a payment of 20 per cent. In Gen. xlvii. these conditions are declared to be due to the clever policy of Joseph. The New Empire was founded by the power of arms, and established by wars in the north and south ; no wonder therefore that it became a military state, and that the soldiery rose to greater power than ever before. The army had as yet played but an insignificant part; even under the Middle Empire the Nubian wars were carried on by the militia of the individual nomes ; one element of a standing army alone was pre- sent, viz. the “ followers of the king ” , a body-guard, which we meet with so often and so exclusively in Nubia that we conjecture that it was employed as the 1 J . SOLDIER OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE gamson of the subjected country. Every- (Picture at Siut. After Wiik. , i. 202.) thing seems changed under the New Empire: we continually meet with the infantry, the chariot-force with their officers, and the “ royal scribes ” ; on the borders and in the conquered country we find mercenaries with their chiefs, while in the interior the foreign troops of the Mad'oi act as military and police. For the most part these warlike services are rendered to Pharaoh by barbarians, and under Ramses II. we meet with Libyans and Shardana in Egyptian pay. 1 L. D., iii. 12 d., 22. - L. D., iii. 9, 43 a. b. 3 I.. D., iii. 42 a. b. 4 e see that after a civil war A'hmose himself bestowed lands on his favourites (L. D., iii. 12 d., 21 ). This fact supports the above theory, for he probably granted them a share in the booty. L. D., ii. 136 e. g., 144 b. h. i. k., 138 a. g. 104 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. It follows that an army of mercenaries, such as we have described, would soon become a powerful factor in the state, and would interfere in many ways in the government. That this was the case we can often gather from the correspondence of the scribes which is still extant. The “ chief of the soldiers ” orders exactly how and where a certain canal is to be dug,1 and his deputy not only orders blocks of stone to be transported, but also undertakes the transport of a statue.'2 The king’s charioteer, holding a high position in the army, watches over the transport of monuments,3 and the chief of the militia does the same.4 Thus we see that officers of the army have stepped into the places of the former “ high treasurer,” and of the “ treasurer of the god.” A few centuries later the mercenaries thrust the Pharaoh from his throne, and set up their great chief in his place. The Egyptian kingdom however was fated first to succumb to another power ; threatening signs of this danger are seen under the New Empire. I speak of the priesthood, whose place in the kingdom became more and more abnormal after the I 8th dynasty. Signs of the rise of their power are plainly to be traced on the burial -field of Abydos, where in like manner we saw the rise of the lower official class under the Middle Empire : from the time of the 1 8th dynasty the tombs of priests and temple officials are to be found on all sides. There was no lack of priests in the older time, but, with the exception of the high priests of the great gods, most of the priesthood held inferior positions bestowed upon them by the nomarchs and by the high officials. We hear but little also of the estates or of the riches of the temples ; at most we only meet with the “treasurer” of a sanctuary.5 Under the Middle Empire the conditions are somewhat different : we find a “ scribe of the sacrifices,”6 and a “superintendent of the temple property,”1 a “lord treasurer of the temple,” s and even a “ scribe of the corn accounts and superintendent of the granaries of the gods of Thinis.” 9 The above however were of little importance compared to the numberless “super- intendents of the cabinet,” and the “ keepers of the house,” belonging to the treasury. Under the New Empire all is changed ; the fourth part of all the tombs at Abydos belong to priests or to temple officials. The individual divinities have special superintendents for their property,10 for their fields,11 for their cattle,12 for their granaries,13 and for their store- houses,14 they have directors for their buildings,15 as well as their own 1 An., 5, 21, 8 ff. 2 Leyden, 348, 7. 3 Leyden, 349. 4 Leyden, 348, 6, 7. 5 Mar. Mast., 96, 97. 6 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 552. 7 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 566. 8 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 551. 9 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 694. 10 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 1202, 1153 ( = 1219), 1049. Cp. especially as to the working of this department, Leyden, 348. 11 lb. , 1085. 13 lb. , 1144, 1080. 13 Inscription in the hier. char., 29. 14 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 430. 15 lb., 424, 1163. SOLDIER OF THE NEW empire (after L. D. , iii. 121 b.). VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE 105 painters and goldsmiths,1 their servants and slaves, and even the chief barber2 has his place in all the great sanctuaries. These temple officials are for the most part men of distinction and note. Thus we see that the priesthood under the New Empire forms one of the most important elements of the kingdom. This is not surprising, for just at that period religion undermined and stifled the energies of the nation ; kings exhausted their resources in building gigantic temples, or in giving the booty of towns to the god Amon, and barren religious representations take the place of the old bright pictures of daily life. It was natural that the priesthood should thrive on the religious fanaticism of a decaying nation. When we read in the Harris papyrus of the immense treasures that one king alone bestowed on his “ fathers the gods,” we are not surprised that the servants of these gods should soon rival the kings in power, and indeed at last entirely thrust them aside. The captains of the mercenaries on one hand, powerful priests on the other, take the place under the New Empire of the old aristocracy. It is not purely accidental that we find joining forces with the above a third determining factor, one that only arises when a kingdom is in an unhealthy state, viz. the slaves belonging to the ruling class. The pictures representing the court life of the nomarch Chnemhotep (already frequently mentioned) show us the chiefs of the kitchen and of the garden, and besides them several household servants, bearing the title 5 ^ ; they belong apparently to the princely kitchen, for they assist at the slaying of animals and bring roast meat, jars of wine, and food, to their master.3 We learn, however, from a Berlin stele, that a distinguished family of that period had four such servants, who presided over the “ bakery ” and the “ fruit-house.” 4 We meet with them also forming the lowest rank of service in other households of this time, as for instance in the house of one master who possessed no office at all under government.0 We therefore do no wrong to the 5^ if we translate this word by the term slave. Under the 19th dynasty these slaves rise to importance in the state and attain high honours. One is a clerk of the treasury,0 another gives orders to the officers as to how the monuments should be erected,' and under Ramses IX. we even meet \$ith two prince slaves , who rank immediately after the high priests. They are the “ royal slave Nesamun, scribe to Pharaoh, and director of the property of the high priestess of Amon Re‘,” and the “royal slave Nefer-ke-Re‘-em-per-Amun, speaker to Pharaoh.” 8 We shall meet with both in the next chapter in the discharge of their official duties, and shall have occasion to consider their abnormal position in the kingdom. 1 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 1084 and 1204. 2 lb., 1079. 3 L. D., ii. 128, 129. 4 No. 7311, as a trusted servant. 5 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 563 ; Louvre 7 (L. A.). 6 P.j.T., 4, 14. 7 An., 5, 24, 4. 8 Abb. pass. io6 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. These slaves were mostly of barbarian birth ; of the eleven mentioned as belonging to the court of Ramses III. five bear foreign names : one is, eg. the Libyan Ynene, whilst another rejoices in the good Phoenician name of Mahar-ba'al.1 * Many also who bore Egyptian names were probably of foreign origin. Their foreign birth makes us suspect that slaves are here intended, and a passage in a poem, describing in long-winded measures the triumph of the king, leaves us in no doubt that such is the case. It is there stated that the older of the Cilician captives who are led in triumph before the King’s balcony are to work in the brewery ; the younger are either to be boatmen, or when they have been bathed, anointed, and clothed, to be slaves to his Majesty." These became the favourites of the kings of the New Empire, who seem to have tried, in the same way as the Sultans of the Middle Ages, by the purchase of slaves, to create for themselves a trustworthy surrounding. The slaves here take the place of the Mamluks, and I need hardly say that the same motive, viz. distrust of his own subjects, led the monarch in both cases to have recourse to this strange expedient, by which slaves rose to high positions in both states. As a matter of fact the slaves (like the Mamluks) were not always faithful to their masters, — some of them, eg., took part in the great conspiracy against Ramses III.3 Amongst the court officials also we often meet with foreigners who may have been slaves. For instance, the office of “ first speaker of his Majesty,” whose duty was to take charge of the intercourse between the king and his attendants, was, under King Merenptah, invested in the Canaanite Ben-Mat'ana, the son of Jupa‘a, from D'arbarsana.4 At court he of course assumed an Egyptian name; he was called “Ramses in the temple of Re‘ ” ; and as this distinguished name might also belong to some of his colleagues, he bore the additional name of the “beloved of Heliopolis.” All barbarians were probably not so conscientious as Ben-Mat'ana in confessing their foreign origin, consequently we may suppose that many of the officials named after the reigning king may have been Phoenicians or Cilicians. We have already remarked that the feudal system of the country had probably come to a violent end ; something however remained of the old provincial governments, though in a much changed form.5 The College of the Thirty is mentioned now and then, at any rate in poetry.1’ The old nomarch title of “ prince ” “=^J is also still borne by the governors of great towns such as Thebes or Thirds, ‘ but they have lost the influence and power which these princes possessed under the Middle Empire. They have become purely government officials without any 1 P.j.T., 2, 2 ; 4, 12, 14, 15. - An., 3, 8, 3 ; An., 4, 16, 2. 3 P.j.T., 4, 12, 14, 15. 4 Mar. Cat. d’Ab. , 1136 = Mar. Ab. , ii.; T. , 50, 5 We might consider the “the scribe Pahri, prince of Nechebt, the superintendent of the Prophets,” as a nomarch in the old sense ; he lived in the beginning of the 1 8th dynasty, L. D., iii. 10 to 11. n E.g. An., 5, 9, 5. 7 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 403 ; 1080. VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE 107 political significance ; Thebes possessed two of these princes, one for the town proper, the other for the quarter of the dead.1 If we may trust a representation of the time of Sety I., the “ south and the north ” were formerly governed by 19 princes.'2 Between the Pharaoh and the government officials a deputy of the monarch now appears on the scene ; he is the “ chief mouth,” i.e. “ chief of chiefs, and director of directors of the works ” ; under Queen Chnem- tamun he was her favourite servant, but as a rule the heir-presumptive of the throne occupied this position.3 At the head of the government itself however we still find the “chief judge” and “governor,” of whom there are now often two contemporaneously.4 In the old time these men nearly always held at the same time another high office, viz. that of “lord treasurer.” Under the New Empire and probably earlier J they govern the town , i.e. the seat of government, whether it were Thebes,6 Memphis,7 or Ramses in the Delta, the newly-founded city of the 19th dynasty.s In the capital the last appeal, even in temple cases,9 was to the governor, who ranked even above the high priests.10 When the labourers were unable to get their corn delivered to them at the right time, after exhausting all other resources, they appealed to him. Each criminal case was brought before him, and he had to conduct the inquiry and the prosecution. In short, he was the first police magistrate of the capital, and probably also of the whole kingdom. Under the New Empire a priestly personage was often chosen as governor and “superin- tendent of the town ” ; either the high priest of the great Theban god Amon,11 or the high priest of Ptah, the great god of Memphis.12 He then united in his person the highest temporal and spiritual power, and was not only “ Chief of the great men of the south and of the north,” but also “ Superintendent of the prophets of the south and of the north,” or, as we should say, both minister of the interior and minister of public worship. The ancient departments of the royal property were also maintained, that of the house 13 (i.e. of the landed property), that of the granaries,14 1 Abbott pass. 2 L. D., iii. 128 b. We must not overlook that, ib. 76, the “ first men of the south and north ” together with the “superintendent of the house” consist only of 34 persons. 3 Senmut : L. D., iii. 25 i. ; Haremheb (first “chief mouth” and then “ deputy”). Transactions of Bib. Archae. , iii. 486 ff. ; Ramses II. (“ deputy ” at his birth, and at the age of ten years “ chief mouth” to his father); Stele of Kuban, 1., 16, 17; Ramses III. (was erpatte and then at the same time great “ chief mouth for the countries of Egypt, and giver of orders for the whole country;” Harr., 75. 10. Under Ramses IX. an erpa'te accompanies the governor ; Insc. in the hieratic character, PI. I. 4 Under Haremheb the “ two superintendents of the town, of the south and of the north”; Diim. Hist. Insch., ii. 40 e. Under Ramses III., Diim. Hist. Insch., i. 26, 27 ; Plarr., 10. 10, for the two halves of the kingdom. Under Ramses IX., on the contrary, the south and the north are ruled by the same governor, as we see from Abbott, 6. 22. 5 First probably under the 6th dynasty R. J. II., 153-4 ; M. E. — L. D., ii. 122 ; Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 755 > Louvre, C. 4. C. L. A. c‘ Abb. pass. 7 Berlin Museum, 2290. 8 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 1138. 9 Insc. in the hierat. char. 29. 10 Abb. 7, 3. 11 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 408. 12 Berlin Museum, 2290. 13 “Superintendent of the house ” and “ great superintendent of the house”: Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 441-449. u Abb., 3, 3 ; L. D., iii. 76, 77. io8 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. and that of the oxen,1 and the various superintendents were men of note, able to erect splendid tombs for themselves. The office of “ superintendent of the granaries” was especially important, for in spite of all conquests and tributes, the real wealth of Egypt lay in the produce of corn. The “ superintendent of the granaries ” had to take care that this was plenteous, that it should suffice for the maintenance of all the officials, soldiers, and serfs ; he had to control and to demand rich supplies from the “superin- tendents of the estates (?) of Pharaoh and the chief officials of the south and of the north, from the miserable land of Ethiopia to the confines of the country of Naharina.”2 It was a great day each year for the country when the superintendent of the granaries in solemn audience presented to the monarch the “ account of the harvests of the „ south and of the north ” ; 3 and if he, like Cha‘-em- cha‘emhe‘t, superintend- ent of the granaries he‘t, the superintendent of granaries to Amenhotep of amenhotep hi. (after in could announce to his master that the inunda- L. D. , in. 77 e). tion was good, and that there had been “ a better harvest than for thirty years,” then his Majesty would show special honour to his faithful servant, and in the presence of the monarch he would be anointed and decked with necklets of great value.4 The department of the treasury, however, though in quite an altered form, still held the highest place in the government. We hear little more of the “ treasurer ” 5 except the empty title of “ lord treasurer ” o which is still borne by the governors ; 6 the “ treasurers ” have disappeared as well as the “ superintendents of the cabinet.” Their work is done for the most part by soldiers, and the rest, that belonging to what we should call the finance department, has been taken over by the “ house of silver,” which formerly formed a subdivision only of the treasury. At the head of the latter are various “superintendents of the house of silver,”' distinguished men, who rank directly after the governor.8 Under them are the “ deputies ” 9 and the “ scribes of the house of silver,” whose corre- spondence will occupy much of our attention ; we shall see how they deliver up the wood to the shipbuilders,10 how they cause the palace of the king to be decorated,11 and how they take charge of the commissariat for the court when travelling.12 I Lee, 1.2. 2 L. D., iii. 77. 3 L. D., iii. 77. 4 L. D., iii. 76. 6 A “ lord treasurer ” is mentioned L. D., iii. 3 a. b. Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 1061, and Stele of Kuban, 1. 1 1. Here he is still at work. The “ superintendent of the house of silver ” bears the title of lord treasurer, L. D. , iii. 242. 6 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 408. 7 That there were several at the same time we see from P.j.T. , 2, 1,5, 2. 8 Insc. in the hier. char. 29. 9 L. D., iii. 242. 10 An., 4, 7, 9 ff. II An., 4, 16, reverse side. 12 An., 4, 13, 8 ff., 15, 1 ff. VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE 109 The care of the crown jewels was also, as in old times, vested in the treasury department, forming part of the duties of the “ superintendent of the ointments of the treasure-house of the lord of the two countries, of the superintendent of the royal diadem of the good god.” 1 The superin- tendent of the house of silver had therefore a num- ber of artists under him : the “ deputy of the artist of the house of silver,” the “ chief painter,” and the “ scribe of the painters,” as well as the “ chief architect of the house of silver.” 2 We must also mention a few other officials who belong here, for instance the “keeper of the scales of the house of silver,” who boasts that he has not diminished the revenues of the gods, nor 0 ' TREASURY OFFICIAL, WEIGHING RINGS OF GOLD falsified the tongue of the (after L. d. iii. , 39 a), balance.” 3 Also the distin- guished librarian of the house of silver, the “ chief keeper of the books,” 4 and the “ scribe of the tribute granary.” 0 The letters between the “ scribe ’Ennana ” and his predecessor and tutor Qagabu, the scribe of the house of silver, give us a good illustration of the working of this department. Both belonged probably to the treasury department in the Town of Ramses, though ’Ennana was stationed in the east of the Delta. Qagabu receives a commission from his chief, “ Pare‘-em-heb, the superintendent of the house of silver,” to have the palace of the king repainted during his absence ; e and leaves to ’Ennana the more prosaic part of the work. The latter with the workman Ser-Amen-nacht, is also to repair a bark of acacia wood, which has been out of the water for many years, and which is falling to pieces. Qagabu writes to him, “ When you receive my letter, go together and look at the acacia planks which remain with the divine bark in the storehouse at Resnu, and choose out four boards which are very long, very broad, and very beautiful, and use them as side planks for the acacia bark which is with them in the storehouse, putting two boards on each side. See then what else is left of good wood for facing, and repair it from bow to stern.” ' 1 Mar. Cat. d’Ab. , 1122. - L. D., iii. 242, as funeral procession of those placed before. 3 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 1102. 4 An., 6, 3, 13. 5 Mallet, 3, 2. (i An., 4, 16, reverse side. 7 An., 4, 7, 9 ff. The word used may be “ beams ” instead of “ planks,” the words “ side planks ” and “repair” are entirely hypothetical. I 10 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. Another time he commissions him to inspect the vineyard of the temple of Amon in the town of Ramses and to deliver up the wine that was pressed. ’Ennana faithfully carried out these instructions, and sent to his predecessor the following account of his journey, which gives us a good example of the formal style used in such official reports ; he says : 1 “ When I came to Nay-Ramessu-Mry-Amun on the bank of the Poter, with the transport boat of my Master and with the two span of oxen of the house of Sety II. in the temple of Amon enduring for millions of years, I then appointed the number of gardeners for the gardens of the house of Sety II. in the temple of Amon enduring for millions of years. I found : Men . 7 Youths 4 Lads . 4 Boys . 6 Total 2 1 souls. “ List of the wine which I found sealed by the head gardener T'at’ery : Wine .... Jars 1 500 Shedeh-Drink * Ji 50 Pauer- Drink . * 50 ’Enharmaa Fruits . Baskets 50 Bunches of Grapes • >> 50 Packages 60 “ I laded the two ox waggons of the house of Sety II. in the temple of Amon enduring for millions of years, and drove up stream to the town of the house of Ramses II. of the great image of Re‘ Harmachis. I there delivered them into the hands of the official in charge of the house of Sety II. in the temple of Amon enduring for millions of years, and I now write this report to my master.” A much more important commission was also placed in the hands of ’Ennana ; viz. the commissariat of the court. The king when he travelled required that everything should be prepared at the various places where he proposed to stop, and the “ scribe of the house of silver ” had almost more than he could do to provide everything needed for the stay of the court. His chief sent him a letter telling him of the proposed arrival of “ Pharaoh his good lord,” and exhorting him to follow the instructions exactly as to the order of the stages, and on no account to allow himself to be guilty of any indolence.’2 The task was not a light one, as the quantities concerned were very large. Six kinds of good bread , in all 16,000 pieces, were required, of other bread 13,200 pieces, of various kinds of cake 4000 pieces, and 200 baskets. In addition 100 baskets of 1 An., 4, 6, 10 ff. 2 An., 4, 13, 8 ff. Whether htp means exactly a basket I cannot tell, it may signify a reed box. A similar letter, An., 4, 1 5, I ff., is in more general terms. VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE 1 1 1 dried meat, 90 jars of butter, and corresponding quantities of milk, geese, etc. The number of baskets of figs, grapes, and other fruits was also considerable ; 100 wreaths of flowers were necessary to deck the jars of wine, 100 loads of hay for the horses, 2000 pieces of wood for kitchen fuel as well as 200 loads of coal. The usual baskets of the treasury did not suffice for the packing and transporting of these quantities, and there- fore the clerk had also to order 500 new reed baskets from the basket- makers. Let us hope that ’Ennana got through his difficult task well, and thus escaped the threatened censure. It would have been considered a great crime , had he allowed Pharaoh to “ travel to Heliopolis, without all his requirements in his rear.” 1 On another occasion ’Ennana really fell into serious embarrassment. Amongst other duties, he had to superintend a number of peasants, who worked as serfs on the fields, while their wives were busy weaving for the state. Some months previously he had handed over to his chief, the “ superintendent of the house of silver,” certain large quantities of material woven by these women, and he was now prepared to hand over the 178 pieces of stuff which had been woven since that time. Meanwhile another high official, the “ master of the house ” (i.e. the superintendent of the estate), to whom the harvest of these peasants was due, discovered that the work also of the wives ought to be given in to him , and there was probably some truth in his view of the matter. He accordingly went boldly to ’Ennana, and, as the latter said, “ did to him all manner of evil.” He then caused him to be brought by three of his servants before Huv, the superintendent of the soldiers, and Ptahemheb, the scribe, who in that city had the care of the registration of the serfs. A list of his peasants- — containing, as he maintained, many errors — was placed before ’Ennana, and on the strength of this list the superintendent of the property pro- ceeded against him. “ When the register of the peasantry had been made out to me,” wrote ’Ennana to Qagabu, “ he excited people against me to say ‘ Give up the work of the peasants.’ Thus he said. And yet I had already given in the work of the peasants to the superintendent of the house of silver, and the work had been accepted more than five months before, in the second summer month ! He then took from me the woven work that I was about to give in to the superintendent of the house of silver. I subjoin a list of the work that was taken from me, that the superintendent of the house of silver may see it : Royal linen .... No. of pieces 87 Linen ..... 64 Good linen of Upper Egypt 27 Total 178 ’Ennana at length summoned his opponent before the princes , and 1 From An., 4, 10, 8 ff. I 12 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. through their intervention the affair seems, outwardly at any rate, to have been adjusted ; yet he still had many vexations to bear from the superintendent of the house. “ When the latter sent out the two scribes of the soldiers to fetch in the harvest, they took away for the second time two peasant women from the village of Pa’eshemu, and ordered ’Ennana to give them a youth, though he had only the one who kept the cattle of the proprietor Thothmes.” This and many other things the superintendent of the estate did to ’Ennana merely out of revenge ; he said openly to him : “ This happens to you because you gave up the woven work of the peasant women to the superintendent of the house of silver.” ’Ennana was able to do nothing against his powerful enemy : he could only beseech his chief Qagabu to speak a word for him to the “ great one of the house,” who was over the wicked “ superintendent of the house,” so that at least he might get back the four peasant women who had been taken from him with no pretext of justice.1 Whether this step was successful, or how the matter further developed, we know not. Numerous documents have come down to us, showing how the accounts were kept in the department of the “ house of silver,” and in similar departments; the translation of these is however extremely difficult, owing to the number of unknown words and the abbreviations they contain. These documents show exactly how much was received, from whom and when it came in, and the details of how it was used. This minute care is not only taken in the case of large amounts, but even the smallest quantities of corn or dates are conscientiously entered. Nothing was done under the Egyptian government without documents : lists and protocols were indispensable even in the simplest matters of business. This mania for writing (we can designate it by no other term) is not a characteristic of the later period only ; doubtless under the Old and the Middle Empire the scribes wrote as diligently as under the New Empire. The pictures in the old tombs testify to this fact, for whether the corn is measured out, or the cattle are led past, everywhere the scribes are present. They squat on the ground, with the deed box or the case 1 An., 6, the first letter. VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE >3 for the papyrus rolls by them, a pen in reserve behind the ear, and the strip of papyrus on which they are writing, in their hands. Each estate has its own special bureau, where the sons of the proprietor often preside.1 We find the same state of things in the public offices : each judge is also entitled “ chief scribe,” and each chief judge is the “superintendent of the writing of the king ” ; one of the great men of the south is called Superintendent of the writing on agriculture, Director of the writing in the agricultural department, Director of the writing on agriculture, (?) Head scribe, scribe of the king, Director of the writing of petitions 2 ; (?) in short, we see that all the government business was done in writing. To superintend and to write deeds was much the same thing, according to Egyptian ideas, and a “scribe” was an official. In later times there were a host of scribes in each department — -in the house of silver, to which ’Ennana and Qagabu belonged, there were at least nine,3 and even the army was under bureaucratic government, the “ scribe of the troops ” being one of the chief officers. There were also scribes who personally assisted the heads of the various departments, as e.g. the governor,4 the “ prince ” of a town,5 or the “ superintendent of the house of silver ” ; 6 these officials doubtless often exercised great influence as the representatives for their masters. The monarch also always had his private secretary ; under the Old Empire we find the “ scribe in the presence of the king,” 7 under the Middle Empire the “ scribe witness in the presence of the king,” 3 and under the New Empire the “ royal vassal and scribe of Pharaoh.” 9 The well-known proposition that what cannot be put into documental form does not exist was in force in Egyptian affairs, and the following phrase was therefore often added to business letters : “ I write this to you, that it may serve as a witness between us, and you must keep this letter, that in future it may serve as a witness.” 10 Copies also were made of certain deeds, so that original and copy might vouch for each other.11 Nothing was given out by the treasury department without a written order, and even an official who wanted to take his annual quantum of fuel and coal from the treasury was not able to get it before the superintendent of the house of silver had given him a written order.12 Full written details were also necessary ; in vain a “ chief of the militia ” tried to obtain a number of serfs from the commander of the mercenaries ; not one could be given up to him until he brought a list of names.13 The chief entirely approved of these formalities. This punctiliousness extended to the smallest details ; if oxen were borrowed for threshing, the driver had a list of the 1 L. D., ii. g. 2 Mar. Mast., 150, and many similar passages. 2 An., 4, 9, reverse side. 4 Abb., 1, 11. 5 Abb., 6, 11. Abb., 1, 12, at the same time chief of a storehouse. 7 E.g., Mar. Mast., 229. 8 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 567, 627, 628, 630. 9 Abb., 2, 5. 10 Mallet, 4, 6; An., 5, 14, 6. 11 Mallet, 6, 1, 11. Berlin Pap., 47 (A. Z., 1879). 12 Mallet, 5, 6. 12 An., 5, 25, 6 ff. I LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. 11 + cattle given to him 1 and if a workman received his ration of corn, a formal receipt was given to him with it.2 The scribe engrossed deeds in this wise : “ to be copied ” 3 or “ to be kept in the archives of the governor.” 4 The documents were then given into the care of the chief librarian 5 of the department they concerned, and he placed them in large vases and catalogued them carefully. Thus a librarian of the 20th dynasty records that he had examined two of his vases of books in the sixth year of the king.6 The first of them contained (if I understand rightly) two accounts belonging to private people, which were kept in the archives ; the protocol of a revision of the “ wreaths ” for the temple of Amon, and two large rolls and four small ones, containing deeds belonging to the temple of Ramses III. : “ Total number of rolls found in the vase of books . . . 9.” In the other vases were kept the deeds relating to the lawsuit against the tomb-robbers, of whom we shall have to speak in the following chapter. It contained the following documents : “ Receipt for the gold, silver, and copper which was found stolen by the workers in the necropolis 1 The re-examination of the Pyramids 1 The trial of certain people found desecrating a tomb on the waste ground of the town . . . . .1 The examination of the pyramid of the king Re‘-sechem- mery-taue ........ 1 The examination of the tomb of the governor Ser, carried out by the metal-worker U'ares 1 List of the copper goods stolen by the thieves in the Necropolis called ‘ Place of beauties ’ . . . 1 The names of the thieves ...... 1 The trial of Paiqahay, formerly controller, now out of office . . . . . . . . I ” Two papyrus rolls now in the Berlin Museum were actually found in a vase.7 The above history of the development of the Egyptian empire could be much amplified by further research, especially with regard to the New Empire ; the essential features would however remain unchanged. Instead therefore of giving further details, I propose to describe a number of incidents illustrative of the constitution of the Egyptian bureaucracy. They all refer to the officials of the New Empire, with whom however the servants of the old state had probably much in common with those of whom we shall now speak. I am chiefly indebted for these particulars : An., 9, 3. 2 X. Z., 1880, 97. 3 Berlin Pap., 47. 4 Abbot, 7, 16. 5 Keeper of archives to the treasury department, An., 6, 3, 12. Others Sail., 1, 3, 5, and frequently. 6 Vienna papyrus edited by Brugsch, A. Z., 1876, pi. 1. My translation is untrustworthy in places, the text needing much revision. 7 Passalacqua, Catalogue raisonne, p. 207. VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE 1 I : to the so-called didactic letters, i.e. the correspondence parti)’ real, partly fictitious, between a tutor and his pupil, or, what comes to the same thing, between a higher official and his subordinate. It was the custom in the later period that whoever wished for an official career should first be placed under the supervision of a superintendent or a scribe of the treasury, not only to learn his practical work, but also for his education and intel- lectual training. It is evident that such a professional training would induce narrow views of life. The doctrine taught by these teachers was that the position of “ scribe,” i.e. the official position, stood above all others ; the latter resembled the donkey, while the scribe was as the driver who drove the heavily laden beast before him.1 “ His position is princely and his writing materials and books are sweet and rich ; ” 2 for the industrious student attains to position, power, and riches. Position, power, and riches could not indeed be won even by the most diligent, unless his superior, “his lord,” as the Egyptians said, was pleased to bestow them upon him. The scribe was therefore obliged before all things to try and stand well with his chief, and for this purpose he followed the recipe, which has been in use during all ages : “ Bend thy back before thy chief,” 3 taught the wise Ptahhotep of old, and the Egyptian officials conscientiously followed this maxim. Submission and humility towards their superior officers became second nature to them, and was expressed in all the formulas of official letter-writing. Whilst the chief writes to his subordinates in the most abrupt manner : “ Do this or that, when you receive my letter,” and rarely omits to add admonitions and threats, the subordinate bows down before him in humility. He does not dare to speak directly to him, and only ventures to write “ in order to rejoice the heart of his master, that his master may know that he has fulfilled all the commissions with which he was intrusted, so that his master may have no cause to blame him.” No one was excepted from writing in this style ; the scribe ’Ennana writes thus to “ his master Qagabu, the scribe of the house of silver,” and in the same way he assures “ Pare'emheb the super- intendent of the house of silver ” of his respect.4 Besides this official correspondence, personal submission and affection are also often expressed towards a superior, and a grateful young subordinate sends the following lines to his chief : 5 “ I am as a horse pawing the ground, My heart awakes by day, And my eyes by night, For I desire to serve my master, As a slave who serves his master.” The manner in which he “serves his master” could surely have been carried out without these night watches ; he builds him a villa in his imagination, and describes it to him in twenty-four lines of poetry. In return, the duty of the chief towards his subordinate was to protect his rights from 1 A. Z., 1880, 96. 2 An., 5, 10, 8 = Sail., r, 3, 10; cp. An., 5, 9, 5. 3 Prisse, 13, 9. 4 An., 4 pass, and An., 4, 16 reverse side, as well as An., 6. 5 An., 4, 8, 8. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. 1 1 6 the encroachments of others, eg. a scribe, wronged by one of his colleagues, complains to his master that he was as if he had no chief, that he was without protection even as a widow.1 Manifold were the small troubles which had to be endured by the official in his career. A certain official trusting in the fact that his superior was a “ servant of Pharaoh, standing below his feet,” i.e. living at the court, ventured to depart a little from the instructions he had received touching a distant field in the provinces. But his master , hearing of it, sent a letter of admonition to the guilty official : “ One of my servants (he wisely does not name the accuser) came and told me that you are acting dishonestly with regard to that part of my field which lies in the district of Ta- . . et-Re‘. What does it mean that you in this way violate my instructions?”2 Well for the servant who got off so lightly, for it often happened that a “ royal order was brought to him,” i.e. that his reprimand came from the central authority. Thus it happened that a high official of the treasury did not sufficiently examine certain people (I cannot quite make out who are meant by the T'ektana) who came into Egypt out of the oasis ; he allowed them to depart, and he then had to send one of his scribes to the oasis. This negligence was considered a great crime ; it appeared incredible to the officials of the royal treasury that such was the state of the affair ; they still hoped that the gods Re‘ and Ptah would hear a more satisfactory account. Yet “ shouldst thou,” as the prince wrote, “ have allowed the T'ektana spies to have escaped, where wilt thou then turn ? Into what house wilt thou flee ? Like a sandstorm it would fall on thy head.” 3 He was advised with threats to bring the matter into order, and immediately on receipt of “ this writing of the Pharaoh ” to his scribe, to send the swiftest courier to the oasis and to order him on pain of death to bring back one of the T'ektana. A scribe had not only to fear severity from those above him, but also annoyances from his colleagues and his comrades. Each high official watched jealously that no one should meddle with his business, and that the lower officials should give up their accounts and the work of the serfs to him and not to one of his colleagues. He was always ready to regard small encroachments on his rights as criminal deviations from the good old customs, and to denounce them as such to the higher powers, and when not able to do this, he vexed his rival in every way that he could.4 Another misfortune which could always befall an official was to be sent to a bad locality. There were such in Egypt, and those who had to live in the oases or in the swamps of the Delta had good right to com- plain. A letter has come down to us 5 written by one of these unfortunate scribes to his superior ; he was stationed in a place otherwise unknown to us — Qenqen-taue, which he said was bad in every respect. If he wished to 1 An. 6, 3, 8-9. 2 An. 5, 27, 3-7. The kind of dishonesty spoken of in the text I do not understand. 3 An., 4, 10, 8 ff. 4 Abbott and An., 6. 5 An., 4, 12, 5 ff. VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE ii 7 build, “ there was no one to mould bricks, and there was no straw in the neighbourhood.” What was he to do under these circumstances ? “I spend my time,” he complains, “ in looking at what there is in the sky (i.e. the birds), I fish, my eye watches the road ... I lie down under the palms, whose fruit is uneatable. Where are their dates ? They bear none ! ” Otherwise also the food was bad ; the best drink to be got was beer from Cede. Two things there were indeed in plenty in Qenqen-taue : flies and dogs. According to the scribe there were 500 dogs there, 300 wolf-hounds and 200 others ; every day they came to the door of his house to accompany him on his walks. These were rather too many for him, though he was fond of two, so much so that, for want of other material to write about, he describes them fully in his letter. One was the little wolf-hound belonging to one of his colleagues ; he ran in front of him barking when he went out. The other was a red dog of the same breed with an exceptionally long tail ; he prowled round the stables at night. The scribe had not much other news to give from Oenqen-taue, except the account of the illness of one of his colleagues. Each muscle of his face twitches. “ He has the Uashat’ete illness in his eyes. The worm bites his tooth.” This might be in consequence of the bad climate. Another scribe, a native of Memphis, writes how much he suffers from ennui and home-sickness in his present station ; his heart leaves his body, it travels up-stream to his home. “ I sit still,” he writes, “ while my heart hastens away, in order to find out how things are in Memphis. I can do no work. My heart throbs. Come to me Ptah, and lead me to Memphis, let me but see it from afar.” 1 He was indeed considered fortunate who escaped these unpleasant experiences, and remained at home, or was sent to the same station with his father ; his friends all congratulated him. Thus Seramun, the chief of the mercenaries and of the foreigners, writes to Pahripedt, the chief of the mercenaries, who has been sent to the same place in the Syrian desert where his father was already stationed : “ I have received the news you wrote to me : the Pharaoh, my good lord, has shown me his good pleasure; ‘the Pharaoh has appointed me to command the mercenaries of this oasis.’ Thus didst thou write to me. Owing to the good providence of Re‘, thou art now in the same place with thy father. Ah ! bravo ! bravo ! I rejoiced exceedingly when I read thy letter. May it please Re‘ Harmachis that thou shouldst long dwell in the place with thy father. May the Pharaoh do to thee according to thy desire. Mayest thou become ever more powerful ; write to me I pray thee by the letter-carrier, who comes here from thee, and say how it goes with thee and with thy father.” 2 That official was indeed happy, to whom the Pharaoh was thus well disposed, who “ received rewards from the king, and was in favour with the king in his time.”3 The poet truly says of him : “ Thou dost live, thou art happy, thou hast good health, Thou art neither in poverty nor in misery. 3 An., 4, 4, 3. 1 An., 4, 4, 11 ff. 2 An., 5, ii, 7 ff. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. Thou art as enduring as the hours — Thy purposes endure, thy life is long — Thy words are excellent. Thine eye sees what is good, Thou dost hear what is pleasant, Thou seest good things, thou hearest pleasant things, Thou standest firm, and thine enemy doth fall, He who spake against thee is no more.”1 Such good fortune does not befall men by chance, it is the gift of the great god Amon Re1.2 Oagabu, the scribe of the house of silver, trusted in him when, longing for promotion, he said : “Thou wilt find that Amon fulfils thy desire in his hour of graciousness. Thou art praised in the midst of the princes and dost stand firm in the place of truth. Amon Re‘ ! thy great Nile overflows even the mountains, he is the lord of the fish, rich in birds, all orphans are satisfied by him — therefore do thou promote princes to the place of princes, place the scribe Oagabu before Thoth, thy (scribe) of truth.” 3 “ Visible tokens of recognition ” (the modern synonym for orders of merit) were not wanting in this well-ordered state. As early as under the Middle Empire a high officer boasts that “ the gold had been given to him as a reward,” 4 and this decoration became quite usual under the military government of the 1 8th dynasty.5 The biographers of the generals of these warrior kings never forget to relate how many times the deceased received from his lord “ the reward of the gold.” A‘hmose, son of ’Ebana the Admiral, was seven times “ decorated with the gold ” ; the first time he received the “gold of valour” was as a youth in the fight against the Hyksos, the last time as an old man in the Syrian campaigns of Thothmes I. His contemporary, namesake, and fellow-countryman, the general A'hmose, was decorated with the gold by each of the kings under whom he fought, while Amenemheb, the general under Thothmes III., won it six times under this monarch. Each time it was “for valour”; he brought his captives from beyond the Euphrates, he captured Syrian chiefs, or at the head of the most daring he stormed a breach in the wall of a town. What was this decoration, the possession of which was so coveted by the distinguished men of all times? It was not one simple decoration like our modern orders, or the “chains of honour” of the 1 6th century, but it consisted of valuable pieces of jewelry of different kinds. Thus the gold , which was “ bestowed in the sight of all men,” upon Amen- emheb before Kadesh, consisted of a lion, three necklets, two bees, and four bracelets — all worked in the finest gold ; the rewards, which he won some time later in the country of T’echse, consisted of the very 1 An., 5, 14, 7-15, 5, with omissions. The closing lines also literally, An., 4, 3, 1 1. 2 An., 4, 4, 2. 3 An., 4, 10, 5 ff. 4 L. D., ii. 138 a. 5 For the bestowal of the “gold” compare the inscriptions of A'hmose (L. D., iii. 12 d.), of Amenemheb (A. Z., 1873, i)> of Paser (A. Z., 1883, 135), and especially of A'hmose Pennechebt (Prisse, Mon. 4 and A. Z., 1883, 78). VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEIV EMPIRE 119 same objects again. Amenhotep I. bestowed the “ gold ” upon the general A'hmose in the form of four bracelets, one vessel for ointment, six bees, a lion, and two hatchets ; Thothmes I. was still more generous, he gave him four golden bracelets, six golden necklets, three ointment vases of lapis- lazuli, and two silver clasps for the arms. We see that the value of the metal alone in such a present was very great, and yet the “ reward of the gold ” was valued more for its symbolic signification than for its intrinsic worth. The richest and the highest in the land vied with each other in order to be rewarded in solemn fashion by the king “ before all the people, in the sight of the whole country.” We do not know how the investiture was carried out in the camp, or on the battlefields of those warlike kings, but the remarkable tomb-pictures describing the court life of the heretic king Chu-en-’eten show us how the ceremony was conducted at home in time of peace. The “ divine father ’Ey ” played a prominent part at court in the new town, the Horizon of the Sun.1 2 He had not held high rank under the old hierarchy, but he had risen to be the confidant of the above king, perhaps owing to the active part he had taken in the royal efforts at reformation. He does not seem to have held high religious rank; at court he bore the title of “ fan-bearer on the right side of the king,” and of “ royal truly loved scribe ; ” he had the care of all the king’s horses, but in the hierarchy he never rose higher than the rank of “divine father,” which he had held at the beginning of the reformation. His consort Tey helped him much in his advancement at court ; she had been the nurse and instructress of the king. It was natural that being such a favourite with the monarch he should receive public honours, and that the gold should be bestowed upon him. In fact he received this distinction at least twice ; the first time was before his marriage with Tey.' In the representation he resorts to the palace of the king in a chariot escorted by numerous fan-bearers and servants. In the background of the picture we see his majesty with the queen on the balcony of the palace ; they are respectfully greeted by the multitude. The king, turning to his treasurer, commands him to decorate ’Ey ; “ Put gold on his neck, and on his back, and gold on his feet, because he has heard the doctrine.” The treasurer orders his servants to bring jewels of all descriptions, golden chains, necklets, and beautiful vases for ointment ; and whilst he notifies on his writing-tablet how much the royal treasures are diminished on that day, his servants entwine the throat and neck of 1 The representations of the gold-bestowal in the pictures in the two tombs of ’Ey ; L.D., iii. 108-109 and L- D., iii. 103- 105, referring to L. D., iii. 97. In the second representation the golden hands amongst the jewels should be noticed. See also Wilk., iii. pi. 64 of the 19th Dyn. 2 It seems to me that there is no doubt that Tombs 1 and 3 of the southern tombs at Tell-el- Amarna belong to one and the same man ; this is proved by the identity of name, title and time. First he had tomb No. 3 prepared for himself, but after his marriage he ordered the construction of tomb No. 1 with its more splendid pictures, for himself and his noble wife. In addition to these, later as king of Thebes, he built for himself a third tomb, in w'hich also his body was destined to find no repose ! 1 20 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. ’Ey with chains of gold. ’Ey raises his arms rejoicing, and the king nods to him pleasantly from the balcony. On this day also the provision house of the king was spoiled for the sake of ’Ey ; for the king ordered vases of wine and great quantities of food to be taken to the house of his favourite. When ’Ey received the gold for the second time, he was the husband of Tey, and we see, by the manner in which it was awarded him this time, that he was nearly connected with the royal house by his marriage. It was now with royal pomp that the carriages of the distin- guished bride and bridegroom were conducted to the palace ; companies of runners and fan-bearers escorted them, Syrian and Nubian soldiers formed their bodyguard, and ’Ey even brought ten scribes with him, to write down the gracious words with which his lord would honour him. (After L. O., iii. 108.) Now when ’Ey and Tey came below the royal balcony, they received an honour far beyond their expectation : the king did not call upon his treasurer to adorn them, but he himself, his wife, and his children, wished as a personal favour to bestow the gold decoration upon these faithful servants of his house. Leaning on the coloured cushions of the balus- trade of the balcony, the monarch threw necklets down to them ; the queen, with the youngest princess ’Anchesenpa’eten in her arms, threw down chains of gold, and the two older princesses, Meryt-’eten and M'aket-’eten, shared in the game and scattered bracelets. Showers of jewels were poured out over ’Ey and Tey ; they were not able to carry them, still less to wear them all. ’Ey wore seven thick necklets and nine heavy bracelets ; the servants had to carry the rest to his home. The crowd broke out into shouts of praise when they saw the gracious- ness of the monarch, and the boys who had followed ’Ey danced and jumped for joy. Proudly the happy pair returned home, and the rejoicing which arose there when they came in sight was indeed great. Their servants came joyfully to meet them ; they kissed ’Ey’s feet with rapture, and threw themselves in the dust before the gifts of the king. So loud were the shouts of joy that they were heard even by the old porters, who were squatting before the back buildings far away from the door. They asked each other in surprise : “ What mean these shouts of joy ? ” VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE I 2 I And one of them said to his boy : “ Runner, go and see what this great rejoicing means.” “ I go, I go,” said the boy, and he soon returned with the news, “ They are rejoicing over ’Ey, the divine father, and over Tey ; they have become creatures of gold ! ” Thus every one rejoiced on this “ beautiful occasion.” This custom of giving presents as a mark of esteem and honour was in vogue for a long time : towards the close of the 20th dynasty we hear of a certain Pennut, who ruled over a district of Nubia, and who through the instrumentality of the governor of Nubia received two silver bowls of precious ointment as a mark of high distinction.1 Owing to the power and to the gifts bestowed by the favour of the king, riches now began to make their appearance amongst the officials ; and whoever could afford it, indulged in a beautiful villa, a fine carriage, a splendid boat, numerous negroes, — as lackeys, servants, and house officials, — gardens and cattle, costly food, good wine, and rich clothing.2 The following example will give an idea of the riches which many Egyptian grandees gained in this way. It was an old custom in Egypt, which has lasted down to modern days, that on New Year’s Day “ the house should give gifts to its lord.” 3 Representations in the tomb of a high official of the time of Amenhotep II. (his name is unfortunately lost) show us the gifts he made to the king as a “New Year’s present.”4 “There are carriages of silver and gold, statues of ivory and ebony, collarettes of all kinds, jewels, weapons, and works of art.” The statues represent the king and his ancestors, in various positions and robes, or in the form of sphinxes with the portrait head of the monarch. Amongst the weapons are axes, daggers, and all manner of shields, there are also coats of mail, several hundred leather quivers of various shapes, 680 shields of the skin of some rare animal, 30 clubs of ebony overlaid with gold and silver, 140 bronze daggers and 360 bronze sickle-shaped swords, 220 ivory whip-handles inlaid with ebony, etc. In addition, numerous vases of precious metal in curious Asiatic forms, two large carved pieces of ivory representing gazelles with flowers in their mouths, and finally there is the chef -d' oeuvre in the form of a building overgrown with fantastic plants bearing gigantic flowers, amongst which tiny monkeys chase each other. This was prob- ably part of a kind of service for the table in precious metal. The splendid Theban tombs in which the chiefs of the bureaucracy of the New Empire rest, give us also the same idea of great riches. There were of course comparatively few of the officials who rose to such distinction ; the greater number had to live on their salaries, which con- sisted as a rule of payment in kind — corn, bread, beer, geese, and various other necessaries of life, which are “registered in the name” of the respective official.0 We hear, however, of payments in copper also ; a letter from Amenem’epet to his student Paibasa assigns to the former 50 1 L. U. , iii. 229, 230. 3 Inscription of Siut : A. Z., 1882, 164, 177. 5 An., 1, 11, 8-12, 5. 2 An., 4, 3, 2 ff. 4 L. D., iii. 63, 64. 12 2 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. Uten {i.e. about 4-^ Kilo) of copper “for the needs of the serfs of the temple of Heliopolis.” 1 It seems, however, that the storehouses of ancient Egypt were scarcely better supplied than the coffers of the modern country ; we have at any rate in the letters of that time many complaints of default of payment. A servant named Amenemu’e complains to the princes that “ in spite of all promises no provisions are supplied in the temple in which I am, no bread is given to me, no geese are given to me.” 2 A poor chief workman only receives his corn after he has “ said daily for ten days ‘ Give it I pray.’”3 The supplies might indeed often await the courtesy or the convenience of a colleague. “ What shall I say to thee ? ” complains a scribe : “ give ten geese to my people, yet thou dost not go to that white bird nor to that cool tank. Though thou hast not many scribes, yet thou hast very many servants. Why then is my request not granted ? ” 4 To supplement his salary the official had often the use of certain property belonging to the crown. In this matter proceedings were very lax, and the widow of an official generally continued to use the property after her husband’s death. In fact, in one case, when the mother of an official died, who had had the use of one of the royal carriages, the son tried to obtain permission from his chief, for his sister who had been left a widow a year before, to use the aforesaid carriage. Although his superior did not at once agree to the request, yet he did not directly refuse him ; he told him that if he would visit him when on his journey, he would then see what he could do.5 There is the reverse side to this apparent generosity of the Egyptian government ; it is evident that he who uses state property is bound to pay a certain percentage of what it enables him to earn ; he only holds it in pledge. The greater part of the harvests which the peasant-serfs reaped from the treasury lands, as well as the material woven or spun by their wives, belonged of course to the state, and was collected mercilessly. However bad the harvest might have been, the scribe came to the peasants’ houses accompanied by negroes with sticks ; he demanded the corn, it was no use for them to say that they had none ; they were beaten nearly to death by the negroes.0 Even from those who did not belong to the class of serfs, a tax was as stringently demanded ,7 and the scribe of the governor even broke into the house of the woman Takaret, who would not give up the firstling of her cow.8 These taxes were paid as unwillingly then as they are now, and many of the people thought that they paid far more than was right. The appeal, which the servant Amenemu’e made to the princes has come down to us. The servant Thothmes of the temple of Thoth had, during the four years from the 31st to the 34th year, required of him as follows:9 1 An., 3,6, 11 ff. 2 Mallet, 2, 5 ft'. 3 A. Z., 1880, 97. ' 4 An., 5, 11, 2-6. 5 Tur., 16. Cp. also An., 5, 14, 5, “ the ass of Pharaoh. ” (i An., 5, 15, 6 ff. = Sail., 1, 5, n fif. 7 The word here is shed. 8 An., 5, 14, 1 ff. 9 Mallet, 1, 1 ff. Certain details of this translation are hypothetical. VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE 123 Skins, raw, 4 pieces, worth in copper 8 Uten. Skins, made up into coats of mail, 1 piece, worth in copper 5 Uten. Stick, prop-stick, inlaid work, 1 piece, worth in copper 4 Uten. Stick, scrape stick, 1 piece, worth in copper 1 Uten. Paper, 1 strip. Paper, 1 roll. Hoe 1, worth in copper 2 Uten. Corn, 2| bushels. Meal, do. Paper, 1 roll. In the 4th year he had again to supply three strips of paper and four Uten of copper ; on an average therefore, he had to pay five Uten (about 1 Kilo) of copper in the year — a considerable sum for a servant. This was the harder for him because, as he bitterly complains, the provisions with which the state ought to supply him did not come in. This does not seem to have been at all unusual. The supplies provided by the state might be detained on the way, and might never come into the hands of the rightful owner, but if the gift were entered to his name, the duty charged upon it was nevertheless required from him. Thus, e.g., a shepherd of the name of Thothmes lost a donkey, and a certain Pa’ere, who ought to have given it up, had chosen on some pretext to keep the useful animal. Thothmes therefore wrote him the following letter of admonition : “ Channa, the officer of the company Shining as the Sun stationed in the country of D'aper, gave thee a donkey and told thee to give it to Thothmes. But thou hast not given it to me. Then I seized thee when thou wast at Memphis with Amenmose the chief of the stable, and said to thee: ‘Give it to me.’ Thou didst then say to me: ‘Take me not before the judgment ; I have the donkey, but if thou dost send to fetch it, I will not give it up.’ Thus thou didst say, and thou didst swear by the life of thy lord that thou wouldst cause it to be brought to me. Behold, however, thou hast not sent it to me, and now they demand from me the work of the donkey, year by year, while it has been with thee.” 1 The zuork of the donkey here spoken of is the tax which Thothmes had to pay for the use of the animal. To each of the great departments in Egypt belonged artisans and labourers, who were divided into “companies.” We meet with one of these companies I on the domains of the rich proprietors of the Old Empire, and, headed by their banner-bearer, we see them reviewed by the great lord. The rowers of each great ship formed a company , and even the genii who conducted the bark of the sun through the night bore this name. The workmen of the temple and of the necropolis were organised in the same way ; the Egyptian official always thought of the lower orders merely as a crowd — one single workman did not exist for him 1 A. Z., 1S81, 1 18. 124 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. any more than one single soldier exists in the mind of our chief officers. They were only considered en masse ; the criminal courts alone had to do with them as individuals. In speaking of an individual workman, we must always add the name of the chief under whom he worked and that of the department to which he belonged : “ the workman Userchopesh, under the chief workman Nachtemhe't of the Necropolis.”1 I scarcely know whether serfs were included in these companies of workmen ; as a rule there seems to be a distinction between the workmen and the bond- servants of the temple or necropolis. Artisans were also sometimes bond- slaves, e.g. the “ metal-worker Paicharu of the western town, bondservant of the house of Ramses III. in the temple of Amon, subject to the first prophet of Amon Re‘,” 2 or the “ artist Setnacht ” of the same temple, “subject to the second prophet of Amon Re‘.” 3 The artisans, however, were not generally reckoned in the department of the companies of work- men ; the serfs had to carry water, catch fish, cut wood, fetch fodder, and do similar work.4 At the head of each company of workmen stood the chief workman, who bore the title of “ Chief of the Company ” ; he was not very much above his people, for we have an instance of a man, who in one place is designated simply as a “workman,” and in another more precisely as “ chief workman.”5 He was nevertheless proud of his position and endeavoured, like the higher officials, to bequeath his office to one of his sons.6 However unimportant his position might be, he was at any rate a great personage to his work- men. He carefully kept notes in a book about their diligence. On a rough tablet of chalk in the British Museum 7 a chief workman has written down the names of his forty-three workmen and, by each name, the days of the month on which the man failed to appear. Many were of exemplary industry, and rarely missed a day throughout the year ; less confidence could be placed in others, who failed more than a fortnight. Numberless are the excuses for the missing days, which the chief work- man has written down in red ink ; the commonest is of course ill, in a few instances we find lazy noted down. A few workmen are pious and “ are sacrificing to the god ” ; sometimes a slight indisposition of wife or daughter is considered a valid reason for neglect of work. We have some exact details about the conduct of a con/pany of workmen, who were employed in the City of the Dead at Thebes, in the time of Ramses IX. We do not know precisely what their employment was, but they seem to have been metal-workers, carpenters, and similar craftsmen. Their chief kept a book s with great care, and entered every- thing remarkable that happened to his company during the half-year. 1 Abb., 6, 5. 2 Abb., 4, 13. 3 Amh., 4, 4. 4 Cp. the interesting list of the serfs of the Necropolis : Tur. 35-38. 5 Abb., 5, 13 and 6, 5. 6 In the Pap. Salt we read of a son of a chief workman who succeeded his father. 7 Inscriptions in the hieratic character, T. 20, 21. 8 Turin papyrus edited by Lieblein. Two hieratic papyri in the museum of Turin, ib. the translation of Chabas. VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE 125 He also noted each day whether the men had “worked” or had been “idle.” For two full months (from the 5th of Phamenoth to the 1 ith of Pachons) no work was required, though by permission the time was registered as working days ; during the next two months also half the time was kept as a festival. Nevertheless the workmen did not suffer owing to lack of work, they received their rations each day whether they worked or not. Four times in the month they seem to have received from different officials a larger allowance (perhaps 2 00-300 kgrm.) of fish, which appears to have formed their chief food. Each month they also received a portion of some pulse vegetable, and a number of jugs, which may have contained oil and beer, also some fuel and some corn. With regard however to the latter there is a story to tell. It is one of the acknowledged characteristics of modern Egypt that payments can never be made without delays, so also in old Egypt the same routine seems to have been followed with respect to the payments in kind. The letters and the documents of the officials of the New Empire are full of com- plaints, and if geese and bread were only given out to the scribes after many complaints and appeals, we may be sure that still less consideration was shown to the workmen. The supply of corn was due to our com- pany on the 28th of each month ; in the month of Phamenoth it was delivered one day late, in Pharmuthi it was not delivered at all, and the workmen therefore went on strike, or, as the Egyptians expressed it, “stayed in their homes.” On the 28th of Pachons the corn was paid in full, but on the 28th of Payni no corn was forthcoming and only 100 pieces of wood were supplied. The workmen then lost patience, they “ set to work,” and went in a body to Thebes. On the following day they appeared before “ the great princes ” and “ the chief prophets of Amon,” and made their complaint. The result was that on the 30th the great princes ordered the scribe Chaemuese to appear before them, and said to him : “ Here is the corn belonging to the government, give out of it the corn-rations to the people of the necropolis.” Thus the evil was remedied, and at the end of the month the journal of the workman’s company contains this notice : “ We received to-day our corn-rations ; we gave two boxes and a writing-tablet to the fan-bearer.” It is easy to understand the meaning of the last sentence ; the boxes and the writing- tablet were given as a present to an attendant of the governor, who persuaded his master to attend to the claims of the workmen. The condition of the workmen of the necropolis was just as deplorable in the 29th year of Ramses IIP; they were almost always obliged to enforce the payment of every supply of the food owing to them by a strike of work. On these occasions they left the City of the Dead with their wives and children, and threatened never to return unless their demands were granted. Documents have come down to us showing that at this time the sad state of things went on for half a year. The month Tybi passed without the people receiving their supplies ; they seem to have been accustomed to such treatment, for they waited full nine days 126 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. before again pushing affairs to extremities. They then lost patience, and on the ioth of Mechir “they crossed the five walls of the necropolis and said : ‘ We have been starving for 1 8 days : ’ they placed themselves behind the temple of Thothmes III.” In vain the scribes of the necro- polis and the two chiefs of the workmen tried to entice them back by “ great oaths,” the workmen were wise and remained outside. The next day they proceeded further, even as far as the gate at the southern corner of the temple of Ramses II. ; on the third day they even penetrated into the building. The affair assumed a threatening aspect, and on that day two officers of the police were sent to the place. The priests also tried to pacify the workmen, but their answer was : “ We have been driven here by hunger and thirst; we have no clothes, we have no oil, we have no food. Write to our lord the Pharaoh on the subject, and write to the governor who is over us, that they may give us something for our sustenance.” Their efforts were successful : “ on that day they received the provision for the month Tybi.” On the 13th of Mechir they went back into the necro- polis with their wives and children. Peace was re-established,1 but did not last long ; in fact only a month. Again in Phamenoth the workmen crossed the wall of the City of the Dead, and driven by hunger they approached the gate of the town. Here the governor treated with them in person ; he asked them (if I understand rightly) what he could give them when the storehouses were empty; at the same time he ordered half at least of the rations that were overdue to be paid down to them.2 In the month of Pharmuthi the supplies seem to have been duly given out, for our documents mention no revolt ; but in Pachon the workmen suffered again from want. On the second day of the latter month two bags of spelt were remitted as the supply for the whole month ; we cannot be surprised at their resenting this reduction in their payment, and at their resolution to go down themselves to the corn warehouse in the harbour. They only got as far as the first wall of the City of the Dead ; there the scribe Amennachtu assured them he would give them the rest of the spelt if they remained quiet ; they were credulous enough to return. Naturally they did not receive their corn now any more than before, and they were obliged again to “ cross the walls,” after which the “princes of the town” interfered, and on the 13th of the month ordered fifty sacks of spelt to be given to them.11 We see that in Egypt, to a certain extent, these workmen played the part of our proletariat. We must not, however, imagine that their life was a very wretched one. On the contrary, the workman had his wife, or more frequently a friend who lived with him as his wife ; he had his own house, sometimes indeed situated in the barren necropolis, and often he even had his own tomb. He was educated to a certain degree, as a rule he could read and write, and when speaking to his superiors, he frequently expressed himself in high-flown poetic language.4 At the same 1 Tur., 42, 43, 2-5, 48, 17-23. 2 Tur., 43, 6 fif., 44, 45, 1-5. 3 Tur., 45, 6 ff. 46. 4 Abb., 6, 5 ff. VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE 127 time we cannot deny that his written attempts are badly expressed and present an inextricable confusion of sentences. The morality of the workmen has little to rest upon, if we may believe the long accusations which they prefer against each other. The chief workman Paneb'e, under King Sety II., must have been exception- all)’ bad.1 He stole everything that came in his way : the wine for the libations, a strap from a carriage, and a valuable block of stone; the latter was found in his house, although he had sworn that he had not got it. Once he stole a tool for breaking stones, and when, after searching for it vainly for two months, “ they said to him : ‘ It is not there,’ he brought it back and hid it behind a great stone. . . . When he stationed men to cut stones on the roof of the building of King Sety II., they stole some stone every day for his tomb, and he placed four pillars of this stone in his tomb.” In other ways also he provided cheaply for the equipment of his tomb, and for this object he stole “two great books” from a certain Paherbeku, doubtless containing chapters from the Book of the Dead. He was not ashamed even to clear out the tomb of one of his subordi- nates. “ He went down into the tomb of the workman Nachtmin, and stole the couch on which he lay. He also took the various objects, which are usually provided for the deceased, and stole them.” Even the tools which he used for the work of his tomb were royal property. He continually turned his workmen to account in various ways for private purposes : once he lent them to an official of the temple of Amon, who was in need of field labourers ; he commissioned a certain Nebnofr to feed his oxen morning and evening, and he made the wives of the workmen weave for him. He was also charged with extortions of all kinds, especially from the wives and daughters of his workmen. He was guilty also of cruelty : once he had some men soundly bastinadoed in the night ; he then took refuge on the top of a wall, and threw bricks at them. The worst of all was his conduct to the family of the chief workman Nebnofr. While the latter was alive, he seems to have lived in enmity with him, and after his death, he transferred his hatred to the two sons, especially to Neferhotep, who succeeded his father in his office. He even made an attempt on his life. “ It came to pass that he ran after the chief workman Neferhotep . . . the doors were shut against him, but he took up a stone and broke open the door, and they caused people to guard Neferhotep, for Paneb’e had said that he would in truth kill him in the night ; in that night he had nine people flogged, and the chief workman Neferhotep reported it to the governor Amenmose and he punished him.” Paneb’e, however, extricated himself from this affair, and finally he seems to have made away with Neferhotep ; notwithstanding this he appears to have lived on in peace, because, if we may believe the accusations against him, he killed those who could have borne witness against him. 1 See the complaint against him in the Salt Pap. Another similar complaint of one workman against another, Turin Pap. 47/48. I have tried in my translation to imitate the awkward style which is so characteristic of this text. 128 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. We find, as we have said above, that as a rule these free or semi-free workmen always formed companies , while the bondservants belonging respectively to the temple or to the necropolis 1 and the peasant-serfs on the estates were really organised in a military manner, and were reckoned as part of the army.2 They had their officers of different grades, some of whom were chosen from their own ranks ; they were led by standard- bearers, who were certainly chosen out of the soldiers.3 We cannot doubt that these men were slaves in our sense of the word, and that they formed part of the property of the crown or of the temple as much as the land or the cattle. Their names were entered in a register by the officials of the house of silver, who travelled about for this purpose accompanied by an officer and his soldiers,4 who branded them with the seal of the department.5 These slaves were despised by the scribes, who said they were without heart , i.e. without understanding, and that therefore they had to be driven with a stick like cattle. The following verses refer to the slaves : “ The poor child is only brought up That he may be torn from his mother’s arms ; As soon as he comes to man’s estate His bones are beaten like those of a donkey ; He is driven, he has indeed no heart in his body.” The scribe has to provide for these slaves : “ He takes the lists of them in his hand, He makes the oldest amongst them the officer, The youngest of them he makes the bugler.”6 Alany of these slaves were prisoners of war ; they were handed over from the booty, and sent wherever they were wanted. They were passed on from one department to another, just as if they had been oxen or donkeys, and occasionally the same fate befell them as sometimes befalls oxen or donkeys as they pass through the hands of different officials ; they disappeared and left no trace. There lived, for instance, a prophet of the temple of Thoth named Ramses, to whom the crown had given a Syrian slave to use as a labourer, yet the latter never came into his possession ; he was lost on the way. Ramses then besought his son to take up the matter, and to find out where the slave was. Bekenamun, his son, the libation scribe, exerted himself so energetically that he was 1 Smdt of the temple : An., 4, 4, 9 and many other examples ; of the Necropolis : Abb., 5, 11 ; Tur., 37, 2. - Brugsch shows, Wb. Suppl. p.v., that ’ eu‘ai t means the peasantry. A it' an of the latter : P.j.T. , 6, 4. A “ standard-bearer ” of the latter P.j.T., 2, 4. “ Superintendent of the peasantry ” : An., 3, 5, 5 Rs. and often as officers in the wars. 3 Similar officers of the serfs : Brugsch, Wb. Suppl., p. 579. An., 5, 10, 5 f. also standard- bearers : Abb. 7, 5. 4 An., 4, 4, 8 ff. An., 5, 10, 5 f. An., 5, 7, 6. An., 6, 2, II, 3, 5. 5 An., 5, 7, 6 ; Harr., I. 77, 5, as to the custom of branding, cp. An., 5, 10, 1 ; and what Brugsch alleges A. Z., 1S76, p. 35 ff. 6 Both of these passages are from An., 5, 10, 3 ff. = Sail. 1, 3, 5 ff. VI POLITICAL CONDITIONS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE 129 able at any rate to send his father the following rather unsatisfactory answer : “ I have made inquiries about the Syrian, who belonged to the temple of Thoth, and about whom thou didst write to me. I have ascertained that he was appointed field-labourer to the temple of Thoth, and placed under thee in the third year on the 10th of Payni. He belonged to the galley slaves brought over by the commandant of the fortress. His Syrian name is Naqatey, he is the son of Sarurat'a, and his mother’s name is Qede ; he comes from the country of Artu and was galley slave on the ship of Kenra, the captain of the galley. His guard told me that Cha'em’epet, officer of the royal peasantry, took charge of him, in order to send him on. I hastened to Cha'em’epet, the officer of the royal serfs, but he pretended to be deaf, and said to me : The governor Meryti-Sechemt took charge of him to send him on. I therefore hastened to the governor Meryti-Sechemt, and he with his scribes pretended to be deaf, and said : We have not seen him ! I then went to the officer at Chmunu and said to him : I pray thee to order that the Syrian field-labourer, whom thou didst receive for the temple of Thoth, should be sent to the prophet. I shall sue him before the high court of law.” 1 Let us in conclusion briefly state what we know or surmise about the social conditions under the New Empire. The landed property was partly in the hands of the state, partly in those of the priesthood ; it was tilled by peasant-serfs ; there seem to have been no private estates belong- ing to the nobility, at any rate not under the 1 9th dynasty. The lower orders consisted mostly of serfs and foreign slaves, the higher of officials in the service of the state or of the temples. Between these two extremes there was certainly a middle class of artisans and shopmen, but they came little to the fore. It is only owing to the fact that many stelae exist, on which the names of the deceased are inscribed without any titles, that we know there must have been well-to-do people, who were not state officials. These may have been the “ people of the country,” 2 whose wives are entitled the “ dwellers in the town.”3 We cannot now determine whether they, as well as the priests, officials, and soldiers, played an important part in the development of their country. One fact however is clear to our eyes : the bad administration, which still distinguishes modern Egypt, the extravagance of the upper classes, the extreme poverty of the lower, all this is of ancient date. The same king Ramses III. who gave 185,000 sacks of corn yearly to the temples,4 was often unable to hand over fifty sacks a month to his starving workmen in the necropolis. The stereotyped appeals : “ We hunger, no provision is given to us,” 0 form a sad commentary to the vainglorious phraseology of the inscriptions, which speak of the might and of the riches of the king. 1 Bologna 1086, 1. 9 ff. ; many details uncertain. 2 Abb., 4, 1. 2 lb. and many examples. 4 This calculation is taken from Harr., I. 5 Tur., 76, 6. K TOMBS IN THE NECROPOLIS, FROM A STELE AT GIZEH. CHAPTER VII THE POLICE AND THE COURTS OF JUSTICE The documents of the great lawsuit under King Ramses IX. (about i i OO B.C.), against the bands of thieves in the Theban city of the dead, give us a distinct picture of the work of the government police under the 20th dynasty, of how crime was tracked, and how trials of suspected persons were conducted.1 This cause celebre (for such it certainly was) has a special attraction for us, from the fact that it throws a sidelight upon the many disagreements and intrigues that went on in the heart of the government of the capital ; the acts of this lawsuit form therefore a good sequel to the description of the Egyptian bureaucracy, which I have drawn up in the preceding chapter. The Governor was, as I remarked above, at the head of the government in the capital ; at the same time it was of course impossible that he should concern himself about the various details. For each half of the town, he had therefore as his subordinate a prince , who carried on the duties of the old Theban nomarch. The eastern part, the city proper, was under the “ prince of the town,” the western part, the city of the dead, under the “ prince of the west,” or the “ chief of the police of the necropolis.” At the time of our lawsuit the higher office was held by a certain Paser, the lower by a certain PasePa, and as is not unusual even now with colleagues at the head of two adjacent departments, they lived in open enmity with each other. Their enmity was no secret ; and if a discontented subordinate of Paser‘a thought he observed anything wrong in the city of the dead, he went to Paser and related the tittle-tattle to him, as a contribution to the materials which he was collecting against his colleague.2 When therefore in the 1 6th year important thefts were perpetrated in the necropolis, it was not only Paser'a, the ruler of the city of the dead, who, as in duty bound, gave information to the governor, 1 For the following, cp. Pap. Abbott, Pap. Amherst, also my work upon these documents": A. Z. 1S79, Si ff. 148 ff. 2 Abb. 5, 16. 6, 21. CHAP. VII THE POLICE AND THE COURTS OF JUSTICE 131 but Paser also, the prince of the town, did not let slip this opportunity of denouncing his colleague to the chiefs in council. It is characteristic of the sort of evidence presented by Paser that precisely that royal tomb which he declared to have been robbed was found at the trial to be uninjured : evidently his accusation rested on mere hearsay. The court of justice, before which both princes had to give their evidence, consisted of “ Cha'emuese, the superintendent of the town and governor,” assisted by two other high officials, the scribe and the speaker of Pharaoh, or according to their full titles : “ the royal vassal Nesamun, scribe of Pharaoh and chief of the property of the high-priestess of Amon Re‘, king of the gods;” and “the royal vassal Neferkere‘-em-per-Amun, the speaker of Pharaoh.” When these three great princes heard of the attempt on the great noble necropolis , they sent out a commission of inquiry on the I 8th Athyr to investigate the matter on the spot ; for this commission they appointed not only the prince of the necropolis himself and two of his police officers, but also a scribe of the governors, a scribe belonging to the treasury department, two high priests, and other confidential persons, who were assisted in their difficult task by the police. As inspectors 1 these officials went through the desert valleys of the city of the dead carefully examining each tomb which was suspected. The result is related in the following document which enumerates the “ pyramids and mummy-pits examined on this day by the inspectors.” “ (1) The eternal horizon of King Amenhotep I., having a depth of 130 yards, lying to the north of the garden-temple of Amenhotep, which was supposed to have been broken into by thieves, according to the evidence given by Paser to the governor Cha'emuese, the town-super- intendent ; to the royal vassal Nesamun, the scribe of Pharaoh, the chief of the property of the high-priestess of Amon Re‘, king of the gods ; and to the royal vassal Neferke Re'-em-per-Amun, the speaker to Pharaoh ; the great princes — “ Examined this day : “It was found uninjured by the inspectors. “ (2) The pyramid of the king : the son of Re‘ ’Entef the great, lying to the north of the court of the temple of Amenhotep, the pyramid itself being in ruins, and a stele having been placed in front of it, on which is represented the king with his dog Behka at his feet — “ Examined this day : “ It was found uninjured. “(3) The pyramid of King ’Entef. It was found that a boring had been made by the thieves, they had made a hole of 2^- yards at the base (?) and had thus made their way out of the outer hall of the ruined tomb of ’Euray, superintendent of the sacrifices to Amon : 1 The (d W - , 0? I I I may be officers of control ; An. 4, 7, 7, they receive the wine supplied by the vineyards of the temple of Amon. This is also the opinion of Chabas. 1 32 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. “It was uninjured, the thieves had not been able to penetrate into the interior. “ (4) The pyramid of the king ’Entef the great. It was found that a boring had been made by the thieves at the place where the stele stands — “ Examined this day : “It was found uninjured, the thieves had not been able to effect an entrance. “ (5) The pyramid of the king Sebekemsaf. It was found that the thieves had bored a mine and penetrated into the mummy chamber ; they had made their way out of the outer hall of the tomb of Nebamun, the superintendent of food under Thothmes III. It was found that the king’s burial-place had been robbed of the monarch; in the place also where the royal consort Nubch'as was buried, the thieves had laid hands on her. “ The governor and the prince-vassals ordered a thorough examination to be made, and it was proved exactly by what means the thieves had laid hands on this king and on his royal consort.” This was, however, the only pyramid that had really been broken into ; all the other royal tombs were uninjured, and the scribe was able with pride to draw up this sum total at the bottom of the deed : “ Pyramids of the royal ancestors, examined this day by the inspectors : Found uninjured, Pyramids . . . .9 Found broken into, Pyramids 1 Total . . . .10” Matters had gone worse with the tombs of private individuals : of the four tombs of the distinguished “ singers of the high-priestess of Amon Re‘ king of the gods,” two had been broken into, and of the other private tombs we read — “ It was found that they had all been broken into by the thieves, they had torn the lords (i.e. the bodies) out of their coffins and out of their bandages, they had thrown them on the ground, they had stolen the household stuff which had been buried with them, together with the gold, silver, and jewels found in their bandages.” These were how- ever only private tombs ; it was a great comfort that the royal tombs were uninjured. The commission sent in their report at once to the great princes. At the same time the prince of the necropolis gave in to the prince-vassals the names of the supposed thieves, who were immediately taken into custody. The lawsuit against them did not give much trouble. There were eight thieves who had violated the tomb of King Sebekemsaf, most of them were servants in the temple of Amon. Amongst them were masons, and apparently these had forced the subterranean way into the interior of the tomb. They “ were examined,” that is “ they were beaten with sticks both on their hands and feet ; ” under the influence of this cruel bastinado they confessed that they had made their way into the pyramid and had found the bodies of the king and queen there. They said : “We then opened the coffins and bandages VII THE POLICE AND THE COURTS OF JUSTICE 133 in which they lay. We found the noble mummy of the king . . . with a long chain of golden amulets and ornaments round the neck ; the head was covered with gold. The noble mummy of this king was entirely overlaid with gold, and his (coffin) was covered both inside and out with gold, and adorned with precious jewels. We tore off the gold, which we found on the noble mummy of this god, as well as the amulets and ornaments from round the neck, and the bandages in which the mummy was wrapped. We found the royal consort equipped in like manner, and we tore off all that we found upon her. We burnt her bandages, and we also stole the household goods which we found with them, and the gold and silver vessels. We then divided all between us ; we divided into eight parts the gold which we found with this god, the mummies, the amulets, the ornaments, and the bandages.” This public confession was not enough ; the thieves were also obliged to identify the scene of their crime — there seems to have been a law to this effect. The governor and the royal vassal Nesamun commanded the criminals to be taken in their presence, on the 19th of Athyr, to the necropolis where they identified the pyramid of Sebekemsaf as that to which their confession referred. Their guilt being finally established, the great princes had now done all they could in the case, for the sentence of punishment had to be pronounced by the Pharaoh himself, to whom they, together with the princes of the town, at once sent the official report of the examination. Meanwhile the thieves were given over to the high priest of Amon, to be confined in the prison of the temple “ with their fellow thieves.” The examination of the city of tombs was however not yet concluded ; fresh suspicions arose which had to be followed up. A man of bad repute, who three years before had been examined by a predecessor of the present governor, had lately confessed at an examination that he had been into the tomb of Ese, the wife of Ramses II. and had stolen something out of it. This was the “ metal-worker Peicharu, son of Charuy and of Mytshere, of the west side of the town, bondservant of the temple of Ramses III. under Amenhotep, the first prophet of Amon Re‘ king of the gods.” He belonged to the dregs of the populace, as is shown by the name of his mother, which signifies little cat. Suspicion was thus aroused that the part of the necropolis in which the nearest relatives of the king were buried (called the place of beauties ) had been visited by the thieves, and the great princes resolved to sift the matter thoroughly. They therefore caused the metal-worker to be blindfolded and carried in their presence to the necropolis. “ When they arrived there, they unbandaged his eyes, and the princes said to him : ‘ Go before us to the grave out of which, as thou dost say, thou hast stolen something.’ The metal-worker went to one of the graves of the children of the great god King Ramses II., which stood open, and in which no one had ever been buried, and to the house of the workman Amenem’ent, son of Huy of the necropolis, and he said : ‘ Behold, these are the places in which I have been.’ Then the 134 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. princes ordered him to be thoroughly examined (i.e. bastinaded) in the great valley, and they found nevertheless that he knew of no other place besides these two places which he had pointed out. He swore that they might cut off his nose and his cars, or flay him alive, but that he knew of no other place than this open tomb and this house, which he had shown to them. “ The princes examined the tombs and the large chambers in the place of the beauties in which the beautiful royal children, the royal consorts, the royal mothers and fathers of the mothers of the Pharaoh rest. They were found uninjured.” The joy of the princes was great, for the matter was not nearly as bad as had been represented. In order to put an end to all the reports which were current in the town on the subject, they at once sent a “ great embassy to the town consisting of the inspectors, the chiefs of the workmen of the necropolis, the officers of the police, the police, and all the bondservants of the necropolis of western Thebes.” We can well imagine that this embassy was of a rather tumultuous character, and that those who believed in the maladministration of the necropolis were little pleased at this demonstration. One high official was especially vexed with it, Paser, the chief of the government of the town proper — “ the prince of the town ” whose enmity towards Paser'a, the prince of the necropolis, has been mentioned above. Part of the information which had led to the examination of the necropolis had been sent directly by him ; he had maintained officially that the tomb of Amenhotep I. had been robbed. The contrary was now established, and with the exception of the one pyramid of Sebekemsaf, all the royal tombs were found to be in good order. He believed nevertheless that he had not lightly launched his accusations against the government of the city of the dead, but. had followed trustworthy information, and even now he had two discontented scribes of the necropolis who were furnishing him with more material concerning the abuses in the administration there. It is not surprising that under these circumstances Paser felt a suspicion which we ourselves can scarcely suppress even now when we read through these old deeds. Had the examination been really as thorough as was represented ; or rather were not the great princes trying to hush up the abuses of the necropolis ? At the close of second day of trial, when the royal vassal Nesamun was holding a sitting in the Temple of Ptah, Paser met some who had taken part in the investigation, and could not restrain his vexation. He declared openly that he had no faith in the embassy which had been sent with so much fuss, that he was now quite aware of how matters were passing in the necropolis, and that he would inform the Pharaoh directly upon the subject. This declaration on the part of Paser was immediately reported to Paser'a, and the threat seems to have awakened fear in the heart of the latter. The next day he sent a long letter to the governor informing him of the declarations and threats of his colleague, evidently with the VII THE POLICE AND THE COURTS OF JUSTICE 135 view of inducing the governor if possible to take judicial measures against Paser before he should carry out his threats. This letter was written in a very excited mood ; a copy in somewhat shortened form, with the omission of the usual opening and closing sentences, is to be found amongst the documents still extant relating to this cause celebre. The most remarkable passage runs thus : “ The royal vassal Nesamun, the scribe of Pharaoh, held a sitting. The prince of the town was with him. The latter stationed himself near the temple of Ptah and quarrelled with the people of the necropolis. The prince of the town said to the people of the necropolis : ‘You have rejoiced before the door of my house. Was I indeed the prince who gave information to the monarch ? You rejoice on this account only. You have been there ; an examination has been made ; and you have found all in order. Only the tombs of Sebekemsaf and of Nubch'as his royal consort were found broken into — the tomb of one great ruler only, while reports were given in with regard to ten. The anger of the great god Amon Re‘ king of the gods against his monuments abides surely in that tomb.’ 1 Thereupon thus answered the workman Userchopesh, who was under the chief workman Nachtemhe't of the necropolis: ‘All the kings, together with their royal consorts, the royal mothers and royal children, who lie in the great noble necropolis, and who rest in the place of beauties, are uninjured. They guide and protect the plans of the Pharaoh their son, who watches over them, and who has caused them to be thoroughly examined.’ The prince of the town answered him : ‘ Thou dost maintain proudly what thou dost say ; that was indeed no small speech. Pooh ! ’ thus said the prince of the town. “ The prince of the town again began to speak for the second time, and said : ‘ The scribe Hor’e, son of Amennacht of the necropolis Chenu- chen’e, came into my house to the great ... of the town, and brought me information of three important matters, which were taken down in writing by my scribe and by the scribe of the two districts of the town. The scribe Peibasa of the necropolis also told me of two other matters (five therefore altogether) which were also taken down in writing. It is impossible to be silent concerning them. Pooh ! they are such great crimes that they deserve execution, death, and every kind of punishment. Now I shall write to the Pharaoh on the subject, so that a man may be sent by the Pharaoh to ruin you.’ “Thus spake this prince of the town to them, and he swore ten oaths that he would do this. I heard these words, which were spoken by the prince of the town to the people of the Pharaoh’s noble great necropolis enduring for millions of years in western Thebes, and (herewith) I report 1 The meaning of this disconnected and very difficult speech seems to be: “I care nothing about the business, for the accusation to the king did not proceed from me ” (this was only half the truth). Then ironically : “ It is very fine that you have only found one royal tomb violated, and of course this injury must not be attributed to bad administration, but was caused by the special anger of the gods against that king.” LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. 136 them to my lords, for it would be a crime for any one in my position to hear such words and to keep them secret. Though I could not be present myself at the great speech made by the prince of the town, yet it was told to me by the scribes of the necropolis Chene, who stood amongst the people close by. Alas ! my feet could not carry me so far. I now report them to my lord, and may my lord cause some one to be fetched who was present when the words of the prince of the town were spoken. The scribes of the necropolis reported them to me. I said, ‘ I will write on the subject to the Pharaoh.’ It is, however, a crime of those two scribes of the necropolis that they should have gone to this prince of the town with their reports ; their ancestors certainly never made reports to him, but to the governor when he was in the south. If he happened to be in the north, then the royal police of the necropolis would go with their documents to the place where the governor was staying. “ On the 20th Athyr in the 1 6th year, witnesses were brought before me to testify as to these words of the prince of the town, and I now lay them before my lord in writing, so that my lord may send to-morrow to fetch an ear-witness.” In fact this challenge was received by the governor on the next day, at the time when he was presiding at a session. The document was entered amongst the acts in this wise : “ Behold the superintendent of the town, the governor Cha'emuese, has ordered to be brought before him : Of the temple of Ramses III., I The metal-worker Peicharu, son of Charuy, servants of the first / the metal-worker T'aroy, son of Cha'emopet, Prophet of Anion, ^ the metal-worker Peikamen, son of T'aroy. “ The governor said to the great princes of the great court of justice of the town. ‘ On the 19th of Athyr, in the 16th year, in the presence of the royal vassal, the scribe of the Pharaoh, this prince of the town said some words to the inspectors and workmen of the necropolis, at the same time speaking abusively of the great chambers, which are found in the place of beauties. I, the governor of the country, went thither with the royal vassal Nesamun, the scribe of Pharaoh. We have examined the places where the prince of the town said that the metal-workers of the temple of Ramses III. in the temple of Amon had been, and we found that they were uninjured. He was (therefore) found guilty in everything that he had said. Now behold the metal-workers stand before you, let them tell everything that took place.’ “ Audience was given to them, and it was found that the people knew none of those chambers in the places of the Pharaoh (i.e. the necropolis), against which this prince of the town had spoken. He was declared guilty in the matter. “ The great princes spared the lives of the metal-workers of the temple of Ramses III. They were sent back the same day to Amenhotep, the VII THE POLICE AND THE COURTS OF JUSTICE 137 first prophet of Amon Re‘. A document was written on the subject, and was placed in the archives of the governor.” Our documents do not inform us how this unpleasant business pro- ceeded further ; perhaps both parties found it advisable to put it aside and not to bring it before the Pharaoh. Neither had anything to gain by this step ; the prince of the town had said things which were certainly foolish, and which could easily be construed as treasonable ; and the prince of the necropolis also, and his patron the governor, could scarcely boast of a clean conscience. The condition of affairs in the necropolis was certainly very bad, for though possibly one only of the royal tombs had been violated, yet the private tombs had “ all been broken into by the thieves.” After this great investigation everything seems to have gone on in the old way ; three years later, in the first year of Ramses X., about sixty arrests were made of persons supposed to be thieves.1 Those who fell under suspicion this time were not poor serfs, but, for the most part, officials of a low rank amongst whom we even find a scribe of the treasury of Amon, a priest of Amon, and a priest of Chons. Many of the others were “ out of office,” eg. a “ former prophet of the god Sobk,” from Per'onch, a town in the Feyum, probably a fictitious personage. Most of the thieves were of course Thebans, others had come from the neighbouring places for the sake of this lucrative business. They did not rob the same part of the necropolis as their predecessors of the 16th year, but turned their attention to the barren valley now called the Biban el Moluk. Here they robbed the outer chambers of the tombs of Ramses II. and Sety I., and sold the stolen property ; their wives, who were also arrested, may have been their accomplices in this matter. The Berlin museum actually possesses an object which in all probability belonged to their plunder — a bronze funerary statuette of King Ramses II. The thieves broke off the gold with which it was overlaid, and flattened and mutilated the graceful figure; they then threw away the bronze as worthless into some corner, where by a happy chance it was preserved to us. The robbery might not have been discovered had not the thieves finally quar- relled over the division of the spoil, and one of them, who thought himself ill used, went to an officer of the necropolis and denounced his comrades. This great capture by the Egyptian police could not save the royal tombs from their impending fate. Owing to their isolated position in the bare desert valley, the violation of the tombs and the thefts continued as formerly, and a few years later the state officials confessed openly that they were powerless against the thieves. They were obliged to abandon the tombs which were exposed to danger, and to try only to save the royal bodies ; even these were somewhat injured and had to be restored as well as possible. Distracted by fear, they dragged the bodies from tomb to tomb ; eg. the mummy of Ramses II. was first placed in the tomb of Sety I., and when that tomb was threatened, in that of Amen- 1 Abbott, 8, and Pap. Mayer, which I unfortunately only know from Goodwin’s short annota- tions. A. Z., 1873, 39 1874, 61 ff. i3§ LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. hotep I. Finally there was nothing further to be done but in the dark- ness of the night to bring the bodies that remained, and hide them in an unknown deep rocky pit in the mountains of Der-el-bahri. So greatly did they fear the thieves that the priests no longer dared to inter in state the mummies of the royal house, but hid them also in this hiding- place. They were well concealed there. All the great monarchs of the New Empire — Ra'sqenen, who expelled the Hyksos, the sacred queen A‘hmose-nefert-’ere, the ancestress of the 1 8th dynasty, Amenhotep I., Thothmes II., Thothmes III. the great conqueror, Sety I., the great Ramses II. and many others rested here unmolested till quite modern times. It was only about the year 1875 that the fellahs of the village of Ourna, the modern robbers of the Theban necropolis, found this pit ; they guarded their secret with care until the summer of 1881 when it was discovered by the energetic measures of the Egyptian authorities. It was a great day for science when on 5th July 1881 the officers of the Bulak Museum entered this most wonderful of all tombs. When the mar- vellous tidings were telegraphed to Europe many shook their heads incredulously ; the news was too much like a fairy tale. In no other branch of archaeology has such a remarkable find been recorded ; and we owe our good fortune to those bands of thieves with whose lawsuits we have been so busy above. UERCHUU, THE ROYAL RELATIVE, THE ROYAL SCRIBE OF PHARAOH, JUDGE AND SUPERINTENDENT OF SCRIBES, JUDGE AND SUPER- INTENDENTOF THE TWO COURTS OF JUSTICE, ETC., RIDES OUT IN A SEDAN CHAIR. Before him is his runner, behind him his fan-bearer. (After L. D., ii. 43a.) We have already had occasion to speak of the courts of justice of the older period (see p. 87 fifi). Under the Old Empire Upper Egypt possessed six courts of justice or great houses , at the head of which was an all- powerful chief judge. Each of the “ thirty great men of the south ” was a judge and a district chief, and as such was also a “ privy councillor of the pondering of the secret words of the great house,” 1 that is, he was member of one of the six courts of justice ;2 the chief of these great men, the “ governor of the south,” as “ privy councillor of secret words of the six great houses,” alone had a seat in all. Before these great men rose 1 Instead of this title we find as an exception a great man of the south, who is called “Super- intendent of the royal audience ^ ^ | of the pondering of all words.” (Mar. Mast., 109). 2 Brugsch first rightly distinguished these great houses, as well as the words for judge and chief iudge (Diet. Suppl., 390 ff.). VII THE POLICE AND THE COURTS OF JUSTICE 139 to the rank of full judge, they usually superintended the office work of the court; they were entitled “judge and scribe,”1 “judge and deputy superintendent of the scribes,” 2 or later in their career “judge and chief of the scribes,” 3 finally they were promoted by the favour of Pharaoh to be one of the thirty great men of the south. Besides these collegiate judges, there were individual judges, as the ^ and the ^ who seem to have belonged to no court of justice. The latter, the “judges belonging to the town of Nechent,” officiated as assist- ants of the chief judge ; they gave audience with him “ on all secret occasions,” and like him they represented “ the king, the royal household, and the six great houses.” 4 The administration of justice was evidently well organised, and played an important part in the state. The judges had a special patron saint, Ma‘at the goddess of truth • all judges of horus weighs the heart of the deceased in the , . , , ’ &. underworld: in the other scale is the high rank served her as priests, and the chief judge wore a little figure of this goddess round his The goddess Ma'at is watching that the weighing is neck as a badge of office.5 riTht = Thot>j' the s°d of wisdom, is waiting to & # # write down the result. (After L. D. , in. 78.) The most ancient consti- tution of the courts of justice seems to have perished early under the Middle Empire ; as far as I know, we only meet with one of the lower orders of judges, that “ belonging to the town Nechent”; and this is probably a mere title of the nomarchs of Beni Hasan and Siut. The office of chief judge, on the other hand, in connection with the dignity of governor, survived even under the New Empire. Probably this office, like others which also outlived the Old Empire, had long become a sinecure, and survived only as the addition of a traditional title. Under the New Empire we still find the “governor of the six great houses,” 6 though these ancient courts of justice had long since ceased to exist except in name. The court of justice of the New Empire had not only an entirely different constitution, but differed also in name from that of the Old Empire. The great house was formerly a permanent assembly of high government officials, the ^ o 2^ was a court of justice, in which the members varied. It consisted of “wise men and p, THE SIGN FOR TRUTH. 1 R. J. H., 84. 91. 97. 2 lb. 52. 78. 99. 3 lb. 52. 4 A. Z., 1882, pp. 2-3, 10-12. Cp. also L. D., ii. 16= R. J. H., 64. 5 We see from passages quoted by Brugsch, Diet. Suppl., 390, that this ornament spoken of by Diodorus was really the traditional badge of the chief judge. 6 Br. , Diet. Suppl., 392. 140 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. princes,” 1 that is of priests and officials, who “ formed the great court of justice;” on a certain day they assembled at the gate of a temple, eg. “ near the two stelae in the court of Amon, at the gate ‘ adoration,’ 2 or near the great gate, ‘contented with truth,’ of King Ramses II., opposite that of Amon.” 3 On the latter spot there stood in facta “justice hall of the Pharaoh,”4 which became so famous as a place of justice that a deceased poet amongst the justified of the nether world entitles it the “excellent gate, ‘contented about the doing of truth.’”5 We see by the fact that the court of justice was called the “court of this day,” e that those who were qualified by their official or priestly office to serve did not all sit at the same time, and in fact the composition of the court varied very much. On the 2ist of Athyr in the I 6th year of Ramses IX. the court of justice sitting in judgment on the princes of the town con- sisted of : “ The governor Cha'emuese, the superintendent of the town. Amenhotep, the first prophet of Amon Re‘, king of the gods. Nesamun, of the temple of Ramses IX. enduring for millions of years, the prophet of Amon Re‘, king of the gods. The royal vassal Nesamun, the scribe of the Pharaoh, and chief of the house of the high priestess of Amon Re‘, king of the gods. The royal vassal Neferkere‘-em-per-Amun, the speaker of the Pharaoh. Hor’e, the deputy of . . . The fan-bearer of the household of Hor’e. Paser, the prince of the town.” ' In this case the lay element preponderated, but on the 14th of Phaophi in the 46th year of Ramses II. we find the members of the court con- sisted of : “ Bekenchons, the first prophet of Amon. Ueser-mont, the prophet of Amon. Ram, the prophet of Amon. The prophet Uennofre of the temple of Mut. The prophet Amen-em-’en of the temple of Chons. The (holy father ?) Amen-em-opet of the temple of Amon. Amenhotep, the priest and reader of Amon. Any, the priest and reader of Amon. The priest Huy of the temple of Amon. The accountant Huy of the court of justice of the town.” 5 In this case therefore we find nine priests and but one layman, i.e. the permanent scribe of the court who reported the lawsuit.9 It was right that there should be a permanent official in these affairs of law, for the protocol was the determining document of the process, the whole transaction being 1 Abb., 7, 2. 2 Abb., 7, 1. 3 A. Z., 1879, 72. 4 A. Z., 1879, 72. 5 An., 4, 4, 7. 6 A. Z., 1879, 72. Abb., 7, 2. 7 Abb., 7, 3 ff. The closing sentence might be construed thus : “ the fan-bearer of the household of the prince,” yet this rendering presents a grammatical difficulty. 8 A. Z., 1879, 72. 9 These scribes of the court are also called “ the royal scribes of truth.” Mar. Cat. d Ab.,433, 1216. VII THE POLICE AND THE COURTS OF JUSTICE 141 conducted byword of mouth. In the civil court, the plaintiff first preferred his complaint, the court being seated 1 and the contending parties stand- ing;2 the court then declared that the case was heard , and summoned the defendant to answer. After the defence, the court gave sentence. The victor, then turning to the other party, stated the award adjudicated to him, and the one who had lost declared with the words “ I do it, indeed I do it, I do it,” that he submitted to the sentence of the court.3 It was the same in criminal cases, except that the accusations 4 were addressed to the governor, who took the place of the plaintiff. In these cases also the sentence was not always pronounced by the court. It sufficed for the court to declare the guilt of the prisoner, to “find him guilty”;5 the deed was then sent to the Pharaoh,0 and it was left for him to decide what punishment should be inflicted. The laws which guided the king and courts in their decisions are unfortunately unknown to us. Some of them were said to have been of divine origin ; a deed informs us that the criminal should be condemned to the “ great punishment of death, of which the gods say ‘ do it to him,’ ” and it expressly states further that this decree of the gods is written in the “ writings of the divine words.” ' Diodorus probably says truly that he was informed that the sacred books of law had been composed by Thoth the god of wisdom.8 He may also be right on the whole with regard to what he states as to the contents of the old laws. It is quite probable that murder either of a free man or of a slave, as well as perjury, was punishable with death ; treachery with the cutting out the tongue ; the forgery of acts or seals with the cutting off the hand.9 It sounds more doubtful when Diodorus tells us that the infanticide had to hold the corpse of her infant three whole days in her arms ; 10 the refinement of such a punishment savours rather of the invention of the Greek philosophers. Punishment was regarded as the necessary consequence of crime, which pursued the delinquent to his destruction ; he who is punished,11 “ his crime seizes him,12 it overtakes him and undoes him.” Besides these old sacred laws, there were others originating in historical times. Diodorus informs us expressly of laws made by certain wise kings,13 and in fact the old chief judge Mentuhotep boasts that he had “ given laws.” 14 Under the 12th dynasty the canon of the old laws was not considered finally closed, and the same is probably true of later times. There were of course particular cases, which formed exceptions to the usual procedure of justice described above. Acts were committed by those immediately surrounding the king which could not be passed over, but which it was not prudent to expose to the eyes of the people. In such cases, as in all autocratic states, the Pharaoh broke through the usual 1 Abb., 7, 2. 2 An., 6, 6, 12. Tur., 16, 8. 3 Cp. the Berlin Pap., 47, pub. A. Z., 1S79, 72 ff. A fragment of a similar text is now at Munich. 4 A. Z., 1879, 133. 5 Abb., 7, 14. 6 Amherst, 3, 9. 7 Lee, 1, 7, 2, 3. 8 Diod., 1, 94, 7;. 9 Diod., 1, 77, 78. 10 Diod., 1, 77. 11 Pj. T., 4, 1. 6, 1. 12 Pj. T., 4, 2. 13 Diod., 1, 94. 14 “ Dada lipu R. J. PI., 303. 142 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. course of justice, and, passing by the highest of his law officials, he intrusted the trial to one of his confidants. We know of a case of this kind as early as the 6th dynasty. We quote from the autobiography of Un’e the favourite of King Pepy, whom we have already frequently mentioned. He relates : “ When the lawsuit was conducted secretly in the royal household against the great royal consort ’Emtese, his majesty ordered me to appear in order to direct the proceedings — I alone, no chief judge, nor governor, nor prince was present ; I alone, because I was agreeable and pleasant to the heart of his majesty, and because his majesty loved me — I myself, I compiled the written report ; I alone and one single judge belonging to the town Nechent. Yet formerly my office was only that of a superintendent of the royal anterior country, and no one in my position had ever in earlier times heard the secret affairs of the royal household. I alone was excepted, his majesty allowed me to hear them because I was more agreeable to the heart of his majesty than all his princes, than all his nobles, and than all his servants.” 1 Un’e was not inexperienced in such affairs, for before he was made superintendent of the anterior country, he himself had officiated as assistant to the chief judge (“ as judge, belonging to the town Nechent ”). We have a more detailed account of a similar lawsuit of later time, concerning the great harem conspiracy under Ramses III. In dealing with this wretched business the Pharaoh again avoided the regular law- courts, and appointed a number of trusted personages to form a special court of justice, and gave them discretionary powers over the life and death of the criminals. The following short report of the proceedings of this lawsuit may in fact have been arranged for the royal archives. The official origin of the report is probable from the exceeding precaution displayed by the compiler, who wisely avoids going into detail.' At the same time, even from his short account, we see that the affairs with which this trial was concerned were such as were better not proclaimed from the housetops. Certain persons belonging to the royal household (fictitious names alone are given) had conspired against his majesty and planned an open rebellion. The harem formed the centre of the conspiracy. One of the oldest inmates, Tey, had a son Pentuere, “who also bore another name ” (therefore probably a prince) ; Tey conspired with another lady of the harem, to “ excite enmity against their lord,” probably with the object of placing Pentuere on the throne. Most of the officials of the women’s apartments were inculpated in the conspiracy ; the higher ones took an active part — they had “ taken counsel with the women ; ” the lower ones had probably known of the conspiracy, they had been present at some of the consultations of the conspirators, and had thought it best at any rate to be silent about the matter, even if they did not agree to it. We see how promising the affair must have appeared to those interested. 1 A. Z., 1882, 10-12. 2 The description here given of the great trial for high treason under Ramses III. is taken from : the judiciary Papyrus of Turin, Papyrus Lee, and Papyrus Rollin, 1S88. Cp. A. Z. 1879, 76 ff. VII THE POLICE AND THE COURTS OF JUSTICE 143 It was most important for Tey and her companions that the highest official of the harem, the “great man of the house Pai-bek’e-kamen,” should join actively in the conspiracy, for through him they were able to correspond with the outside world. “ He took their words out to their mothers and brothers outside,” and this communication ran thus : “ Excite the people, goad on the enemies to begin hostilities against their lord.” For the moment indeed they remained quiet ; the troops that were stationed in Ethiopia were to be the first to rise against the Pharaoh and attack Egypt. The commander of these troops had been won over to the conspiracy ; his sister belonged to the harem, and she had by her letters initiated him into the secret. Other high officers and officials, including even the high priest of the goddess Sechemt, joined zealously in the pre- parations for the rebellion. They thought it right to use every means ; even the help of the magic art was called in to do harm to the king. The royal “ superintendent of the cows,” a man of high rank, procured a magical book from the Pharaoh’s own library, and according to its directions he made certain wax figures which were smuggled into the palace, where they were supposed to cause lameness and illness. These designs against the king’s health may not have been so danger- ous perhaps as the others by which there is no doubt that his throne was seriously threatened. We do not know how it came about that the conspiracy was discovered in time ; one day the conspirators (they are officially styled the “ abomination of the land ”) were arrested, and brought before a kind of court-martial, consisting of officials of high and low rank, whom the king believed worthy of his special confidence. The instructions given to this court of inquiry have come down to us, and in them we read the following characteristic passage : “ What the people have spoken, I do not know. Hasten to investigate it. You will go and question them, and those who must die, you will cause to die by their own hand, without my knowing anything of it. You will also cause the punishment awarded to the others to be carried out without my knowing anything of it.” We see that the Pharaoh would have nothing to do with the affair ; the criminals were too closely connected with him, the con- spiracy was too dangerous for him to institute official law proceedings against them, which would drag into publicity affairs of which it was better for the people to know nothing, and which would oblige the monarch himself to award the punishments to the guilty. He therefore preferred to give discretionary powers to certain persons whom he trusted, and they were to despatch the wretched business as quietly and quickly as possible. They were also to avoid making a sensation by the punishments ; whoever deserved death was to die by suicide. The judges proceeded with their sad business ; the work was so heavy that they had to divide themselves into two commissions. One, consisting of six members, the “ great princes of the court of inquiry,” undertook principally the trial of the harem officials ; the other of five members, all “ vassals ” of the king, had fewer but more weighty crimes to judge ; 144 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. they pronounced death sentences only. These sentences are short and monotonous : “ The great criminal Mesd-su-Re‘ formerly vassal. He was brought to trial because he had conspired with Pai-bek’e-kamen, who had been chief of the house, and with the women, to stir up malcontents to act with hostility against their master. “ He was brought before the great princes of the court of inquiry. They investigated his crime, they found him guilty, they caused his punishment to be carried out.” With people of lower rank the proceedings were more summary : “ The wives of the doorkeepers of the harem, who had joined with their husbands in the conspiracy, were placed before the princes of the court of inquiry, were found guilty, and their punishment was ordered to be carried out : six persons.” The following is an example of the sentence passed on a dis- tinguished delinquent : “ Pentuere, who formerly bore another name. He was brought before the court, because he had joined with his mother Tey, when she conspired with the women of the harem, and because he acted with hostility against his lord. He was brought before the vassals, that they might question him. They found him guilty ; they dismissed him to his house ; he took his own life.” The concise nature of these deeds shows that it was considered desir- able that as little as possible of the history of the conspiracy should be passed down to posterity. We cannot tell with certainty what were the names of any of the culprits, for many of the names that are entered are evidently perverted. One vassal is called Mesd-su-Re‘, = “ the sun-god hates him,” another high officer Be’n-em-Uese, = “ bad in Thebes it stands to reason that these could not be the real names of these persons of high rank. Probably in truth their names were Nefr-em-Uese = “good in Thebes,” and Mer-su-Re‘ = “ the sun-god loves him,” but the zealous loyalty of the scribes of our report distorted these names into others of bad significance. Before the investigation had been brought to a close, an incident occurred which shows us plainly how disturbed were the conditions in the Egyptian court of old. Three of the king’s six confidants who formed the first commission had to be suddenly arrested. The accused women of the harem had formed close friendship with them, they had sought them out and, with them and with Pai’es the chief culprit, they had “ made a beer-house ” that is they had held a revel. This was an unheard-of breach of confidence, they “ lost the good tokens of favour which had been shown to them by the king,” when he had appointed them to be judges. But “ their guilt seized upon them,” and “ their punishment was fulfilled by the cutting off of their noses and ears.” The two great lawsuits which we have already described in this chapter give us a complete, though scarcely happy, picture of criminal VII THE POLICE AND THE COURTS OF JUSTICE 145 justice in Egypt ; as to civil law unfortunately there is scarcely any material to help us. The two non-criminal law documents which we possess are so much injured that it is impossible to quote from them ; the disputes about mine and thine , which occasionally fill private letters, are very obscure, and neither wills nor bills are to be found. Fortunately for our subject we have a number of contracts (the sealed , as the Egyptians called them), such as were frequently concluded by people of rank in order to ensure certain revenues for religious services after death. Such are the ten contracts concluded with the priesthood of his town by Hapd'efa’e, a nomarch of Siut in the time of the Middle Empire ; they are in perfect preservation and deserve more study.1 It does not seem that Hapd'efa’e had much to gain by them ; he wished to secure that his five statues, which he had placed in his tomb and in the temples of Siut, should receive from the priesthood a yearly offering of bread, beer, and meat. He wished also to provide for the “ kindling of the lights,” i.e. the illumina- tion of the statues, which took place on many festivals ; he therefore bound the priest, who had the care of the lamps in the temple, regularly to provide the wicks for this illumination. The objects which Hapd'efa’e secured by his ten contracts appear to us very insignificant — besides these he had bequeathed for his tomb worship an endowment of “ fields, servants, cattle, gardens, and other things ” — and we scarcely understand why he did such honour to these ten deeds, as to write them down for us in extenso in sixty gigantic lines in his tomb. The priesthood, with whom he concluded his contracts, would naturally do nothing without a corresponding return ; he had to pay them for all the offerings they were to offer. He did this partly by gift of lands in his own possession, partly by surrendering certain rights. As he himself belonged by birth to the priestly college of the god ’Epuat, he had a right to a share of the temple rations, supplied out of the temple property to the individual priests ; in order to pay his colleagues it was therefore the simplest way for him to renounce part of these rations on behalf of him- self and his heirs. These deeds of purchase of Hapd'efa’e are all couched in the same strictly regular form : “ Contract concluded between A and B, that B should give „r to A, whilst A should give y to B. Behold, B was therewith content.” All sorts of clauses are interpolated, which for the most part contain more detailed business provisions. This plan ought fully to content lawyers. It is in no wise a deed on the conclusion of the completed con- tract (this would run : a contract zms concluded, etc.), but it is in fact rather the superscription, or the table of contents of the contract. We 1 Cp. with all that follows my work A. Z., 1882, p. 159 ff. Similar “sealed rolls for payment” ( chcteml dbau ) were concluded for the same object by the priests of Abydos with people of rank : Mar. Abyd. , ii. 25. L 146 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. might almost imagine that the scribe had ventured to change the formula somewhat when these deeds were inscribed in the tomb. The seventh contract gives us an example of one of the shortest : “ Contract, concluded between the late chief prophet Hapd'efa’e and the great priest of Anubis for three wicks to be delivered to him (to the priest) ; the same to be burnt in the lamps of the temple of Anubis : one on the fifth intercalary day, on the New Year’s Eve, another on New Year’s Day, another on the 17th of Thoth, the eve of the festival of Uag. For this he shall give him : 1000 field measures from the estate of his fathers, as the price for these three wicks, which he shall deliver to my funerary priest, in order to burn in the lamps. Behold, he was therewith content.” Others, however, are more detailed and are provided with many clauses and reasons, as eg. the third : “ Contract, concluded by Hapd'efa’e the prince and chief prophet, with the official staff of the temple, that they should give him bread and beer on 1 8th Thoth, the day of the festival of Uag, whilst he should give them : 24 temple days, out of his property from the estate of his fathers, and not in any way out of the property of the estate of the nomarch ; in fact, four days for the chief prophets, two days for each of them. “ Behold, he said to them : “ 1. A temple-day is of the year. If all the bread, beer, and meat that is received daily in this temple be divided, the ^ ,1 () of the bread and beer and of everything that is received in this temple, is a temple-day which I give to you. “2. It is my property from the estate of my fathers, and not in any way from the property of the estate of the nomarch, because I am indeed a son of a priest as each of you are. “ 3. These days shall form the remuneration for each future staff of priests, that they may deliver to me this bread and beer, which they shall give to me. “ Behold, they were therewith content.” A list is appended, which shows how the requisition of bread and beer was to be divided between the ten members of the “official staff” of the temple ; each should give 2 jugs of beer and 200 rolls of bread, but the chief priest, who was to be paid by four temple-days, was to supply 4 jugs of beer and 400 rolls of bread. These three clauses of the document are very interesting. The first declares what Hapd'efa’e means us to understand by the day’s ration of the temple. It was never to be taken as the receipts of any given day, but the receipts of the whole year were to be added together and of the same was to be regarded as the average ration. The other clauses were to protect him from the suspicion, which might be suggested, VII THE POLICE AND THE COURTS OF JUSTICE 147 that he was disposing of revenues which were not his own by inheritance ; he declares that he belongs by birth to the priesthood, and has, therefore, full rights to the revenues of that position. Finally, the third clause again points out what were the good offices for which he renounces to his colleagues the fifteenth part of his yearly income as priest. We see from these instances that there existed a complete system of drawing up contracts, and this is confirmed by the facts contained in these curious records. It is most remarkable how limited were the testa- mentary powers of the nomarch ; again and again emphasis is laid on the fact that he can only dispose of that part of his property and revenue which was really hereditary in his family. As high priest of his temple, for instance, he was entitled to a roast piece of the bulls sacrificed in the temples ; he might wish that subsequently this piece should be offered to his statue on great processional days, but he could not himself arrange this. Membership of the priestly college might be hereditary in his family but not the dignity of high priest, and therefore he could not dispose of those particular revenues due to the latter. In order to arrange any small affair according to his wish it was necessary to set in motion a compli- cated system of judicial machinery. In his capacity as a private indi- vidual he concludes a contract with himself as chief prophet for the time being, and purchases from himself the roast piece in question, in return for two of the above-mentioned rations. In order that this contract should be incontestable, he expressly obtains the consent of the priestly body to the transaction. A people who could so clearly grasp the double nature of an indi- viduality as to allow him to conclude contracts with himself, was certainly long past the time of judicial infancy, and had attained to a highly developed legal status. Unfortunately, as has already been said, there is barely any material from which we can learn much of the subject. The tomb of Hapd'efa’e contains extracts at any rate of one other document of legal nature, viz. the provision which he exacted from his funerary priest,1 when he endowed him “ with fields, with servants, with herds, with tanks, and with all kinds of other things.” The office of funerary priest was usually hereditary in one family, there was therefore danger that the properties belonging to that office should at some time be split up by inheritance. Hapd'efa’e forbids this expressly : “ these things shall only belong to one of thy sons, the one whom, above thine other children, thou dost desire to be my funerary priest . . . and he again shall not divide it amongst his children.” Similar statutes concerning the funerary tomb-priests, exist of the time of the Old Empire,2 they also contain detailed provisions about the inheritance of endowed property, and directions are given how disputes are to be settled between individuals entitled to it. Unfortunately these sadly injured inscriptions do not ex- plain to us the particulars of the stipulations, yet they show us that there existed in that old time such an organised system of jurisprudence, that 1 Mar. Mon. div., 64, 9-12. 2 R. J. H. I. Mar. Mast., 318 — both much injured. i48 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. the decree of this statute alone ensured sufficient protection against the encroachments even of posterity. The favourite prayer to the gods, commonly used in other parts of the world, on occasions of similar endow- ments, finds no place here ; it is enough that the founder of the endow- ment should express his will in a formal manner. It was quite otherwise in later times ; eg. when the chief officer Amenhotep, son of Hapu, who lived under Amenhotep III., founded the little temple of Der-el-Medineh dedicated to Amon Re‘ in Thebes, he did not consider his foundation sufficiently safe without calling down the anger of the gods on any one who should injure it. On the 8th of Choiakh in the 2ist year, when the king visited the new sanctuary, the following decree was published by certain high officials of the state, viz. Amenhotep the governor, Meryptah the superintendent of the house of silver, and the scribes of the army : 1 “ Hear the decree, issued at the establishment of the temple of Kak, belonging to the hereditary prince, the royal scribe, Amenhotep called Huy, the son of Hapu . . ., that his temple of Kak, with the slaves belonging thereto both male and female, should endure eternally from son to son, from heir to heir, and that no one should ever transgress this decree, for as long as this temple stands upon earth, it is sacred to Amon Re‘, king of the gods, who is king eternally and the pro- tector of the dead. “If the general and scribe of the soldiers, who shall be my successor, shall find that the temple of Kak has fallen into decay, and that certain belonging thereto have been taken away from the slaves who raise the corn for my endowment, — if he then uphold all the laws and ordinances of Pharaoh, then shall his bodily life be satisfied. “ But those who transgress them and render no account thereof, upon them shall fall the destruction of Amon, the lord of Thebes, who will not allow them to be satisfied in their office of royal scribe of the army, which they have received for me ! He will deliver them up to the wrath of the king on the day of his anger, his snake diadem shall spit fire on the crown of their head destroying their sons. It shall eat their body, and they shall become like the snake Apophis (the enemy of the sun-god), on the New Year’s Day. They shall be drowned in the ocean, which shall conceal their bodies ; they shall not receive the funeral services of the just, they shall not eat the food of the god Oerte, they shall not cool themselves on the water, on the course of the river. Their sons shall not succeed them, their wives shall be used shamefully even in their sight. Honourable men shall not enter their houses as long as they are upon earth, and they shall not enter, nor be led into the palace (?). They shall not hear the voice of the king when he rejoices. They shall be slain on the day of destruction, and men shall call them miserable. Their bodies shall be sick, they shall hunger without food ; their bodies shall die ! Above all, this curse shall fall upon the governor, the treasurer, the superintendent of the 1 This decree has only come down to us in an abstract of later time : Inscript, in the Hier. Charact., T. 29. Edited by Birch (Chabas, Melanges, I. p. 324 ff.) and Brugsch (A. Z. 1875, p. 123 ff.). VII THE POLICE AND THE COURTS OF JUSTICE 149 storehouse, the first prophet, the holy fathers, the priests of Amon to whom this edict has been read, which has been issued for the temple of Kak, belonging to the hereditary prince, the royal scribe Amenhdtep the son of Hapu, if they do not take care of his temple of Kak. “ If, however, you shall take care to protect the temple of Kak, with the slaves both male and female, who raise corn for my property, then shall all good befall you. Amon Re‘, king of the gods, shall reward you with a happy life. . . . Honours shall be heaped upon you ; you shall see the sons of your sons, and the heirs of your heirs. You shall be sent on em- bassies which the king shall reward. Your bodies shall rest in the nether- world after a life of 1 10 years. Your food-offerings shall be increased as well as what otherwise is due to you. “ What I have said shall fall also upon those officers of the militia which belong to the district of the prince of the western town, called Cheft- her-nebs, who shall not maintain my endowment for each day, and all my festivals at the beginning of the months ; their bodies shall not thrive. But if they attend to all these words, which are issued as a command, and are obedient, and do not turn aside from them, good shall befall them, even as to the just. They shall rest in the city of the dead after a good old age.” The man who issued this decree, so rich in curses, was considered by later generations as the model of a wise man.1 This document will scarcely appear to us of the modern world as a special proof of his wisdom, and those ancient founders, who drew up their documents without invoking the help of the gods will probably stand higher in our esteem than the celebrated Amenhotep, the son of Hapu, who, on account of his wisdom, as Manetho tells us, “ appeared to partake of the divine being.” 1 A. Z., 1875, 123. 1876, 26. 1877, 147. His father and his family, L. D., iii. 43 b. Amulet in the Berlin Museum. GROUP OF M'AYPTAH, THE PRIEST OF PTAH, WITH HIS FAMILY. On the left is his wife, Ha'tshepest, " the lady full of charms, of grace, and of love” ; on the right is his daughter, 'En'euhay, the “favourite of the Pharaoh.” The small figures represent a second daughter and her son, who dedicated the statues (Berlin, 2297). CHAPTER VIII FAMILY LIFE IT has often been said that the essential difference between the civilisation of the West and of the East consists in the different status of woman. In the West she is the companion of man, in the East his servant and his toy. In the West, at one time, the esteem in which woman was held rose to a cult, while in the East the question has been earnestly discussed whether woman really belonged to the human race. This view of the matter, however, is just neither to the East nor to the West ; for the teaching of Mohammed with regard to woman represents as great an extreme on one side, as the sentimental cult of woman in the Middle Ages on the other. The position of woman is very much the same amongst all nations who have attained a certain degree of culture, unless that position is affected by particular religious views such as those of Mohammedanism or Christianity. As a rule, one woman is the legiti- mate wife and the mistress of the house ; at the same time the man may, if his fortune allow it, keep other women, and it is generally considered that the slaves of the household belong to him. This state of things, which appears to us most immoral, does not seem so in the eyes of a CHAP. VIII FAMILY LIFE 151 primitive people ; on the contrary, the slave feels it as a disgrace if she does not “ find favour ” in the sight of her lord. Such were the views of marriage which were held in ancient Egypt. One woman alone was the legitimate wife of the husband, “ his dear wife,” “ the lady of the house ” ; yet when we obtain a glimpse into the interior of a well-to-do household, we find also “ beautiful singers ” and other attendants in the “ house of the women.” The relationship between husband and wife appears to us at all times to have been faithful and affectionate. When they are repre- sented together, we frequently see the wife with her arm tenderly round her husband’s neck, the children standing by the side of their parents, or the youngest daughter crouching under her mother’s chair.1 The wife helps her husband to superintend the household ; 2 she and the children look on while he is netting birds,3 or she accompanies him in his boating expedi- tions for sport through the swamps.4 The inscriptions of the Old Empire praise the wife who is “ honoured by her husband,” 5 and the old book of wisdom of the governor Ptahhotep, declares him to be wise who “ founds for himself a house, and loves his wife.” b How deeply affec- tionate a marriage might be is shown by the touching confessions of a widower, which have been preserved to us in a Leyden papyrus of late date. After the death of his wife ‘Anch’ere, he fell ill and a magician seems to have told him that it was his wife who sent him this misfortune ; he then wrote a sorrowful letter to the “ wise spirit ” of ‘Anch’ere and laid it upon her tomb in the hope of propitiating her. He complains : “ What evil have I done to thee, that I should find myself in this wretched state. What then have I done to thee, that thou shouldest lay thy hand upon me, when no evil has been done to thee ? From the time when I became thy husband till now — have I done anything which I had to hide from thee? . . . Thou didst become my wife when I was young, and I was with thee. I was appointed to all manner of offices, and I was with thee ; I did not forsake thee nor cause thine heart any sorrow. . . . Behold, when I commanded the foot soldiers of Pharaoh together with his chariot force, I did cause thee to come that they might fall down before thee, and they brought all manner of good things to present to thee . . . When thou wast ill with the sickness which afflicted thee, I went to the chief physician, and he made thee thy medicine, he did everything that thou didst say he should do. When I had to accompany Pharaoh on his journey to the south, my thoughts were with thee, and I spent those eight months without caring to eat or to drink. When I returned to Memphis, I besought Pharaoh and betook myself to thee, and I greatly mourned for thee with my people before my house.' Polygamy was quite the exception, we rarely find two wives ruling in a house at the same time ; there are, however, a few instances at different 1 E.g. L. D. , ii. 10 b. 2 L. D., ii. 13. 3 Mar. Mon. div., 17. 4 L. D., ii. 130. Wilk., ii. 107. 0 R. J. H., 82 ; Mar. Mast., 308, and other examples. 6 Prisse, 10, 8. ' Leyden, 371 ; a better edition by Maspero, Etud. egypt., p. 143 ff. The above follows the latter in as far as this difficult text can be translated with tolerable certainty. 152 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. periods. Amony, the “ great man of the south,” who probably died at the beginning of the reign of Amenemhe't II., had two wives. One Nebet- sochet-ent-Re‘ (or as she was generally called, Nebet), may have been his niece ; she bore him two sons and five daughters ; by the other, Hnut, he had certainly three daughters and one son. A curious circumstance shows us that the two wives were friends, for the lady Nebet-sochet-ent- Re‘ called her second daughter Hnut, and the lady Hnut carried her courtesy so far as to name all her three daughters Nebet-sochet-ent-Re‘. 1 2 We meet with the same custom a century later, and indeed, as it appears, in a lower class. One of the thieves of the royal tombs possessed two wives at the same time, the “lady Taruru and the lady Tasuey, his other second • r 2 wire. Royal double marriages frequently occur ; e.g. Ramses II. had two great “royal consorts,” Nefret-’ere-mer-en-mut and ’Eset-nofret, and when he concluded his treaty with the Cheta king, he brought the daughter ot that monarch also home to Egypt as his wife. Political reasons doubtless led to this third marriage ; the union with the Princess Ra‘-ma‘-uer-nofru was the seal of the bond of friendship with her father, and the Pharaoh could give no lower place to the daughter of his mighty neighbour than that of his legal wife. Similar motives also probably led to double marriages amongst private individuals ; as we have seen above, many daughters of rich men in Egypt possessed valuable rights of inheritance in their father’s property. The history of one of the nomarch families of Beni Hasan gives us a case in point. Chnemhotep, son of Neher’e, with whom we had so much to do in the previous chapter, owed the possession of the Nome of the Gazelle to the fortunate marriage of his father with the heiress of the prince of that house. In order to secure the same good fortune for his children, he married Chety, the heiress of the Nome of the Jackal, and, in fact, through this marriage, his son, Nacht, succeeded later to this province. But though Chety was treated with all the respect due to her high rank as his “ beloved wife,” and as “ lady of the house,” and though her three sons alone were called the “ great legitimate sons of the prince,” yet the love of Chnemhotep seems previously to have been bestowed upon a lady of his household, the “ mistress of the treasury, T'atet.” Contrary to former custom, Chnemhotep caused this lady and her two sons, Neher’e and Chnemhotep, the “sons of the prince,” to be represented in his tomb, immediately behind his official family.3 She also accompanies him in his sporting expeditions, though she sits behind Chety, and does not wear as beautiful a necklet as the legitimate wife.4 At the funeral festival of the same Chnemhotep, we meet with Chety and T'atet in a covered boat with the “ children of the prince and the women,” guarded by two old servants of the princely court.5 There is no doubt that these women belong to the harem of the prince, to the “ house of the secluded,” as they 1 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 627. A similar case of this period, ib. 586. But of the three women, ib. 1 16 1, two are stated to be “ former ,” and therefore descend from former marriages. 2 A. Z., 1S73, 40. 3 L. D., ii. 128. 132. 4 L. D., ii. 130. 5 L. D., ii. 126. VIII FAMILY LIFE 153 were wont to say. The harem is rarely mentioned in the tombs, yet doubtless at all times it existed as one of the luxuries of the rich. We have already (p. 74), spoken of the royal house of women, which was strictly guarded. It was the duty of the inmates to cheer Pharaoh by songs,1 and the ladies of private harems had also to be skilled in similar accomplishments ; in the tomb of the courtier T’y, of the fifth dynasty, we see the ladies of the harem dancing and singing before their master.' We have also a picture of the harem under the New Empire. In a tomb at Tell el Amarna, belonging to the close of the eighteenth dy- nasty, a distinguished priest called ’Ey has caused his house to be represented.3 After passing through the servants’ offices, the store rooms, the great dining hall, the sleeping room, and the kitchen, at the further end of a piece of ground, the visitor came to two build- ings turned back to back ONE OF THE TWO HOUSES FOR WOMEN BELONGING TO (after L. D. , iii. 106 a). and separated by a small garden. These were the women’s apartments, ’Ey’s harem, inhabited by the women and children. A glance shows us how the inmates were supposed to occupy themselves ; they are represented eating, dancing, playing music, or dressing each other’s hair ; the store rooms behind were evidently full of harps, lutes, mirrors, and boxes for clothes. The possession of such a harem would, of course, be restricted to men of the upper class, for the same reason as it is in the East at the present day — on account of the expense. We do not know what formalities were necessary for the conclusion of a legal marriage in Egypt, or to “ found for oneself a house,” 4 as the Egyptians said ; there were probably, as in Greek and Christian times, formal marriage contracts. It may be also that it was customary, as in later times, to have the “year of eating,” the first year of probation, after which, by the payment of a certain sum of money, the marriage might be annulled. 1 here existed also another custom foreign to our ideas, the marriage with a sister ; this became common in Egypt during the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. Most of the Ptolemies married their sisters, and under the Emperor Commodus two-thirds of all the citizens of Arsi 1 Mar. Mast., 138 f. 2 Brugsch, Graberwelt, 8 1 , 83. 4 Frisse, 10, 8 ; L. D., iii. 12 d. 3 L. D., iii. 106 a. 154 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. had done the same.1 Marriage with a sister shocks our moral sense, but seemed most natural to the Egyptians, just as in modern Egypt marriage with a cousin is considered to be most sensible and right. The gods set an example in point ; the brothers Osiris and Set having married their sisters, Isis and Nephthys. In the royal family of the eighteenth dynasty, we find that A‘hmose- Nefert-’ere married her brother, A‘hmose ; a lady named A'hmose was consort to her brother Thothmes I., and ‘Ar‘at to her brother, Thothmes IV., and so on.2 In the inscriptions of all ages we often meet with the words “ his beloved sister,” where we should expect the words “ his beloved wife.” It is impossible that all these passages should refer to unmarried ladies keeping house for their bachelor brothers ; “ thy sister, who is in thine heart, who sits near thee ” 3 at the feast, or “ thy beloved sister with whom thou dost love to speak,” 4 these ladies must stand in a closer rela- tionship to the man. No other explanation also is possible of the fact that two stone masons, who directed the work in the quarries of Hamamat, each had “ his sister ” with him.5 Surely two old maids could not have had the touching affection to follow their brothers into this terrible hot desert. At the same time it is probable that these sisters were not all really married to their brothers, as Lessing’s Just very rightly remarks, “there are many kinds of sisters.” In the Egyptian lyrics the lover always speaks of “ my brother ” or “ my sister,” and in many cases there can be no doubt that the sister signifies his “ beloved,” his mistress. A stele in the Berlin museum 6 tells us for instance that a certain Amenemheb wor- shipped in the temple of Osiris, accompanied by his mother and his seven sisters ; the latter were probably the seven ladies of his harem. We know that in late Roman time laxer forms of union were substituted for the strict indissoluble tie of marriage, but probably many Egyptians of earlier ages preferred to enter into a loose bond with a “ sister ” rather than conclude a formal marriage with a wife.7 This state of affairs appears to have been very common amongst the lower classes. We happen to have two com- plaints presented by five labouring women ; of four it is said that they “ live with ” such and such a workman, of one only that she is the wife of her husband.8 The moral condition of the “ company of workmen,” the Egyptian proletariat, appears to have been very low ; it seems to have been a 1 Cp. Wilcken, Arsinoit. Steuerprofess. (Reports of the Royal Prussian Ak. d. Wiss., 1883, p. 9°3-) 2 It has been conjectured from the titles of the daughters of Ramses II. that this king married his own daughters. This is however an error, for every princess at her birth received the title of “ royal consort.” See Maspero, Guide, p. 342. 3 A. Z., 1873, 60. 4 After Wilk., iii. pi. lxvii. 5 L. D., ii. 138 b. 6 Nr., 2091. 7 Wiedemann (Hierat., Texts, p. 16) also conjectures that the term sister indicates a form of marriage. lie thinks that the expression refers to the probationary marriage. With this I cannot agree. 8 Tur., 47, 8 ; Salt, 2, 2-3. The word hbstty (literally, she who clothes her husband) may mean mistress. A. Z., 1873, 39- The men are called their “husbands.” VIII FAMILY LIFE 155 common crime amongst the workmen to “ assault strange women.” 1 We cannot shut our eyes to the fact that the social principles of the Egyptians on this point were almost as lax as those of classic antiquity. No reason- able being would take offence at the naivete with which things are spoken of, or drawn as common signs in writing, which, according to our modern feelings, ought to be carefully hidden. On the other hand, when we see the series of obscene pictures, drawn and annotated by a caricaturist of the twentieth dynasty,' and when we think that this book was found in a tomb, we are shocked at the morality of a nation which could supply the deceased with such literature for the eternal journey. Finally, what can we say when an ancient sacred book 3 describing the life of the deceased Pharaoh in bliss, assures him, with the addition of some words we cannot quite understand, that in heaven he will “ at his pleasure take the wives away from their husbands.” There were of course plenty of women who did not belong to “ good women ” 4 (that is to the respectable class) ; as in other countries of an- tiquity, these women were often those whose husbands had left them, and who travelled about the country. The strange woman was therefore always a suspicious character ; “ beware,” says the wise man,'3 “of a woman from strange parts, whose city is not known. When she comes do not look at her nor know her. She is as the eddy in deep water, the depth of which is unknown. The woman whose husband is far off writes to thee every day. If no witness is near her she stands up and spreads out her net : O ! fearful crime to listen to her ! ” Therefore he who is wise avoids her and takes to himself a wife in his youth ; 6 first, because a man’s own house is “the best thing”;1 secondly, because “ she will present thee with a son like unto thyself.” s It was considered the greatest happiness to possess children, and the relationship between parents and children offers us a delightful picture of Egyptian family life. “ Thou shalt never forget what thy mother has done for thee,” teaches the wise ’Eney, “ she bare thee and nourished thee in all manner of ways. If thou forgettest her, she might blame thee, she might ‘lift up her arms to God, and He would hear her complaint.’ After the appointed months she bare thee, she nursed thee for three years. She brought thee up, and when thou didst enter the school, and wast instructed in the writings, she came daily to thy master with bread and beer from her house.” 9 The esteem which the son felt for his mother was so great that in the tombs of the Old Empire, the mother of the deceased is as a rule represented there with the wife, while the father rarely appears. On the funerary stelae of later times also, it is the usual custom to trace the descent of the deceased on the mother’s side, and not, as we usually do, on that of the father. We read of “ Ned'emu-sneb, born of Sat-Hathor ; of Anhor, 1 Salt, 2, 2 ff. Tur., 47, 8, ib. 57, 5 f. 2 An example may be found, Tur., 145. 3 Unas, 629. 4 Tur., 47, 8. 5 Pap. de Bout, i., 16, 13 fT. 6 Pap. de Boul., i. 16, 1 ff. 7 Golenischeff, Conte egypt., in the Transactions of the Berlin Oriental Congress, ii. 104. 8 Pap. de Boul., ib. 9 Pap. de Boul., i. 20, 17 ff. 156 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. born of Neb-onet, or of Sebekreda, born of Sent,” but who were the respec- tive fathers we are not told, or they are only mentioned incidentally. It is possible that this strange custom and the similar custom in East Africa, may have arisen from the belief that a child’s birth can be proved from the mother's side only, the father must be always supposititious. The necessary consequence of this belief follows ; and to this day amongst the nobility of the tribes of the Tuarek, the dignity of chief is inherited not by his son but by the son of his sister ; 1 it is considered as more certain that the sister of the deceased belongs to the race of the chieftain than that the son of the chieftain is his own. It appears that a similar custom as to the inheritance in noble families prevailed in ancient Egypt, but instead of the son of the sister, the son of the eldest daughter was the heir. We have already mentioned (p. 92), that under the Middle Empire the nomes passed from one family to another through heiresses ; thus he who married an heiress ( as she was called), would gain for his son the inheritance of his father-in-law. In the older period we meet these hereditary princes, □ rp‘ate, at every turn ; they evidently formed the highest aristocracy. Even in these families, however, the inheritance did not always pass to the son of the daughter, we have contemporary instances of its passing, as is more natural to our minds, directly to the son himself. Thus Nacht inherited the town of Men‘at Chufu from his father; Amony inherited the Nome of the Gazelle in the same way, and Dhut-hotep inherited the Nome of Bersheh from his father, Gay. Yet in spite of all exceptions the institu- tion mentioned above must be considered as an old-established custom. So much was it part of the flesh and blood of the nation, that the “ father of his mother ” was considered the natural protector of a rising youth. If an official succeeded in a brilliant career, it was the maternal grand- father who took the most interest : “ When he is placed at the head of the court of justice, then the father of his mother thanks God.”2 Under the new Empire we hear of a young officer who is received into the royal stables, “ for the sake of the father of his mother,” and when obliged to go to the wars, he “ gave his property into the charge of the father of his mother.” 3 Nevertheless these beliefs and customs were not able to disturb the natural relationship of father and son. On the contrary, at all periods it was the heartfelt wish on every father’s part that he should leave his office to his son,” that “ his child should sit in his chair after he was gone ;4 it was also the son’s sacred duty “ to cause his father’s name to live.” In both particulars, the gods had left an example for men of all times ; Horus had avenged his deceased father Osiris, and justified his name against the 1 Hanoteau, Grammaire de la langue Tamachek, p. 15. 2 Sail. 2, II, 3. 3 An., 3, 6, 4, 7. Cp. also L. D., iii. 12 d., where the “son of the daughter” endows the tomb to the “father of his mother.” 4 Stele of Nebpu-Usertsen in the Brit. Mus. (L. A.), and other similar instances. VIII FAMILY LIFE 15 7 accusations of Set, for he himself had ascended the “ throne of his father,” and had put the Atef crown of his father on his own head. A father could not do very much to insure that his son should succeed him, Pharaoh had to decide that matter with his counsellors, but they (if they were piously inclined), considered it their duty as far as possible to follow the dictates of this pious claim, and to “ place every man on the throne of his father.” 1 The duty of the son was the easier to fulfil, on account of the manner in which he had to cause his father’s name to live : viz. to maintain his tomb and to offer the necessary sacrifices there on festival days. More than one pious son assures us in his autobiography that he had fulfilled these sacred duties ; e.g. the nomarch Chnemhotep relates : “ I have caused the name of my father to increase, and have established the place for his funeral worship and the estate belonging thereto. I have accompanied my statues {i.e. those of the family on days of procession) into the temple. I have brought to them their offerings of pure bread, beer, oil, and incense. I have appointed a funerary priest, and endowed him with land and labourers. I have established offerings for the deceased on every festival of the Necropolis.” 2 These duties towards the deceased descended in direct line to the head of the family, but at the same time the obligation rested on the other members, even of later generations ; they also had to keep up the established worship, and to honour their ancestors (their nobles 3 as they were called) on festival days. The Pharaohs especially had to honour their ancestors, “ the forefathers of the king.” In spite of this reverence for their ancestors, we doubt whether, with the exception of the royal family, there existed much family pride amongst the ancient Egyptians. It is well known from the inscriptions in the Egyptian tombs, that nothing that was adapted to increase the fame of the deceased would be lightly passed over in silence. Yet amongst the numerous inscriptions of the Old and Middle Empire, we rarely find any praise of the famous ancestors of the deceased ; as a remarkable exception a high priest of Abydos boasts that he had built his tomb “ in the midst of those of his fathers to whom he owed his being, the nobles of ancient days.” 4 The family of the deceased is scarcely spoken of, even the grand- father being rarely mentioned.5 When the deceased was descended from a king, he tells posterity of his genealogy ; but this is an exceptional case, e.g. in one of the tombs of the Old Empire, in the place where the name of the deceased is usually given, we find this genealogy.6 “ The king Snefru. His great legitimate daughter Nefretkau. Her son, Neferma'at, the high treasurer. His son, Snefru-ch‘af, the high treasurer, priest of Apis, nearest friend 1 Louvre, C. 26. 2 L. D., ii. 124, 81 ff. 3 A. Z., 1882, 168. 1 Leyden, v. 4 (L. A.) Louvre, C. 170. Stele of an Amenemhe‘t, son of ’Entef, son of Kemse, of the 12th year of Amen- emhe't II. (L. A.) ; Leyden, v. 3 (L. A.), the grandfather is mentioned, but his name is not given. 6 L. D., ii. i6 = R. J. H., 64. 1 58 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. of the king, prince, belonging to the town Nechent, belonging to the town Pe. Snefru-ch‘af was therefore a descendant of King Snefru, the gene- alogy being Snefru — Wife ? T~ Husband ? — The lady Nefretkau. Neferma'at — Wife ? Snefru-ch'af. We see from the defectiveness of this genealogy, in which even the name of the grandfather is not given, how little Snefru-ch'af thought of his family history ; the only fact that interested him was that he was related to a Pharaoh. The same holds good in later times ; it is always the individual who is spoken of, very seldom the race or family.1 It is only during the latest epoch of Egyptian history, in the times of the Ethiopian kings, of the Psammetichi and of the Persians, when people gloried in the remembrance of the former greatness of the nation, that we meet with complete genealogical trees ; it was natural that at this period men should be glad if possible to boast of direct descent from an official of king Ramses. Another circumstance confirms the above statement. In the course of generations, a nation possessing genealogical sense unconsciously forms surnames, even when they only consist of vague appellations, such as are used by the old Beduin families. There is no trace of such names amongst the Egyptians, not even amongst the noble families of the Middle Empire. We reach the decadence of the Egyptian kingdom before we meet with even a tendency to use family names ; in the time of the foreign Libyan rulers the descendants of the old family of the Pharaohs called themselves “ sons of King Ramses,” thus forming a race of the “ sons of Ramses,” the “ Ramessides.” Names therefore with the Egyptians were entirely individual, and if we may say so, lack historical significance. Notwithstanding they offer much that is interesting, and a closer study of them will reward an attentive student. Names were of course subservient to fashion, and very few were in common use at all periods, though the ideas they expressed have much similarity. The more simple names indicate briefly the bodily or intellectual qualities of the bearer. Thus the names of some distinguished men of the Old Empire are Little , Young , or Content , while one lady is called simply the Beautiful. Under the Middle Empire we meet with men named Healthy and Strong , with women called Beauty , Resembling, Sweet , Verdant, 1 A genealogy of seven generations of painters of the temple of Amon, at the beginning of the 18th dynasty ; Lieblein, 553. A genealogy up to the great grandfather (Dyn. 19) ; ib. 888. VIII FA MIL Y LIFE 09 or She is healthy ; and under the New Empire some of the men are named Tall , Beautiful of Face, and the ladies, Strong and Large-headed} Names of animals are not infrequently used : Ichneumon , Silurus, Lion, Wild lion. Tadpole, Daughter of the crocodile, Horse ; and under the New Empire we find Tomcat and Kitten} From the vegetable world we have the female name Beautiful sycamore } Names referring to the good reputation of the bearer are found, eg. Praised, Beloved, Loved one, Worthy of thanks, Beautiful is what he does f these are naturally very numerous amongst the ladies. We not only find, First favourite. Beautiful mistress , Loving one , My mistress is as gold, and This is my queen ; but also, with bold exaggeration, Beloved by the two countries, and Ruler of the two countries } Numerous names at all times are evolved from family affection, and express, often in touching fashion, the joy of the parents over their child. Beautiful day and Beautiful morning ,6 are in remembrance of the joyful day of a boy’s birth ; the child is My own, or the Only one, the parents love him as Their eyes, and he is Their most beautifid or Their riches. The father says of him, I have wished it, he is Acceptable and Welcome.' The daughter is called Beautifid as her father, and the Ruler of her father ; at her birth it is said Beauty comes, and at the birth of the son Riches come } Those who are gone live again in the children, The Brothers live, His father lives ; and mournfully the widower says to the baby, Replace her. The family now survives, the Mothers are born again in the daughters, and His name lives through them ; '' all hopes are centred on the son, and the father in his mind’s eye already sees him as his Protector, the Prince, the Chief, or he thinks of him as succeeding him, and therefore names him, even in his infancy, Chief of the mercenaries .10 Religion, as a matter of course, played a great part in this affair of name-giving, — men liked to be named after that god whom their family chiefly served ; women desired above all to be called after Hathor, the goddess of love. Some of these religious names are in praise of the gods ; eg. the following, which were favourite names under the Old Empire : Sokar shines with spirit, Ptah acts rightly, Re ‘ is beautiful, Beauti- ful is the countenance of Ptah, Re‘ is content, God is rich .u They may 1 I give a transcription of the names, and indicate the periods by the letters, O : M : and N : O : Sher’e, ned'es, ned'em-’eb, nefert. M : Sneb, nechty, nefru, sent, benr’et, uad'et, senebtese. N : Qa, neferher, t'enra, ta-‘at-d'ad'a. 2 O : het'es, hu’a, ma. M : Ma-hesa, hefner, gef, sat-’epa, ht'or. N : M’eu, Myt-ser’eu. 3 M : Neht-nefret. 4 O : Hesy. M : Mery, meryt. N : Nefer-sechru. O : Nefer-’ert-nef. 5 M: H‘at-shepest. N: Hnut-nefret. M: rnerert, nebt’e-m -nub, hnut’e-pu, meryt-taui. N : nebt-taui. 6 N : Hau-nefer. M : Duat-nefret. 7 N : Pay’e, u'at’e. M : Merte-sen. N : Tasen-nefer. O : D'efat-sen. N : ‘ab-en’e, nefert- ’eu. N : ’Ey-m-hotep. 8 O : Nefret-en-ets. M : Nebt-’et. 0 : ’Ey-nefer, ’Ey-d'efa. 9 O : Snu-‘anch. M : ’Etf-‘anch, deba-set, mut, renf-‘anch. 10 O: Saf. N: Pa-ser, pa-hri, pa-hri-pedt. The latter, An., 5, 1 1, 7 ff., as chief of the mercenaries and his son. 11 O : Seker-ch‘a-bau, Ptah-ch‘a-merut, Ptah-nefer-’ert, Ra'nofer, Nefer-her-en-Ptah, Ra‘hotep, Neter-user. i6o LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. also express thankfulness or trust in the gods, e.g. the old names of Ptah causes vie to live , Ainun is her riches, Belonging to Ptah, Servant of Re‘, and the curious one of Brother of Avion} Names of the latter kind are especially numerous in the time of the Middle Empire, eg. Son of Mont, daughter of Hathdr, Comrade of Sobk, Of Avion, The gift of Anion ; other favourite names give glory to the gods, eg. Avion first, Sobk first, or Hathor first r During the religious revival, under the New Empire, there was, of course, a superabundance of religious names ; many follow the older forms, e.g. Given by the bark of Osiris, or Avion is content, Of Set, Of Hor ; others are disposed in new forms as, Born of the Moon, Re1 2 3 4 5 6 gave him birth, Avion in the desert, Avion at the feast, Hor in the bark, Mut in the bark } These new names have rather a peculiar, we might almost say a theological character ; they express religious learning rather than simple piety, for instance, the knowledge as to which gods accompany the sun-god in his bark in the heavens. From the time of the Middle Empire every one bears the name or the title of a god, the men are called Hor, Chons, Uennofre , or Lord of the gods, women, SccJicmt, or Lady of Denderah } We cannot be surprised that the Egyptian officials, who always tried to show their loyalty, should often name their children after the kings. Under the Old Empire we find combinations such as Chafrt lives, Snefru is beautiful , Pepy endures, Pepy is strong; '' under the New Empire those are preferred which signify the piety of the Pharaoh, e.g. Sety in the house of Thoth, or Nefer-ke-rel in the house of Avion} After the I ith dynasty, however, it was customary to give sons the name of the monarch without further addition, as well as the prenomens and titles of the king, as Shining in Thebes, the Bull with the understanding heart, and even titles such as, Lord of the two Countries, and Your lord, are used under the New Empire.7 This custom of naming the children after the Pharaoh without the addi- tion of any epithet, of calling the children Amony when an Amony was on the throne, or ’Entef during the reign of an ’Entef, is the cause of great confusion. The kings of the I ith dynasty were either ’Entef, Amony, or Mentuhotep, and these names survived in many families ; some of the kings of the I 2th dynasty were called Amenemhe‘t, others Usertsen, and the great courtiers named their children after them. Under the 12th dynasty, therefore, these five names meet us at every turn ; for instance, out of 1 O : Ptah-s‘anchu’e, Amend'efas, Nsu-Ptah, Hent-Re‘, Sen-Amun. Such names as Sen-Amun, Hathor-sat, etc., may perhaps be elliptical, and be understood to mean : “the brother (given) by Amon,” “ the daughter (given) by Hathor, etc. 2 M : Sa-Ment'u, Sat-Hathor, Sebek-’ere, Amony, Amendadat, Amenemhe't, Sebekemhe't, Hathoremhe't. 3 N : Neshemt-dadat, Amenhotep, Sety, Hor’e, ’E'ahmose, Ra'messu, Amen-em-’ent, Amen- emheb, Har-em-u’e, Mut-em-u’e. 4 M : Hor, Chensu. N : Uennofre, Neb-nuteru, Sechemt. M : Nebt-’ent. 5 O: Cha‘fre-‘anch, Snefru-Nofer, Pepy-ded’e, Pepy-necht. 6 N : Sety-m-per-Dhoute, Nefer-ke-re‘-em-per-Amun. 7 N : Ch‘amueset, Ka-men-’eb ; Nebtauey, Neb-seny — both the latter are elliptical forms: “he who belongs to the lord of the two countries.” VIII FAMILY LIFE 161 twenty-seven male members of a family, thirteen are called Usertsen.1 In the same way later the names Ahmose and Amenhotep continually occur under the 18th dynasty, and that of Ramses under the 20th. Those especially well disposed (and what Egyptian official did not wish himself to be thought well disposed) seem not to have been content with naming their children after the monarch, but to have re-named them when a new Pharaoh ascended the throne. Thus under Usertsen I., the “ chief judge and governor” was called after that monarch, though we can scarcely believe that the first official of the kingdom was born during his reign. It is far more likely that he was born under Amenemhe't, and bore some other name, which was changed to the royal name at the accession of the new Pharaoh.2 We meet with many similar cases. The adoption of the royal name must doubtless have caused much confusion in the kingdom ; but this confusion must have been still greater at the courts of the nomarchs of the Middle Empire ; for in the time of the 1 2th dynasty, the custom arose for the officers of the household of the great men to call themselves and their children after their lord, in the same way as the state officials after the Pharaoh. The following instance may give an idea of the incredible confusion which was the result. The province, whose governors were buried at Beni Hasan, was governed at the beginning of the time of the Middle Empire (I know not in what order), by princes bearing the names of Amony, Chnemhotep, Netruhotep, Chety, Baqt’e, Nacht and Neternacht.3 The consequence was that at the court of the Chnemhotep, son of Neher’e, whom we have so frequently mentioned, two-thirds of all the officials of the nome bore the name of this prince. Amongst his servants there were at least eleven of the name of Chnemhotep, nine of Neternacht, four of Chety, four of Baqt’e, two of Netruhotep, two of Amony, and one of Neher’e. One-third only bore names after their own pleasure. The worst element in this confusion remains to be told ; the Egyptians often went as far as to give brothers or sisters the same name. Thus S'abu, high priest of Memphis under the Old Empire, named his second son S'abu, but contented himself with giving to the four others the name of Ptahshepses. His eldest son and successor followed his example, for he called at least two of his sons Ptahshepses, and a third S‘abu.4 Under the Middle Empire also we meet with a family in which three daughters were called Nebet-sochet-ent-Re‘, and there are many similar casesd In order to distinguish those of the same name from each other, nick- names or pet names were doubtless provided for daily life ; the inscriptions with their stiff official style rarely inform us what these were. Under the Old Empire the son was often distinguished from his father of the same name by the addition of the Little .6 In time double names were formed from these nicknames, and the great lords and ladies of the pyramid age 1 Louvre, C. 170. 2 L. D., ii. 122. 3 Cp. their tombs, L. D., ii. 142-143. 4 R. J. It., 94 ; Mar. Mast., 378. It is doubtful which of the two generations is the older. 5 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 627. 6 E.g. Mar. Mast., 316, 325, and other examples. M 162 THE LAND OF EGYPT CHAP. often bear a “ little name ” as well as a “ great ” or “ beautiful name.1 2 The first is the child’s name commonly used, as Het'es ; the second is a high-sounding name with some good signification, as Sokar shines zvith spirit. A certain lady Tepes has, for instance, the additional great name of Beautiful is the peace of Hathor, the lady Beb’e Golden peace , and a certain Heba Beautiful leader. A lady of the harem is called Servant of Rc‘, as vVell as Amiable. In later times also we often meet with double names, e.g. Kay Usertsen, Usertsen Senebsenebneb, and a nurse Seneb- tese, who bears the additional name of My heaven endures r Sometimes in order to give an individuality to a name in common use, it was somewhat changed. Thus with the children of the above- mentioned high priest S‘abu and Ptahshepses, the youngest son was called by the pet name Ptahshep J instead of Ptahshepses. With adults also we find similar familiar abbreviations of long names. Pepy-ded’e, Pepy endures is abbreviated to Ded’e, endures} Amendadat and Sebekdadau’e, The gift of Avion and Sobk bestows me often become Dadat and Dadau’e, Gift and Bestoivs me ; Nebet-sochet-ent-Re‘, the Mistress of the fields of Rc\ is cur- tailed to Nebet, Mistress , etc.5 Numerous senseless pet names, which have come down to us from the time of the Old Empire, are probably abbreviations of much older names ; such are: ’Es’e, Ses’e, ’Ess’e, ’Et’e, Tet’e, ’Ett’e, ’Ep’e, Pep’e, ’Epp’e, ’Eff’e, Kek’e, Beb’e, T'eP’e (they were probably pronounced Atoti, Apopi,1’ etc.) With other nations a name as lisped by a child is often used as a term of endearment ; e.g. the English pet names of Dick or Dicky for Richard, Watt and Watty for Walter, Bob or Bobby for Robert. Evidently Bob and Bobby answer to Egyptian forms of the same kind ; for instance, in later times, under the New Empire, we meet with names such as T'ut'y, T'ut’eu, Tey, Naney, Tepa, Pepyu, Papepe, and others. It may be concluded, from what we have said, that the Egyptians attached less importance to names than other nations of the same degree of civilisation. This is strange, for on the other side they thought much of a name enduring to posterity. According to the Egyptian faith, one could do nothing better for any one than by inscriptions and repre- sentations to “ cause his name to live,” and nothing worse than to allow it to perish. The Egyptians zealously endeavoured to root out and destroy the names and figures of people they hated ; this act of revenge was common at all periods, and was practised by kings as well as by private individuals. Thus we find in a tomb of the Old Empire, pre- served intact, that the names and representations of two of the sons of the deceased have been carefully chiselled out, evidently according to the father’s orders, who, after the building of his tomb, had occasion to be displeased with these sons.' A stele from Abydos, which is now in the museum at Leyden, 1 Ren nod'es, ren‘a and ren nofer. E.g. Mar. Mast., 74 ff., 357, 360, 375, 400,436, and frequently. 2 For the latter, Louvre, C. 13. 3 R. J. H., 94 ; Mar. Mast., 378. 4 Mar. Mast., 401 f. 5 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 627. 6 Cp. Tt’e, "Adudis, 'Epepy “ Airutfus. 7 Mar. Mast., 376. VIII FAMILY LIFE 163 belonged to a very distinguished man, the “ hereditary prince, and the prince, the nearest friend of the king, the high priest with the right to wear the royal apron, the judge and prophet of Ma‘at, the great priest of Osiris,” etc., in short, to a high priest of Abydos. In his youth he had held a government appointment ; “ bearing the order of the king, he had done what the king pleased,” his office was “famous in all the country” and King Usertsen I. “ set him amongst his friends, because he was excellent in the eyes of his majesty.” Finally, he succeeded his father as high priest of Abydos, and died after holding this office for twenty-four years. There is nothing in the long inscription to show us that any cloud had come between him and the court, and yet after his death some- thing wrong must have been discovered about him, or some enemy of his must have come into power, for his name has been so carefully erased in the two places where it formerly stood that no sign of it can be read.1 II It follows as a matter of course that the Pharaohs did the same towards rival kings or towards those predecessors whom they disliked. Many examples could be given : for instance, Thothmes III. caused to be chipped out all the names and figures of Chnemtamun his sister, who probably had kept him in tutelage much longer than was right. If we examine closely the mutilated monuments of Queen Chnemtamun we find other injuries, which were not due to the anger of her brother and guardian. The name and figure of the god Amon is carefully erased everywhere, evidently by the heretic king Chuen’eten, who instituted the worship of the sun’s disk, and throughout his reign tried consistently to strike out the name of Amon in all the temples and tombs in the Nile valley. This fanatic attempted to establish the worship of one god, in order that his “ name should endure for ever in the mouth of the living.” The mother had the charge of the child during its infancy, she nursed it for three years and carried it on her neck,1’ — this corresponds exactly to the custom of the modern Egyptians. During the first years of their childhood the boys,3 and very often the girls also,4 went nude. A grand- son of King Chufu was content with nature’s own costume even when he was old enough to be a “ writer in the house of books,” i.e. went to school.5 Many children wore the short plaited lock on the right side of the head, following the example of the youthful god Horus, who was supposed to have worn this side-lock. I cannot say whether all children of a certain age wore this lock, or whether originally it was worn as a mark of distinction by the heir, as the pictures of the Old Empire would lead us to believe.6 It is also uncertain how long it was worn, in one poem the “ royal child I Leyden, v. 4 (L.A.) 2 Pap. de Boul., i. 20, 17 f. 3 O. E. : L. D., ii. 8, 11, 19, 20, 22, 23, 27, etc. N. E. : L. D., iii. 10 b. 4 Nude: O. E. : L. D., ii. 10, 23, 54. N. E. : L. D., iii. 8b. Clothed: L. D., ii. 27, 36. 5 L. D., ii. 23. II Most of the children of the O. E. are without this lock ; it appears, L. D., ii. 1 1, 23, 73 ; Diim. Res., 8 ; Perrot, p. 142. A little princess of the N. E. : L. D., iii. 8 b. A full grown girl in the harem: ib. 106 a. A little prince: L. D., iii. 10 b. Under the twentieth dynasty the royal children usually wear a broad band instead of the lock. 164 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. with the lock ” is a “ boy of ten years old ; ” 1 on the other hand, the young king, Merenre‘ (Dyn. VI.), wore the lock all his life,2 and the royal sons of the New Empire certainly wore it even in their old age.3 The years of childhood, the four years in which each was a “ wise little one,” 4 i.e. a good child, were spent as they are every- where all over the world. The toys, such as the naughty crocodile, the good little man who would jump, and the beautiful dolls which moved their arms,5 show us that the little Egyptian girls were just like other children. There were flowers also and pet birds in the nursery ; and we find that Sechentchak, the above-mentioned little “ writer in the house of books,” was not ashamed to take a poor hoopoo about with him.0 Boyhood, the time of education, followed the period of childhood, which under the New Empire closed with the fourth year.7 The school boy had also his proper costume, which in old times seems to have consisted of a girdle only.8 The Egyptians realised that it was a father’s duty to superintend the education of their children, as we learn from the favourite dialogues between I. DOLL IN FORM OF OUR “PIN- CUSHION DOLLS,” WITH LONG HAIR (Brit. Mus. After Wilk. , ii. 64. A similar one in Berlin). 2. DOLL. THE HAIR IS GONE (Brit. Mus. After Wilk. , ii. 64). CROCODILE WITH MOVABLE JAW (Leyden. After Wilk. , ii. 64. A similar one in Berlin). a father and a son contained in the didactic literature. As a matter of fact, even at this tender age, the children of the upper class were frequently sent away from home ; they wrere either brought up in the palace with the royal children,9 or they had to enter the school belonging to one of the government departments to prepare for their official career.10 Besides the purely scientific instruction of which we shall have to treat in the 1 Inscrip, of Kuban, 1. 16. 2 Maspero, Guide, p. 347. 3 L. D., iii. 166, and frequently. 4 Inscription of the high priest Bekenchons at Munich. 5 Dolls of the eleventh dynasty, of wood and ivory, with movable arms : Maspero, Guide, p. 250. 6 L. D., ii. 23. 7 Inscription of the high priest Bekenchons. 8 Cp. A. Z. , 1882, 2, and the passages referred to there. 9 Cp. the passages referred to above, p. 78. 10 The high priest Bekenchons, for instance, was from his fifth to his fifteenth year assigned to one of the royal stables. VIII FAMILY LIFE 165 14th chapter, and the gymnastic exercises such as swimming;1 the school-course consisted above all in the teaching of ethics, practical philosophy, and good manners. From a book edited probably in the time of the Middle Empire, but written under king ’Ess’e (Dyn. V.),2 we learn how a father ought to instruct his son : “ Be not proud of thine own learning, but do thou take counsel with all, for it is possible to learn from all. Treat a venerable wise man with respect, but correct thine equal when he maintains a wrong opinion. Be not proud of earthly goods or riches, for they come to thee from God without thy help. Calumnies should never be repeated : messages should be faithfully delivered. In a strange house, look not at the women ; marry ; give food to thy household ; let there be no quarrelling about the distribution. For the rest, keep a contented countenance, and behave to thy superiors with proper respect, then shalt thou receive that which is the highest reward to a wise man ; the “ princes who hear thee shall say : ‘ How beautiful are the words which proceed out of his mouth.’ ” 3 JOINTED DOLL, REPRESENTING A SLAVE CRUSHING CORN (Leyden Museum. After Wilk. , ii. 64). A similar instruction of the time of the New Empire gives still more detailed advice. Be industrious, “ let thine eyes be open, lest thou become a beggar ; for the man that is idle cometh not to honour.” 4 Be not importunate nor indiscreet ; “ enter not uninvited into the house of another ; if he bids thee enter thou art honoured. Look not around, look not around in the house of another. If thine eye see anything, be silent about it, and relate it not outside to others, lest if it be heard, it become to thee as a crime worthy of death.5 Speak not too much, for men are deaf to the man of many words ; be silent rather, then shalt thou please, therefore speak not.0 Before all things guard thy speech, for “ a man’s ruin lies in his tongue.' Man’s body is a storehouse, full of all manner of answers. Choose therefore the right one and speak well, and let the wrong answer remain imprisoned in thy body.” s Behave with 1 Inscription at Siut : R. J. II., 2S9, 6 = Mar. mon. div., 68 d. - The second half of the Pap. Prisse. 3 Prisse, 19, 2-3. 4 Pap. de Boul., i. 18, 13 ff. 0 lb. 16, 9 ff. with hypotheses. G lb. 16, 17 f. 7 lb. 20, 9. 8 lb. 20, 9 ff. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. VIII 1 66 propriety at meals, and “ be not greedy to fill thy body.1 Eat not bread whilst another standeth by, unless thou shalt lay his hand on the bread also. . . . One is poor, another is rich, but bread remains to him that is generous. He that was rich in the year that is past, may even in this year become a vagrant.”'2 Never forget to be respectful, and “ do not sit down whilst another stands, who is older than thou, or who holds a higher office than thou dost.” :i These rules for good conduct are enough to show how much the higher classes thought of good manners, and the strict formulae of letter writing (which we shall discuss in the 15th chapter), though they varied according to the rank and position of the correspondents, show us that the Egyptians of the New Empire were lovers of strict etiquette. The formalities of society were certainly not less ceremonious then, than those of the Mahommedan inhabitants of Egypt are now. 1 lb. 21, 7. 2 lb. 21, 3 ff. From the context the word is supposed to be vagrant. 3 lb. 19, 10 ff. ISIS WITH THE CHILD HORUS. (Porcelain statue in the Berlin Museum). restoration of A country house (after the picture p. 176). CHAPTER IX THE HOUSE In speaking of the architecture of ancient Egypt, our minds turn involun- tarily to those wonderful temples and tombs, the ruins of which are the glory of the valley of the Nile. These gigantic buildings, however, form in reality an exception to the usual style of building in Egypt, where the houses were as slight and perishable as the temples were strong and eternal. Instead of thick walls, the houses had walls of Nile mud ; instead of gigantic pillars, pretty wooden supports ; instead of stone roofs, rafters of palm trunks. One feature alone they had in common, the rich colouring which adorned every part of the house as well as of the temple. It may seem surprising that, in spite of the great skill of the Egyptians in building, they should never have used the “eternal stones” for their dwelling houses. The Nile mud offers however such an easy workable material, that for buildings which were not to endure for ever it would have seemed absurd to substitute it by quarried stone. The climate also had to be considered ; a building was required which kept off the violent heat of the sun, but allowed plenty of air to enter everywhere ; a solid stone building would scarcely have been pleasant during the great summer heat of Upper Egypt. A light erection with small airy rooms, hangings of matting over the windows, standing amongst shady trees, and if possible LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAV. 1 68 model IN the louvre (after Perrot-Chipiez). near the cool water — -such was the house best fitted for the Egyptian climate, and such was the house built by the ancient Egyptians at all periods. There was of course a great difference between one house and another. If we leave on one side the houses of the peasants (they lived probably in mud - huts like the modern fellahin) the house of a citizen living with a small household in the narrow streets of the town would perhaps consist merely of a small court with a few rooms at the back, and a flight of steps leading up to the flat roof. This is the plan of the better sort of village houses in Egypt now, and corresponds with some small models of houses in our museums, though the latter probably represent store-houses rather than dwelling-houses.1 The illustration below some- what resembling a box gives the usual character of these small dwelling- houses. It seems to represent a house with thick slanting walls of mud replaced by thin walls of laths below the window's ; above is a small upper story open to the flat roof in front. A thick pillar, probably of mud, like the similar supports in modern Egyptian houses, forms the only decoration of the little house. On the other hand, the great lord who lived in his park outside the town was not con- tent with a building of this sort ; he wanted a house for himself, another for his wife, another for the kitchen, a reception hall for distinguished guests, a provision house, dwellings for the servants, etc. As is the case now in the East, a palace of this kind must really have constituted a towm-quarter. MODEL OF A HOUSE. UNKNOWN PERIOD (Louvre. After Perrot-Chipiez). 1 The model in the Louvre certainly represents a granary ; the holes in the top are to pour in the corn. In the court of the one in the Brit. Mus. (Wilk., i. 35 1 )> a woman pounding corn in a mortar ; it was formerly full of corn. A stove is in the court of the one in the Gizeh Museum (Maspero Guide, p. 293 f.) They all probably represent places in which bread might be prepared, and this renders it intelligible why they put these models in the tombs. IX THE HOUSE 169 Unfortunately it is now almost impossible to form an exact picture of the appearance of an ancient Egyptian town, for nothing remains of the famous great cities of ancient Egypt except mounds of rubbish ; not even in Memphis nor in Thebes is there even the ruin of a house to be found, for later generations have ploughed up every foot of arable land for corn. The only ruins that remain are those of the town “ Horizon of the Sun,” 1 built for himself by the reformer Chu-en-’eten, and destroyed by violence after his death ; this city lay outside the arable country, and therefore it was not worth while to till the ground on which it had stood. We can still trace the broad street that ran the whole length of the town which was about three miles long and half a mile broad, and see that on either side of the street were large public buildings with courts and enclosures. It is impossible to trace how that part of the town occupied by the numerous small private buildings was laid out. It is probable that the great towns in ancient Egypt often changed their position, like the eastern towns of the Middle Ages. It was custom- ary in the East that a mighty monarch should begin at his accession to “ build a city ; ” he generally chose an outlying quarter of the town or a village near the capital as the site of his palace, and transferred to it the seat of his government. Occasionally this new place was permanent, but as a rule it was never finished, and disappeared a few generations later, after a successor had established a new residence for himself. Thus the capital in the course of centuries moved hither and thither, and officially at least changed its name ; this was the case with almost every great city of the East. A king might also choose a new plot of ground far from the capital without its becoming on that account more permanent. We know for certain that this was customary with the Pharaohs of the New Empire ; Thebes was indeed maintained as the capital of the kingdom, on account of her great sanctuaries, but the king resided in some newly-founded city bearing the name of the founder. The new city was built “ after the plan of Thebes ” 2 with granaries and storehouses, with gardens and tanks that it might be “sweet to live in,” 3 and the court poet sung of her glory in his “ account of the victory of the lord of Egypt : ” 4 “ His Majesty has built for himself a fortress, ‘ Great in victory ’ is her name. She lies between Palestine and Egypt, And is full of food and nourishment. Her appearance is as On of the South, And she shall endure like Memphis. The sun rises in her horizon And sets within her boundaries,3 All men forsake their towns And settle in her western territory. Amon dwells in the southern part, in the temple of Sutech, But Astarte dwells towards the setting of the sun, 2 An. 3, 2, 1. 5 That is : the king lives in her. 1 Plan of Tell el Amarna, L. D., i. 63, 64. 3 lb. 4 An., 4, 6, 1 ft'. 7o LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. And Ud'oit on the northern side.1 The fortress which is within her Is like the horizon of heaven, ‘ Ramses beloved of Anion ’ is god there, And ‘ Mentu in the countries ’ is speaker, The 1 Sun of the ruler ’ is governor, he is gracious to Egypt, And ‘ Favourite of Atum’ is prince, to whose dwelling all people go.” In the same way we know that Amenemhe‘t, a king of the Middle pire, built a town for his residence in the Feyum, and erected his pyramids close by. The last circumstance explains what otherwise would appear most strange. We are accustomed to accept the Greek tradition that the kings of the pyramid age resided at Memphis, the city of the ancient temple of Ptah and of the famous citadel of the “ white wall.” The temple of Ptah lay near the present village of Mitrahine, and the royal fortress must also have been in the same neighbourhood. If we go through the monu- ments of the Old Empire we see with astonish- ment that they never mention the town of Memphis, at least not under its later name of Mennufer. Under each king “ his town ” is spoken of as if each ruler had his own chief town ; and the determinative sign of a pyramid always follows the word town, as if the town and pyramid of each Pharaoh were inseparable. If we now look at the line of pyramids as it appears in the accompanying sketch, we become aware of the striking fact that the pyramid which we know to be the most ancient is very far removed from the old site of Memphis. If we accept the general opinion that Chufu and Cha'fre' resided at Memphis then we must also admit the strange fact that they built their tombs three miles from their capital, whilst the desert ground in the immediate neighbourhood was wholly bare of buildings. It is difficult to believe this ; it is far more likely that the town of Chufu was in reality near his pyramid. The residence of Cha'fre' and of Menkere1 was also probably at Gizeh, that of the kings of the 5th dynasty at Abusir and to the north of Sakkarah, whilst that of the Pharaohs of the 6th dynasty was close to the site of the later town of Memphis. In corroboration of this opinion we find that the oldest pyramid erected close to Memphis, the tomb of Pepy, was called Mennufer, the same name that Memphis bore later. The town of King Pepy probably bore the same name as his pyra- mid, and from that town the later town Mennufer — Memphis — was developed, which in the course of time grew to be a gigantic city with the 1 The position of the temple of each divinity indicated the part of the sky where that divinity was supposed to dwell. IX THE HOUSE 171 famous temple, the “ house of the image of Ptah, and the fortress of the “ white wall.” Whilst the residences of the older kings have completely disappeared, leaving no trace except their pyramids, the residence of Pepy prospered on account of its vicinity to an important town. The ruins of the towns having disappeared, it is very difficult to form any idea of an ancient Egyptian dwelling-house, and we should be quite powerless to do so, were it not for some coffins in the form of houses belonging to the time of the Old Empire. If we look at the picture of the coffin of King Menkens' (Dyn. IV.) which once stood in his pyramid at Gizeh and now lies at the bottom of the Adriatic, we see at the first sarcophagus OF menker£' (after Perrot-Chipiez). glance that it represents a house.1 This house had three doors on the long side and one on the short side ; above each was a latticed window. Graceful little pillars, projecting slightly from the wall, support the beams, on which rests the concave portion of the flat roof. A mere glance convinces us that this house was built by a carpenter and not by a mason ; we can see clearly how the horizontal beams fit into those that are vertical. There are no large wall-spaces as there are 1 Coffins in the form of houses: King Menkere', Perrot, p. 109. Chufu'anch, Terrot, p. 188, 189. Coffin at Gizeh, L. D., i. 30. The splendid house-shaped coffin of Mentuhotep (Berlin) of the Middle Empire, which as we see was fully painted. 172 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. in brickwork ; the whole house is put together of thin laths and planks. Trunks of palms are used only at the corners and for the beams of the roof. The ordinary character of these buildings is seen by the accompanying sketch from Chipiez ; the details are rather arbitrary. This style of build- ing was no exception to the rule, as we see by the numerous represent- ations of doors in the Memphite tombs. A door, similar to the door of an ancient house, was chiselled within the tomb on the west wall,1 and this is always very much like those seen on the above coffin. Its form is some- times simple, sometimes rather ornamental, but it is always painted in bright colours. Doubtless the houses were also adorned in this brilliant manner ; each lath, each board, was either painted or gaily figured. The broader piers RESTORATION OF A HOUSE OF THE OLD EMPIRE (after Perrot-Chipiez). COFFIN OF THE OLD EMPIRE IN the form of A house (after L. D. , i. 30. Tomb 98 at Gizeh). were, however, hung with carpets, each with its own pattern and its own colour." Such a building would appear most strange under our grey sky, but in the Egyptian sunlight the pretty systematic arrangement of the woodwork and the richness of the colour must have been most effective. 1 False doors in tombs, Perrot, p. 181 ( = P1. 13, 14), 512, 513; L. D., i. 25, 26, 29, 41 ; L. D., ii. 10, 11, 16, 17, 33, 48, etc. 2 Perrot, PI. 13, 14; L. D., ii. 98. IX THE HOUSE 1 73 All the houses of the rich however were not so highly decorated. The accompanying illustration represents a coffin of an unknown man, and gives us an example of a model of a house of much simpler construc- tion. The smooth undivided walls are evidently of brick, the recess containing the door alone shows distinct wooden construction. The disposition of the rooms in this house must also have been very different from the above-mentioned luxurious wooden building ; this one has only' two doors altogether, the walls of the back of the house and of the two short sides being pierced alone by' windows. The dimensions of some of these old palaces were very considerable, thus ‘Amt'en, the great man of the south, with whom we have had so much to do (pp. 83-85), built a house for himself “two hundred ells long and two hundred broad,” a square building therefore, with each side measur- ing over a hundred yards.1 Unfortunately we know very little of the arrangement of the furniture of these buildings. Once only, in the tomb of Ymery', a superintendent of the royal property’,2 part of the inside of a house is given. Ymery has caused himself to be represented there seated in a pillared hall receiving the funerary offerings. Four rows of light wooden pillars nearly' 20 feet high, with capitals in the form of flowers, support the flat roof. A gaily coloured carpet is hung between the pillars at the back ; screened in this way from the sight of the servants, Ymery sits here on a high backed seat under which crouches his greydiound ’Eken’e. The room is filled with tables of food and jugs of liquid, and from a bar, which runs the whole length of the room below the ceiling, hang pieces of roast meat. This is evidently the great dining-hall, which then, as well as a century' later, constituted the chief room of an Egyptian palace. Rugs, like those which adorn Ymery’s chair, evidently play a great part in the decoration of the room, and we shall scarcely make a mistake in thinking that the inner sides of the walls were hung with carpets like the outer. The lower part of the wall remained uncovered : with real artistic sense they' preferred a dado of a heavier style, and therefore allowed the timber-work to be seen. This was the more decorative as they understood how to make the woodwork in alternate pieces cut cross and lengthwise.3 The round trunks of the palms which formed the roof were also often left uncovered that they might be seen. In some cases they were splendidly' decorated like those beautiful roofs in the tombs, which we admire so much. The Egyptians preferred to have the doors and windows small and high ; there was a wooden roller at the top of each which served to roll up the mat which hung over the opening. Let us now pass over the long series of centuries dividing the Old from the New Empire, and we shall find that though for this later period 1 L. D. , ii. 7. The courts and storehouses were of course included in this reckoning;. 2 L. D., ii. 52. 3 L. D., ii. 20. In this tomb a piece of stone wall is seen below the painted woodwork, and in the houses also a few feet of the brickwork may sometimes have been visible below. 174 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. we have at our disposal more material than before, yet we are still unable to give a wholly satisfactory picture. The representations of houses and palaces which we get from the tombs of Thebes and Tell el Amarna are unfortunately drawn in the same unfortunate style as the Egyptians used for landscape. When an Egyptian artist represented a man or an animal he gave the contours clearly and reasonably in profile, but when he had to draw a great building, a temple, or a garden, his good genius forsook him. In treating such an important and complex object he wished if possible to show every part of it ; he therefore did not draw the house from the front nor from the side, but made a picture of both sides together, and when the house had an upper story with three chambers, he put these three rooms close by also. He considered his duty accomplished when he had placed all the details before the spectator, but he did not care whether the spectator understood how these details fitted together. We have to face another difficulty in order to comprehend these pictures ; the Egyptian artist has no sense of proportion between the different parts of the representation. If, for instance, the king is standing in one of the rooms of the building in question, our artist would, regard- less of truth, draw that room ten times as large as all the others together, and even in one picture he frequently changes his standard of measure- ment. The reader must beware of these peculiarities in considering the following restorations of Egyptian buildings. The pictures in the Theban tombs, representing the small country houses of Egyptians of rank, instruct us as to the outside of private houses of the time of the New Empire. One of these is a low two-storied building, and like all the houses of this time very bare on the outside. It has smooth white-washed brick walls, and the plain white surface is only varied by the projecting frames of the door and win- dows. The ground floor seems to have no windows, but the first story has, in addition to its two windows, a kind of balcony. The roof, above which we can see the trees of the garden behind, is very strange, — it is flat, but has a curious top, which perhaps answers to the Mulkuf of the modern Egyptian house ; an oblique con- struction of boards which catches the cool north wind and conducts it into the upper story of the house. We see in the Theban wall-picture on p. 1761 a country house of the 1 After Ros. M. C. , 68 ( = Perrot, p. 453, after Champ, mon. 1 74). My opinion differs considerably from that of Perrot, who thinks this picture represents all four sides of the building together, which is I think quite erroneous. The picture (which apparently is unfinished) is only a part of a larger one, as we see by the fact that the lower part of the wall and half of the door on the right side are wanting. It would be quite worth while to search for the rest. After Wilk. , i. 361. IX THE HOUSE 175 time of the 1 8th dynasty; it was not represented on account of its special grandeur, but as being the scene of a home-festival. In the open porch before the house are the vessels of wine, while the food is on tables adorned with garlands ; numerous jars, loaves, and bowls stand close by, hidden by a curtain from the guests who are entering. Whilst the latter greet their host a jar of wine with its embroidered cover is carried past, and two servants in the background, who seem to be of a very thirsty nature, have already seized some drinking bowls. The house itself lies in a corner of the garden, which is planted with dark green foliage trees, figs, and pomegranates, and in which there is also an arbour covered with vines. The garden is surrounded by a wall of brownish brick pierced by two granite doors. Though the house has two stories it strikes us as very small ; it has only one door which, as was customary at that time, is placed at one side of the principal wall and not in the middle. The ground floor seems to be built of brick and to be whitewashed ; it is lighted by three small windows with wooden lattice- work ; the door has a framework of red granite. The first story is in quite a different style, the walls are made of thin boards, the two windows are large, their frames project a little from the wall and are closed by brightly coloured mats. This story contains probably the principal room of the house, the room for family life. A curious fact confirms this sup- position : the window-hangings have a small square piece cut out at the bottom allowing the women to see out of the windows without themselves being seen. A similar arrangement exists now in modern Egyptian houses. The roof of the second story rests on little pillars and is open on all sides to the air. Ventilation is much thought of also in the other parts of the house, for the whole of the narrow front is left open and can only be closed by a large curtain of matting. In our picture this is only half drawn up, so as to conceal the interior of the ground floor from the guests. In order to protect this part of the house from the great heat of the Theban sun, a wonderful canopy, borne by six thin blue wooden pillars, is carried over the whole building, and brought forward like a porch in the front of the house. Our picture shows us how this porch was used ; it was the place in which the Egyptians enjoyed the pleasures of life ; here they could breathe the sweet breath of the north wind and enjoy the flowers and trees of the garden. An excellent restoration of this house forms the frontispiece to this chapter. The above details show plainly that the gentlefolk of Egypt preferred to live far from the bustle of the world ; this is still more apparent in the case of another house of the same epoch. The gentleman to whom the garden described on p. 195 belonged had his house hidden in the farthest corner of his garden, behind high leafy trees screening it from inquisitive eyes. People passing on the canal would only see the tops of the trees over the white wall : the simplicity of the house corresponds with its hidden situation. It is a one-storied building with a higher wing LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. 176 visit TO A country house (after Ros. M. IX THE HOUSE 1 77 something like a tower on the left ; it has plain wooden walls, the only decoration of which consists in the hollow below the roof and the project- ing frames and pillars of the windows. Unfortunately the details of the plan are very obscure. A country house, such as we have described above, cannot be considered as a complete example of the house of an Egyptian gentleman. It is so small that it would be impossible to find room for a large household. There are no servants’ rooms, no storerooms, no kitchens. All these offices, which might be dispensed with in the country, are absolutely necessary in a town house : the number of servants employed in the household of a rich man will alone give us an idea of the size required for his residence. The plans of the houses which are given in the tombs of Tell el Amarna are in fact quite different from the above. Instead of a single building with several stories we here find a number of one-storied rooms and halls grouped round small courts. This characteristic is common to all, though the details of the plans may vary a good deal according to the taste or the wealth of the proprietor. The two houses represented in the tomb of the high priest Meryre* are perhaps the most simple in their arrangement ; one is drawn from the front, the other from the side. They seem both to have belonged to that wealthy priest.1 The new city extended a long way, and it is quite conceivable that he may have thought it necessary to have one house near the temple and another near the palace 1 After L. D., iii. 93 and 96 b. I have a suspicion that both pictures represent the same building, in spite of all the variations in detail. N •78 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. of his master. The two buildings resemble each other very much, and in our description we will treat them as the same. The ground plan was rectangular, and the whole was surrounded by a wall which could only be entered on the short side in front of the house where there was the principal door with a small door on either hand. Inside the wall was a court where we see the servants busy sweeping and sprinkling with water. The farther wall of this court forms the front of three small buildings. The arrangement of the two side rooms is obscure — we can only see a row of pillars in the interior of them ; the central building however certainly served as a vestibule to the great hall which lay behind. This vestibule is a coquettish kiosk borne by four pretty pillars, the wall in front only reaching half way up. The top of this wall and the posts of the doors are adorned with rows of uraeus snakes in bronze. There is a porch in front of the vestibule, like that in the country house mentioned above. IX THE HOUSE 179 Passing through the kiosk we enter the most important room in the Egyptian house, the great dining - hall supported by pillars. The large dining table stands in the middle covered with dishes, bowls of fruit, and loaves of bread ; roast meat and other articles of food are placed upon smaller tables ; there are also flowers and gay necklets, the requi- sites for an Egyptian dinner-party. In the back part of the hall a row of immense wine jars are built into the wall. On either side of the table stand one or two arm-chairs, and close to one of them is a basin with a jug of water ; evidently the present Oriental cus- tom of pouring water over the hands after eating is no modern innovation. Behind the dining- hall, but separated from it by a small court, are the store- rooms and a sleeping apartment. The room on the right side of the latter is not entered directly from the court but through a small ante-chamber; a large bed piled high with pillows and bolsters stands in the middle. PLAN OF THE HOUSE OF MERYRfe' (after L. D. , iii. 93), A. Court. B. Vestibule with porch. C. D. Porters’ rooms. E. Dining hall. G. Vestibule. H. Bedroom. I. L. Bakery. M, N. Kitchens. O. Court. a. Seats for the porters. b. Large table. c. Seat for the master. d. Small tables. e. Jugs. f. Bed. g. Toilet-table. h. Table with bread. i. Bowls on stands. k. Jugs. l. Hearth. i8o LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. To the left is the bakery, consisting of an ante -room and two other rooms ; here a workman is busy pounding corn in a great mortar. Two large rooms filled with jars serve as kitchens ; in each room there is a low hearth. Two doors 1 lead to these rooms behind ; the larger door is in the middle of the dining-hall, and is evidently destined for the company and for the ser- vants when wait- ing at meals. The servants usually however passed through the vesti- bule to the left into the left side of the hall, which was left unfurnished, and thence through a little door into the court at the back. There was no direct way from the storerooms into the street, the servants had always to pass through the great hall ; a fault in the plan which seems strange enough. Another curious fact about Meryre's house is that there were no women’s apartments. This puzzle is easily explained by the inscriptions in his tomb : in no place is his wife mentioned. Meryre1 therefore was an old bachelor. This is also the reason that in one of his dining-halls we see but one chair ; the great lord ate his dinner alone. The accompanying plate gives a restoration of this interesting building. The artist has succeeded very well in giving to the surroundings the general character of an ancient Egyptian town. A house of very different plan was that in which the above-mentioned (p. i 19) “ holy father” ’Ey lived with his family at Tell el Amarna.2 The shape of the plan was again rectangular, with the short side parallel to the street ; it was therefore impossible to have the usual arrangement of courts and buildings. The stately enclosed court with its three doors and the three vestibules PLAN of the house of ’ey (after L. D. , iii. 106). A. Servants’ room. B, C. Bedchambers. D, E. Pantries. F. Dining hall. G. Bedroom. H. Dining-room. I. Kitchen. K. Bakery. M, L, O, P. Women’s apartments. N, R. Bedchambers for the women. S, T. Kitchens for the servants. Y. Garden. U, W, Z. Courts. 1 This refers to the one building, the other possesses but one entrance door : therefore in the latter the left side of the dining-hall is not left free. 2 After L. D., iii. 106 a. The smaller corner-room is completed from Prisse’s publication of this- plan. It is doubtful whether the ground-plan was really rectangular, or whether it is so represented from want of room. RESIDENCE OF A WEALTHY EGYPTIAN OF THE TIME OF THE i8tii DYNASTY. AFTER THE PLANS L. 1)., HI. 93, 96. RESTORATION BY P. LAUSER. I he walls are broken away to show the interior of the vestibule on the left, and of the great dining-hall. [ To face pa^e 180. THE HOUSE 1S1 beyond are not to be found here ; if we enter from the street' we find ourselves in front of three small buildings, and of these the one on the left alone (the room of the servant on duty) has rather a dignified appearance, the other two being merely additional storerooms for wine and oil. Were it not for the fan-bearers standing in front of the door, no one would guess that this insignificant house was the residence of the mighty favour- ite of Pharaoh. To the right of these buildings we pass through a small door into a narrow court, where the ser- vants are busy with their brooms and water-pots. The stately building beyond is the dining-hall, which is arranged in the usual manner. A door leads from the back of the dining-hall into a court, through which we reach the kitchen and the master’s bedroom. In the middle of the latter is an immense four-post bedstead, near which stand three small beds, which may be intended for ’Ey’s children. A second smaller dining-room adjoins the bedroom ; it contains as usual two arm-chairs with footstools, a large dining table, and jars of wine ; the jug and wash-basin have also not been forgotten. Appar- ently ’Ey and his wife Tey only used their great dining- hall on festive occasions. This court and the long wing which stretches to the PART OF THE HOUSE OF ’EY. Rooms G-N (after L. D. , iii. 106). LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. left of it is the scene of the daily life of the household. Servants are grouped together in the corners, gossiping busily over the news of the day ; sitting on low stones before the entrance to the master’s rooms are the porters, who join, though from a distance, in the interesting conversation. If we leave the court on the left and go round the kitchen we find ourselves in front of a handsome building which is nothing less than the harem belonging to ’Ey — the dwelling of his wife, of her attendants, and of his children. He possessed two similar houses turned back to back, and separated by a small garden containing trees and tanks of water. Each house is divided into two rooms supported by pillars, behind each of which are two other rooms for the musical instruments and the toilet requisites. No work was ever done here. Behind the two houses for the women, at the further end of the piece of ground, are two other kitchens, apparently intended for the servants, several of whom are squatting round this build- ing, busily intent on eating their dinner from small tables. The houses which we have now considered suffice to give us an idea of the private dwellings of the New Empire. If we put aside the question of the above-mentioned country houses, we find that the following parts belong to the complete town house of the I 8th dynasty : a great vestibule with an ante-room for the porter ; behind that the large dining-hall, the prin- cipal room in the whole house ; beyond, a small court, to the right of which was the sleeping apartment of the master ; to the left, the kitchen and store-room. Then beyond still further follows the house for the women and the garden. Doubtless this plan holds good for all the large private houses, and even the king’s palace differed only in size and grandeur.1 2 The palace has a vestibule with a principal door and two side doors ; three small buildings with a row of pillars extending along the front forms the further side of this vestibule. The central building (answering to the kiosk-like ante-chamber in the house of Meryre‘) is often represented in the tombs of Tell el Amarna ; the king and queen appear on the balcony above, to show themselves to their faithful servants and to throw down presents to them. This balcony, the smshd, which is frequently mentioned, forms a charac- teristic part of the royal palace ; the king appears 2 on it to inspect the heaps of tribute below and the slaves who are led before him. This “ great balcony ” was therefore richly decorated ; it consisted of “ good gold ” or of “ lapislazuli and malachite.” 3 Behind the three ante- chambers are the state rooms, two immense dining halls, and adjoining one of these is the kitchen and the sleeping apartment of the monarch. In the latter his bedstead stands surrounded by flowers in bloom. Not far from the temple of Medinet Habu there is a ruin, which is 1 The palace of the king : L. D., iii. 108-109 ; the details are very obscure owing to the change in the scale of measure. The kiosk of the palace: L. D., iii. 103, 108 ; the remarkable building L. D., iii. 99, with its ramp seems to belong here. 2 Harr., i. 4, 12. 3 lb. and An., 3, 7, 5. IX THE HOUSE 183 probably the remains of a royal castle. Ramses II. and Ramses III. had, as I have already remarked (p. 70), laid out certain palaces near the temples which they had founded on the western bank. The pleasing build- ing with narrow rooms, like a tower, so well known by the name of the SEAT OF THE TIME OF THE 4TH DYNASTY ARM-CHAIR OF THE TIME OF THE 5TH DYNASTY (after L. D. , ii. 44). (after L. D. , ii. 74 c). “ Pavilion of Medinet Habu,” belongs to the noble royal palace, which Ramses III. built here for himself “ like the hall of Atum, which is in the heavens, with pillars, beams, and doors of silver, and a great balcony of good gold upon which to ap- pear.1 ” Contrary to custom Ramses III. built the front of his palace of quarried stone, and therefore the ruins of this part remain whilst no trace is left of the palace proper. We have fortu- nately very definite knowledge about the furniture of the ancient Egyptian house ; it was distinguished at chair in the leyden museum (after Wilk. , i. 410). all periods by elegance and good sense. The chairs and couches were specially handsome ; 1 Harr., i. 4, 1 1. 184 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. they were often made of ebony inlaid with ivory,1 and from the earliest period it was customary to shape the feet like the paws of a lion, and if possible to bring in the head of a lion also, as if the king of beasts were offering his back as a seat to the great lord. The most ancient form of seat is a wooden stool covered by a cushion, and carved into the form of a lotus-flower behind, while the legs are shaped like those of STOOL MADE OF EBONY INLAID WITH IVORY (British Museum. After Wilk. , i. 413). a lion.2 3 It is intended for one or for two persons, and appears to have been used even down to the time of the New Empire. Under the 5th dynasty this seat usually had high sides and a back.1 These seats are too high and stiff to appear at all comfort- able, and in fact under the Middle Empire the back was sloped and the sides were lowered.4 * * Under the New Empire seats like that seen in the accompanying illustration were in general use. The reader will recognise that they resemble those given in the above repre- sentations of houses from Tell el Amarna.J They are as a rule covered with thick downy cushions, and rarely, as in old times, with a simple stuffed leather seat.0 Most of them are higher than the corre- sponding seats of the Old Empire, and a footstool is therefore necessary.' There are many other forms of 1 L. D., ii. 19. Cp. Wilk., i. 413, 414. 2 Dyn. IV. : L. D., ii. 10, 11, 13, 17 d, 19. Dyn. V. : L. D., ii. 44, 51. Dyn. XII. : L. D., ii. 134 b. Dyn. XVIII. : L. D., iii. 9. 3 L. D., ii. 42, 47, 52, 56, 57, 61, 74 c. 4 L. D., ii. 127. 5 L. D., iii. 39, 64, 99, 100, 208 d, 230, there are exceptions without the lions’ paws. 6 See the illustration (chap, xi.) of the wall-picture now in the British Museum. A similar leather seat is preserved (Wilk., i. 414). 7 After L. D., iii. 100, 208 d, 230. IX THE HOUSE 185 seats besides these splendid examples, such as stools without backs or lions’ paws, made out of palm branches lightly put together ; stools made of ebony of careful workmanship ; seats which could be folded together like our camp-stools,1 and low seats for old people, thickly cushioned like our sofas, etc.2 The couch also belongs here. It is really only a broader seat, decorated COUCH (i), WITH HEAD-REST (2) ; THE LITTLE STEPS (3) BELOW SERVE TO GET UP ON THE COUCH (Tomb of Ramses III. After Wilk., i. 416). usually with lions’ paws and frequently with a great lion’s head.3 Cushions might be piled up on these couches, as the reader can see in the sleeping apartments in our plan of a house ; as a remarkable contrast to the enjoyment of comfort which this suggests we find that a wooden head-rest was used as a pillow at all periods. This was pushed under the neck so that the head hung free over the cushions ; the artificial wig of the sleeper thus remained uninjured, this being the sole raisojt d'etre of this uncomfortable object. The Egyptians originally had no tables, at least not of the shape which has come down to us from classical times. Under the Old Empire high or low stands of the above shapes were used. These were often made of 1 L. D., iii. 64, 105. Camp-stool with a high back and cushions. L. D. , iii. 208 a. 2 L. D., ii. 126 (M.E.) This is evidently the throne of the hieroglyphics. 3 E.g. L. D., ii. 126. 1 86 LIFE IN A ANIENT EGYPT CHAP. coloured stone.1 On each was placed a jug or cup, or e.g.y as a preparation for meals, a flat basket which then served as a dinner-plate ; a low frame- work of thin laths was also in use, especially as a stand for jars. These lath-stands in later times constituted the only form of table that was used ; in the houses of Tell el Amarna we see them of all sizes in the dining-hall of the master as well as in the bedrooms and kitchens. It is but rarely that we find the old stands for jars and baskets, and then as a rule only in representations of offerings.2 Instead of cupboards they used large wooden boxes to keep their clothes and such like property. Under the New Empire these were gener- ally in the shape of the accompanying illustration with a round cover rising high at the back.5 In order to obtain a right idea of an Egyptian interior, to the list of furniture which we have already considered, we must finally add carpets and curtains. A tomb of the 5 th dynasty 4 shows us how the walls were covered with coloured matting ; in other tombs of the same period we see screens about the height of a man, formed of perhaps sixty pieces of different patterns ; they stand near where the master sat.5 Thick rugs for covering the floor are found at all periods. The chair of the master is placed on one ; and when the ladies sit on the floor at the feasts, beautiful rugs are spread for them. 1 The colour certainly of the stone: L.D., ii. 19, 20. What the little notch means above and below on these stands I cannot tell. It sometimes happens (e.g. L. D., ii. 57 b) that the foot and the basket are firmly joined together. 2 The stands of the tables of offerings are higher than those of the Old Empire. 3 The boxes of the Old Empire which I know have flat covers : L. D., ii. 96. Badeker, p. 409. 4 Perrot-Chipiez, PI. 14. 5 L. D., ii. 57, 63, 64. IX THE HOUSE 1 87 From the above-mentioned pictures from Tell el Amarna we can see in what grand style an Egyptian lord lived, and we may be sure that he required a vast number of servants. Our knowledge of these dependants is gleaned chiefly from the details that we have of the courts of the nomarchs of the I 2th dynasty. The chief of the household consisted of an old “ superintendent of the provision house,” who had the charge of the store-rooms.1 2 He had the supervision of the bakery as well as of the slaughter-house, and grew so stout in the exercise of his duties that at the funeral festival of his master he was not able to carry his own offering.1 A ladies’ PARTY under the new EMPIRE (after Wilk., ii. 353. Thebes). At the head of the kitchen stood the “superintendent of the dwelling;”3 the serfs 4 were subject to him ; the “ superintendent of the bakehouse ” 5 governed the bakery and the “ scribe of the sideboard ” 6 7 was originally appointed to take charge of his master’s drinks. To these we must add the porter, the baker, the gardener, and other under-servants, as well as handicraftsmen and women who worked for the master. Smaller house- holds under the Middle Empire were arranged of course in a more modest manner, yet they often had their serfs,' bakers, s and other servants, 1 A storeroom is seen in a picture of Tell el Amarna (Wilk., i. 340, 348) it contains twenty-four small rooms, in which are kept various assorted breads, drinks, fish, fruit, boxes of clothes, and vessels of precious metal. Close by are the granaries. Unfortunately we cannot discover from Wilk. whether these buildings belong to a private house ; I therefore pass over them here. 2 L. D., ii. 126, 128. o p I as chief of the kitchen: Ros. M. C., 83, 2. Mar. Cat. d’Ab. , 740. L. D., ii. 128, 129. Cp. the remarks p. 105. — I L. D., ii. 1 3 1. Ib. 126. 6 L. D., ii. 131. He is generally spoken of as scribe of the libations, and is therefore a priestly official. 7 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 650. Everything in the following remarks applies to the Middle Empire. | | Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 606, 634. What the 0 (ib. and frequently) are, I do not know. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAI>. 1 88 who were certainly some of them bond-servants ; there were also female slaves -,1 pretty Syrians were often chosen to wait on the master.2 In the royal court at any rate there were bond-servants, who were under their “ great superintendent ” ; and amongst the upper servants of the household there were certainly many foreign imported slaves.3 But these royal “ provision superintendents,” 4 “ superintendents of the dwelling,” 5 serfs,6 “ bearers of cool drinks,” 7 “ scribes of the sideboard,” 8 “ preparers of sw’eets,” 9 as they are called, were people of importance and respectability, and the more so because the Egyptians at all times were very fond of good cooking. It sounds indeed very modest when, in the prayers for the deceased, the Egyptian prayed that he might have for his nourishment in heaven bread and beer, goose and beef ; but a glance at the lists of offerings in the tombs shows us that they knew very well that all bread and all meat was not the same thing. These curious lists claim for the deceased not less than ten sorts of different meat, five kinds of birds, sixteen kinds of bread and cake, six kinds of wine, and four of beer, and eleven varieties of fruit, as well as “all manner of sweet things,” 10 etc. These dishes were not passed down from one generation to another, as is the case with a primitive people ; rather they were like our dishes, subject to fashion. We have the menu of the meal which was to be prepared for a king of the 19th dynasty in the various towns he passed through on his journey with the court ; and in the list of ten varieties of bread and five sorts of cake there is scarcely one which was in common use under the Old Empire.11 They had foreign dishes as well as those of home manufacture. In a very ancient sacred book we read that the gods eat the fine bread of Qamh, i.e. the trap of the Semites.12 The names also of a good many of the dishes of the New Empire show them to be importations. It was from the neighbouring northern countries, particularly Syria, Asia Minor, and Mesopotamia, that the Egyptians procured culinary delicacies. For the “ princes ” there were the “ great well-baked loaves ” made from the corn of T'uret (ni’B), and for the soldiers various kinds of Syrian bread from Qamh,13 as the Keleshet bread, and especially the Arupusa (d/V<£d?). The)'- obtained good wine from Charu; beer from Qede ; fine oil from ’Ersa, Cheta, Sangar, ’Emur, T’echesa, and Naharena ; the best figs came from Charu.14 These articles of food were however not always really imported ; I lb. 615, 705. 2 lb. 690, 697. Louvre C., 170. 3 An., 4, 16, 2 = An., 3, 8, 3. 4 Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 384, 582, 691. 5 lb. 751. Cp. also p. 190, note 3. 6 M. E. : ib. 642, 659, 671, 684. 7 Ib. 644. 8 O. E. : R. J. H., 2. M. E. : Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 707. 9 O. E. : L. D., ii. 95 a. M. E. : Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 723. N. E. : ib. 406. 10 Cp. the group of lists of offerings of the O. E. in Diimichen, tomb-palace of Petamenap T., 18-26. II An., 3, 14, 12 ff. 12 In the pyramid texts : Teti, 57. In the old lists of offerings (Diimichen, ib. 66) next to the words, “ the bread which is in the country ” (63) that is the native bread. The writing also seems to indi- cate a foreign product. 13 An., 4, 17, 6. Cp. An., 4, 13, 12 ff. 14 An., 4, 15, 2 ff. IX THE HOUSE 189 besides the real “ Oede beer from the port,” 1 there was the Oede beer which was brewed in Egypt by foreign slaves.'2 We know very little unfortunately of how the dishes were prepared. The favourite national dish, the goose, was generally roasted over live embers ; the spit is very primitive — a stick stuck through the beak and neck of the bird.3 They roasted fish in the same way, sticking the spit through the tail.4 The roast did not, of course, look very appetising after this manner of cooking, and it had to be well brushed by a wisp of straw before beins; eaten. A low slab of limestone served as a hearth ; even the shepherds, living in the swamps with their cattle, took this apparatus about with them. In the kitchen 3 of Ymery, superintendent of the domain of King Shepseskaf, the hearth is replaced by a metal brasier with pretty open-work sides. In the same kitchen we see how the meat is cut up on low tables and cooked ; the smaller pots have been placed on a brasier, the large ones stand on two ROAST GOOSE. supports over the open fire. It is only when we come to the time of the New Empire that we find, in representations of the kitchen of Ramses III., a great metal kettle with feet standing on the fire ; the kitchen boy is stirring the contents with an immense two-pronged fork. The floor of the whole of the back part of the kitchen is composed of mud and little stones, and is raised about a foot in order to form the fireplace, above which, under the ceiling, extends a bar on which is hung the stock of meat. Bread-making held a high place in the housekeeping at all periods, bread in different forms being the staple article of food with the people.6 We know therefore a good deal about it. We may take it for granted that the Egyptians, at any rate in the older periods, had no mills ; we never find one represented in their tombs. On the contrary, in the time of the Middle as well as of the New Empire we find representations of great mortars in which one or two men are “ pounding the corn ” with heavy pestles, just in the same way as is done now in many parts of 1 An., 3, 3, 6. 2 An., 4, 16, 3 = An., 3, 8, 5. 3 Roast goose — O. E. : L. D., ii. 66, 77 ; Badeker, 404. Cp. L. D. , ii. 52. 4 L. D., ii. 10. 8 Kitchens— O. E. : L. D., ii. 52 ( = Ros. M. C., 84, 3 = W., ii. 35). M. E. : Ros. M. C., 83, 87. N. E. : Ros. M. C., 86 = W., ii. 32; L. D., iii. 93, 106 a. 3 The Pap. Plarr. , i. speaks of thirty sorts of bread used in the temples. (Piehl, Diet, du pap. PI., p. 101). The word bread is also often used in Egyptian to signify food. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAl*. 190 Africa.1 They obtained finer flour however by rubbing the corn between two stones. The lower larger stone was fixed and sloped towards the front, so that the prepared flour ran into a little hollow in the front of the stone. Under the Old Empire the stone was placed on the ground and the woman who was working it had to kneel before it ; under the Middle Empire a table hollowed out in front took the place of the lower stone, the woman could then stand, and her work was thus rendered much lighter.2 The second thing to be done in the making of bread was the kneading of the dough, which could be done in different ways. Shepherds,3 in the fields at night, baking their cakes in the ashes, contented themselves with “ beating the dough ” in an earthen bowl and lightly baking their round flat cakes over the coals of the hearth or in the hot ashes only. Little sticks served as forks for these hungry people to take them out of the SERVANT CRUSHING CORN. Limestone statuette at Gizeh (after Perrot-Chipiez). SERVANT KNEADING DOUGH. Limestone statuette at Gizeh (after Perrot-Chipiez). glowing embers, but before they could eat them they had first to brush off the ashes with a wisp. It was otherwise of course in a gentleman’s house.4 Here the dough was placed in a basket and kneaded carefully 1 The pounding of the corn— M. E. : Ros. M. C. , 67. N. E. : L. D. , iii. 93 ; W. , ii. 204 ; Ros. M. C., 85 ( = W., ii. 32). Cp. also the Coptic EYNE “ Mill” and the names of towns such as H In one of these towns one of the legends of the gods expressly mentions a miller. (Destr. des hommes, 1. 18). 2 Grinding between stones— O. E. : Perrot, 74, 663, 664. Statuette in Berlin, No. 7706. M. E. : L. D., ii. 126 (=Ros. M. C., 67, 7); Ros. M. C., 5, 6; W., ii. 190. The model of the house also belongs to this time, \V., i. 351. 3 Shepherds baking bread— O. E. : L. D., ii. 66 ( = Ros. M. C., 84, 4) ; ib. 77 ; ib. 96, 105. 4 Kneading bread in a basket— O. E. : Perrot, 33, 661, 662 ; Br. Die. Suppl., p. 167. M. E. : L. D., ii. 126; Ros. M. C., 67, 1. N. E. : Ros. M. C., 84 ( = \V., ii. 34). IX THE HOUSE 191 with the hands ; the water was pressed out into a pot placed underneath the basket. The dough was then fashioned by the hand into various shapes similar to those we now use for pastry, and these were baked on the SHAPES OF CAKES OF BREAD UNDER THE MIDDLE EMPIRE (after L. D. , ii. 126, 128, 129). conical stove.1 I purposely say on the stove, for the Egyptians seem to have been satisfied with sticking the cakes on the outside of the stove. A picture of the time of the New Empire gives us a tolerable idea of one of these stoves ; it is a blunted cone of Nile mud, open at the top and the royal bakery. (From the tomb of Ramses III. After Wilk., ii. 34, where by mistake only one of the cakes is represented below on the left as stuck on the stove. ) perhaps three feet high. The fire is burning in the inside, the flames burst out at the top, and the cakes are stuck on the outside. The same picture shows us also the court-bakery of Ramses III.2 The dough here is not kneaded by hand — this would be too wearisome a method when dealing with the great quantities required for the royal 1 Stoves — M. E. : Ros. M. C., 67, 2, cp. those of the Old Empire, Brupsch, Gr. W., 159. N. E. : Ros. M. C., 85 ( = W., 11, 34). 3 The bakery of Ramses III. — Ros. M. C., 84 = W. , ii. 34. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. O 192 household — -it is trodden with the feet. Two servants are engaged in this hard work ; they tread the dough in a great tub holding on by long sticks to enable them to jump with more strength. Others bring the prepared dough in jars to the table where the baker is working. As court baker he is not content with the usual shapes used for bread, but makes his cakes in all manner of forms. Some are of a spiral shape like the “ snails ” of our confectioners ; others are coloured dark brown or red, perhaps in imitation of pieces of roast meat. There is also a cake in the shape of a cow lying down. The different cakes are then prepared in various ways — the “ snails ” and the cow are fried by the royal cook in a great frying pan ; the little cakes are baked on the stove. A special part of the royal kitchen is “ the pure,” that is the brewery WINE-JARS ADORNED WITH WREATHS AND embroidery (wall picture in tlie( British Museum). ALABASTER BOWL. Alnwick Castle Museum (after Wilk. , ii. 42). in which beer is prepared.1 Beer was the favourite drink of the Egyptian people, and even the deceased in their state of bliss could not get on without beer any more than without bread. This drink was in favour at all times ; under the Old Empire men made four sorts of beer, amongst these was “ black beer,” i.e. beer of a dark colour;2 under the New Empire foreign beer from the neighbourhood of Qede in the east of Asia Minor was preferred ; in Greek times the Egyptians drank Zythos beer, of which 1 f | An., 4, 16, 3 = An., 3, 8, 5. “Superintendent of the provision of the brewery : ” ( J ITZ] Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 1073. The nicr-est-u'ab of the Middle Empire may belong here (ib. 751). 2 List of offerings in Dtimichen, Grabpal. of Petamenap. IX THE HOUSE 1 v3 Diodorus says that its smell was as the smell of wine. We know little about the preparation of beer; all accounts however agree that it was made from ground barley, or as it was called, the “ corn of Upper Egypt.” 1 Under the Old Empire the Egyptians squatted for their meals,2 two people generally at one little table, which was but half a foot high, and on which was heaped up fruit, bread, and roast meat, while the drinking bowls stood underneath. They ate with their hands, and had no compunction in tearing off pieces of goose. In later times common people ate in the same way,3 whilst the upper classes of the New Empire preferred to sit on high cushioned chairs and to be waited upon by men servants and female slaves.4 After eating, water was poured over the hands, corre- sponding to the modern Oriental custom ; in the dining-rooms, therefore, we often find a jug and basin exactly like those of a modern wash-stand.5 In ancient Egypt table decoration was a fine art. Large lotus flowers were used for the dining tables ; and under the New Empire the jars of wine and beer were always adorned with covers of embroidered work ; 6 * “ wreaths of flowers for the wine-jars ” were indispensable, and when the court travelled through a town it was just as necessary that the servants should procure the ioo wreaths as the 29,200 loaves or the 200 bushels of coal.' In the same way as the tables were decked with flowers, the guests at the banquet were adorned with sweet-smelling flowers and buds ; they wore lotus buds in their hair, and held them out to each other to smell, just as the guests amongst other nations pass glasses of wine to each other at the present day. This custom is not so unimportant as some might think ; it is founded on the love of flowers and green plants which is so characteristic of the Egyptian people. Everywhere on the monuments we meet with flowers ; bouquets of flowers are presented to the gods ; the coffins are covered with wreaths of flowers ; flowers form the decoration of the houses, and all the capitals of the pillars are painted in imitation of their coloured petals. The Egyptian also loved shady trees. He not only prayed that the “Nile should bestow every flowering plant in their season ” upon his departed soul, but also that his soul might sit “ on the boughs of the trees that he had planted, and enjoy the cool air in the shade of his sycamore.” 8 The arable fields, the shadeless woods of palms, the bare mud soil, scarcely provided the scenery which he most admired, he therefore tried to supply the want by landscape gardening. In the oldest periods there were parks and gardens ; 9 and the gentleman of ancient Egypt talked with pride of his 1 Beer from barley : Leps. Totenb., 124, 5. Destruction ties homines, 1. 18, and all the Greek accounts. From the “ corn of Upper Egypt ” : Diimichen, List of offerings of Medinet Ilabu, p. v. That the corn of Upper Egypt was barley, cp. Br. Die. Suppl., 460. 2 L. D., ii. 52. 3 L. D., iii. 106 a. 4 Cp. the illustrations of a feast in the nth chapter, as well as the arrangement of the dining- halls in our plans of houses. 5 L. D., iii. 93, 106 a. 6 O. E. : L. D., ii. 98. M. E. : L. D., ii. 129. N. E. : passim. 7 An., 4, 14, 6. 8 Louvre, C. 55, and many similar examples. O 9 L. D., ii. 7. • ffq 194 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. shady trees, his sweet-smelling plants, and his cool tanks. All the senti- ment with which we regard the woods and meadows of nature, the Egyptian felt towards his well-kept garden ; to him it was the dwelling- place of love, and his trees were the confidantes of lovers. On the “ festival day of the garden,” that is, on the day when the ardcn was in full bloom, the wild fig-tree calls to the maiden to come ito the shade of the fig leaves as a trysting-place : 11 The little Sycamore Which she planted with her hand, She begins to speak, And her (words are as) drops of honey. She is charming, her bower is green, Greener than (the papyrus). She is laden with fruit, Redder than the ruby. The colour of her leaves is as glass, Her stem is as the colour of the opal . . . It is cool in her shadow. She sends her letter by a little maiden, The daughter of her chief gardener She makes her haste to her beloved : Come and linger in the (garden) . . . The servants who belong to thee Come with the dinner things ; They are bringing beer of every (kind), With all manner of bread, Flowers of yesterday and of to-day, And all kinds of refreshing fruit. Come, spend this festival day And to-morrow and the day after to-morrow . . Sitting in my shadow. Thy companion sits at thy right hand, Thou dost make him drink, And then thou dost follow what he says . . . I am of a silent nature And I do not tell what I see I do not chatter.” 1 The Pharaoh shared this love for trees and flowers, and tried to turn his city into a garden. Ramses III. e.g., planted trees and papyrus plants in Thebes,2 and in the new town which he founded in the Delta he made “ great vineyards ; walks shaded by all kinds of sweet fruit trees laden with their fruit ; a sacred way, splendid with flowers from all countries, with lotus and papyrus, countless as the sand.” 3 It is not a mere saying that flowers from all countries were planted there ; for the enjoyment of garden- ing and of raising flowers had really led to the importation of exotic plants. Three hundred years previously it had been the pride of Queen Chnemtamun that she had caused “ thirty-one growing incense trees ” to 1 From the love-songs of a Turin papyrus (Tur., 79-83, edited by Maspero, Etud. egypt., i. p. 217 ff). 2 Iiarr., i. 7, 11. 3 Harr., i. 8, 3-4. “ Lotus ” is hypothetical. IX THE HOUSE 195 be brought from the incense countries of the Red Sea:1 Ramses III, repeated this difficult experiment and had the court of Amon planted with these rare shrubs.2 Two remarkable pictures from Theban tombs of the time of the New Empire 3 give us further details as to the arrangement of the gardens and country houses of the upper classes ; in each we see that the proprietor loved the quiet of the country. A high wall shut out the outside world ; After Ros. Mon. Civ., 69 (=Wilk. , i. 377). the house was invisible at the further end of the garden under the shade of old trees, and only approached by narrow garden paths. The gentleman who owned the large piece of ground seen in the above plan,4 concealed 1 Diim., Hist. Inscrip., ii. 18. 2 Harr., i. 7, 7. a Besides the illustration here spoken of, see the above illustration of a country house. 4 The plan mentioned is published, Ros. M. C., 69 ( = \Vilk., i. 3 77). The restoration of the garden offers no difficulties, the Egyptian painter has evidently forgotten to put in the two gates in the upper part of the picture but they can be restored from the lower part. The restoration of the LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. 196 his house in the furthest corner of the garden ; no sound from the stirring life on the canal could penetrate his seclusion, no profane eye could see his house over the walls or over the tops of the trees. A high castellated wall surrounds the piece of ground, which is almost square ; there is no entrance except in front, where a broad flight of steps leads down from the large porter’s lodge to two small doors which open upon the canal. Through the chief entrance, adorned with the name of the reigning king, we pass out of a small door directly into the vine- yard, which is seen in the centre of the plan. The luxuriant vines with their large purple grapes are trained on trellis-work built up with stone ; through these vine-walks the path leads straight up to the house. If we pass, however, through either of the side doors we come to a part of the garden resembling a small park ; here there is a fish-pond surrounded with palms and shrubs. Part of this garden is separated off by a wall, inside which are trees of a light green colour ; this may be a nursery plantation, or it may contain rare trees. Two doors lead out of this garden ; one into the palm-garden which occupies a narrow strip on either side of the piece of ground, the other door leads into the hinder portion of the garden. Whether we enter the right or left side we now come again to a “ cool tank,” and to rest here was the delight of the Egyptian. A pretty little arbour stands at the head of the pond ; here the master would sit in the evening and watch the water-birds at their play in the water amongst the lotus and papyrus plants. Finally at the back, surrounded by a double row of palms and high trees, lies the house itself, apparently an irregular one-storied building. The principal part is built against the back wall of the vineyard and has three rooms opening into the garden. On the left side a wing is built out which seems to be higher than the central portion ; it has two doors in front and two windows at the side. The whole house is strikingly bare, and the monotony of the timber walls is only somewhat relieved by the pillars and frames of the windows and by the gaily coloured hollow below the roof. There is no reason why this building should be more richly decorated. It is quite hidden amongst the trees, and passers-by would be sufficiently impressed by seeing the stately lodge in front. The form of the garden here given seems to have been that usual in the older periods. In the beautiful park laid out by the oft-named ‘Amt'en, chief hunter to King Snefru, he had “ dug a great tank and planted fig- trees and vines.” “ In the middle of the garden ” (exactly as in our plan) “ he made a vineyard, which yielded him much wine.” 1 It was very natural that the Egyptians should think so much of the vineyard, for though beer was the great national drink, yet at all times wine was a favourite beverage. Under the Old Empire they distin- guished six sorts of wine, eg. white, red, black, and northern wine. house is, notwithstanding, very difficult ; I have chosen the easiest solution, yet it seems very excep- tional that, with a garden laid out so carefully and symmetrically, the house should have been so unsymmetrical. 1 After L. D., ii. 7. IX THE HOUSE 197 The latter corresponded to the various Delta wines, the Mareotic, the Sebennytic, and the Teniotic wines, which enjoyed such a high reputation in Graeco- Roman times. Vines were much grown throughout the country ; for instance, Ramses III. planted “vineyards without number” in the southern and northern oases, as well as many others in Upper and Lower Egypt. He appointed foreign slaves to till them, and dug “tanks with lotus flowers ” growing; in them.1 Above all he undertook the care of the celebrated mountain vineyard called Ka-en-Qemet, the genius of Egypt, w'hich yielded “ sweet wine.” 2 This great vineyard, which was “ inundated like the two countries, whose large olive-trees were full of fruit, which was surrounded by a long wall and planted with great trees by all the paths, which yielded oil as the sand of the sea-shore,” 3 — was the great garden- plot of the temple of the Theban Amon,4 to which temple at any rate it belonged from the beginning of the reign of Ramses III., who confirmed this gift of his ancestors and founded a treasure-house and a sanctuary in it.5 The pictures of the Old Empire show us how vines were grown and cultivated.6 They wrere trained over trellis-work supported by wooden forks, or, in the time of luxury of the 6th dynasty, borne by wooden pillars. Much care wras taken in their cultivation ; the individual plants wrere watered from earthen pots, and the swarms of birds were frightened away with cries and slings. After the grapes, which seem to have been of a curious long shape, had been picked and collected in baskets, they were carried to the wine-press, which was of the most primitive kind, like those still to be seen in the south of Europe. It consisted of a long low box over which was erected a wooden framework higher than a man. The box being filled with grapes, five or six men then stepped into it, raised their arms and grasped the upper boards of the framework, and trod the grapes with their feet ; we see by the quick movement of their feet that they had to hold on to the boards to keep themselves from falling. Under the New Empire the shape of these wine-presses was more convenient and more artistic; the workmen held on by cords, this gave them scope for freer movement, and as the wine was pressed out it ran through the openings below into great vats.7 However carefully the men might tread out the grapes there would always remain a certain amount of the sweet juice, which could only be ex- tracted by more energetic measures. The careful Egyptian did not despise this residuum, but obtained it by squeezing the pressed grapes in a sack. A great sack of light yellow matting was filled writh grapes and then wrung 1 Harr., i. 7, 10-11. 2 An., 3, 2, 6. 3 Harr., i. 8, 5 ff. 4 Cp. the wine-jars which came from that temple, A. Z., 1883, 34. 5 Harr., i. 8, 8 ff. B Grape-harvest: L. IX, ii. 53, 61, 1 1 1 . Watering of the vines: Diim. Res., 8. Scarecrows: L. D., ii. 53, 61. Treading of the grapes : L. D., ii. 53, 61, 96, 111. Diim. Res., 8. Wine-press with the sack : L. D., ii. 13, 49,53, 96, hi. Diim. Res., 8 (exceptional). Filling jars: L. D.,ii. !3> 49) 53> Hi- Fastening up: L. D., ii. 13, 61. Sealing: L. D., ii. 96. An instructive picture of the New Empire: L. D., iii. II d. 7 Grape-harvest and wine-press of the New Empire: Wilk., i. 385. L. D., iii. n d. In the latter picture the workmen seem to be holding on to a cloth. 198 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAr. like a piece of linen from the wash-tub. Sticks were put through the two loops which were formed of the ends, and it was then wrung by four powerful men. Each turn of the sack made the work harder, at last it became impossible to turn the sticks again, the sack was twisted as far as it would go, and if the workmen gave way in the least, it would untwist THE WINE-PRESS OF THE NEW EMPIRE. Above on the right is a little temple to the goddess of the harvest, before whom has been placed an offering of grapes and wine on this harvest day. Below is seen the filling of the great wine-jars with jugs (after Wilk. , i. 385. Theban tomb picture). itself. At this critical moment we see how the men show their greatest skill. Two hold the sticks firmly at the lower ends, two others jump on their backs, seize the sticks at the upper ends and pull them back, a fifth swings himself up between the two sticks and presses them apart with his hands and feet. This feat does not go unrewarded, the wine flows out in a dark stream into the earthenware jar standing below. This is the usual method of pro- cedure under the Old Empire. We have no account of the further process in the treatment of the grape juice, we only see how the wine jars were filled from the great vats, how they were fastened up, and how, finally, they were sealed by the treasurer. As a matter of course we see the scribes sitting close by and noting down the number of jars of wine that are filled. Under the New Empire, as in Greek and Roman times, it was a favourite custom to mix several sorts of wine together. The following picture shows us how they filled a large vessel by siphons with three sorts IX THE HOUSE 199 of wine ; the festive decoration of the vessels indicates that this mixing is taking place at the time of a feast. We must not forget to mention the fig-tree, which together with the vine was grown at all periods in ancient Egypt. We meet with the fruit everywhere, and we also find representa- tions of the trees in the old tombs.1 The fig-trees have thick gnarled trunks, and seem scarcely to reach 1 6 feet in height ; their boughs however, are strong enough to allow the gardeners to climb up and gather the fruit into flat baskets. When the gardeners are unable to climb up into the trees themselves, they send tame monkeys into the branches to gather the fruit for them, as we see in the illustration below. 1 Fig harvest : L. D., ii. 53, 61, 127. MONKEYS HELPING WITH THE FIG HARVEST (after L. D., ii. 127). HEAD OF NEFERHOR, KEEPER OF THE GRANARY ARCHIVES (Berlin Museum, 2303 ; his wife sits by him). CHAPTER X DRESS As long as we regarded the antiquities of ancient Egypt as unknown quantities, and contented ourselves with marvelling at them as wonderful curiosities, the strange impression of the whole made us overlook the various differences between the individual monuments. Even when we had gradually learnt to divide Egyptian history into its long epochs, it was still a good while before our sight became sharp enough to recognise in all their significance the great differences between the productions of these several epochs. P'or a long time men spoke of Egyptian art, Egyptian religion, and Egyptian language as if they had not experienced any very great changes during three thousand years, and made up their minds that the Egyptian character was one peculiarly conservative. Now we know that there is no justification for this conclusion. During the three thousand years of their history, the language, the faith, and the art of the ancient Egyptians changed neither more nor less than that of any other nation under the same conditions ; it was solely owing to our want of knowledge that we underestimated these differences for so long. This holds good also about dress, a point which amongst civilised people is perhaps subject to most changes. It is altogether false to speak of “ the Egyptian costume ” as expressing one style of dress, for it was CHAP. X DRESS 201 just as much ruled by fashion as the dress of other nations. Under the Old Empire a short skirt was worn round the hips; under the Middle Empire a second was added ; and under the New Empire the breast also was covered. If we look closer we find many other changes within these great epochs. If during one century the skirt was worn short and narrow, during the next it would be worn wide and shapeless, whilst during a third it was fashionable only when peculiarly folded. The various classes are also distinguished by their costume, — the royal costume differs from that of the courtiers, and the household officials of the great lords are not dressed like the servants, the shepherds, or the boatmen. Evidently here also fashion ruled : the costume of the higher classes was soon imitated by those next beneath them ; it then lost its fashionable character, — the great lords relin- quished it to the people, and assumed a new one. Thus after the close of the 5 th dynasty the old royal costume was imitated by the great lords of the kingdom, and later it passed down to be the official dress of the higher artisans ; thus the same costume in which the courtiers of King Snefru appeared at court was worn not long afterwards by household officials. We must also add other distinctions ; the old men wore longer warmer clothing than the young men, and for the king’s presence men dressed better and more fashionably than for the home or for the hunt. The material on this subject is inexhaustible, and deserves more detailed consideration than is possible within the narrow limits of this book. I SIMPLEST FORM OF SKIRT (after L. D. , ii. 4). SKIRT REACHING BELOW THE KNEE Dyn. IV. (after L. D. , ii. 9). 202 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. must content myself with bringing forward the principal types of the various dresses.1 The reader however will I hope receive the impression that, in spite of the simplicity of its component parts, dress was subject to comparatively frequent changes. The most ancient dress worn by persons of high rank seems to have been the simple short skirt which was the foundation of all later styles of dress. It consisted of a straight piece of white stuff, which was wrapped rather loosely round the hips, leaving the knees un- covered. As a rule it was put round the body from right to left, so that the edge came in the middle of the front. The upper end of this edge was stuck in behind the bow of the girdle which held the skirt together.2 In the beginning THKEE PICTURES OF SENED'm-’EB, CALLED MEHY (Dyn. V.), with the skirt unusually broad (L. D. , ii. 74, 78). 1 The material at hand for these researches is very abundant, but the difficulties in turning it to account are so great, that I must beg for special indulgence. Those who have studied more statues than I have will doubtless differ from my opinion in many particulars. The clothing on the reliefs is treated very superficially, and becomes quite unintelligible in the publications where the original colours are left out. Besides, for artistic reasons the dress is often drawn inaccurately on the reliefs and frescoes, nearly always in fact when the person is represented looking to the left. - The skirt is white : L. D. , ii. 19. That the girdle was separate from the skirt is probable from the picture, L. D., ii. 112. X DRESS 203 of the 4th dynasty we find that even the great lords were content with this dress in its simplest form ; 1 more usually however, even under the Old Empire, it was the dress of scribes, servants, and peasants.2 After the time of Cha‘fre‘, the builder of the second pyramid, it became the fashion to wear the skirt longer and wider ; at first this innovation came in with moderation,3 but towards the close of the 5 th dynasty it exceeded good taste, and we can scarcely understand how a beau at the court of King Un’e managed to wear this erection in front of him — perhaps he had a support to hold it out. Under the 6th dynasty we SKIRT WITH ERECTION IN FRONT. SKIRT WITH ERECTION IN FRONT. (Representation of Nebemchut. After L. D.,ii. 13.) (Statue of Uerchuu. After L. D., ii. 44.) meet with the same costume though not so much exaggerated. The servants and peasants of this time began to wear their skirts wider,4 the household officials of the great lords having already set them an example in this direction.5 There is a strange variation in this skirt, which appears to have been in much favour amongst the great lords of the 5th and 6th dynasties ; by some artificial means they managed to make the front of the skirt stand out in a triangular erection. There were several slight differences in this fashion. If the edge of the skirt formed a loose fold it was regarded merely as a variation of the ordinary dress ; if on the other hand the 1 L. D., ii. 3, 4. 3 L. D., ii. 8, 9. 2 L. D., ii. 4, 8, 22, 25, 32, 44, 45, 63, etc. 4 L. D., ii. 105. 6 L. D.,ii. 69. 204 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. erection was quite symmetrical and reached above the girdle,1 then it was considered to be quite a novel and quaint costume. In addition to these various forms of the short skirt, we meet with exceptional cases of men wearing long dresses, reaching from the waist to the feet.- The deceased are represented in this dress when seated before the tables of offerings, receiving the homage of their friends still GALA SKIRT WITHOUT BORDER. (Statue of Nofer at Gizeh. After Perrol- Chipiez, 628. ) GALA SKIRT WITH GOLD BORDER. (Statue of Ra'nofer at Gizeh. After Perrot- Chipiez. 655.) living; it is doubtless the dress of an old man, the same as was worn probably just before death. In addition to these every-day costumes, the great lords of the Old Empire possessed one intended only for festivals. As is usual in such cases, this festive costume does not resemble the fashionable dress of the 1 We suspect that this erection (like a similar one in the dress of the New Empire) may have been a separate piece of stuff from the skirt, fastened on in front to the girdle. 2 L. D., ii. 3, 6 (plainly characterised as an old man), 23, 30, 31 b. X DRESS 205 time, but follows the more ancient style. It is in fact merely a more elegant form of the old, narrow, short skirt ; the front is rounded off so that it falls in little folds, and the belt is fastened by a pretty metal clasp. In spite of numerous representations, it is difficult to see how this clasp was made ; the narrow ornamented piece, which is nearly always raised above it, is perhaps the end of the girdle ; it is certainly not the handle of a dagger, as has been generally supposed. Finally, the fore -part from the middle of the back was often further adorned by a pleated piece of gold material, thus forming a very smart costume.1 2 To complete this festive garb a panther skin was necessary, which was thrown over the shoulders by the great lords when they appeared in “ full dress.” The right way of wearing this skin was with the small head and fore paws of the animal hanging down, and the hind paws tied together with long rib- bons over the shoulder. It was the fashion, when sitting idle, to play with these ribbons with the left hand." During the dark ages which elapsed between the 6th and 12th dynasties, dress underwent no great change ; the skirt meanwhile became a little longer, so that it reached to the middle of the leg.3 Under the Middle Empire it again became narrower and less stiff ; for this purpose it was slightly sloped in front, and hung rather lower than behind. Between the legs, if possible, it was the right thing to show one or two points, which belonged to the inner part of the skirt.4 Men also liked to decorate the outer edge with an embroidered border,5 or to pleat the front prettily.6 Ordinary people wore this skirt of thick material, but men of high rank, on the contrary, chose fine white material so transparent GALA SKIRT WITH GOLD BORDER. (Prince Ner’eb. After L. D. , ii. 20.) SIMPLE SKIRT OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. (Official of Chnemhotep. L. D. , ii. 131. ) 1 E.g. the statue 94 in the Berlin Museum, as well as one in the Louvre A, 46, 102, 105. That this pleated material is golden we see by the pictures, L. D., ii. 19, 20, 21. Louvre A, 102 ; A, 105. It is white, ib. A, 46. 2 Cp. L. D., ii. 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 30, 31 b, 32, etc. Perhaps it was the prerogative of a certain high rank. 3 L. D., ii. 126, 127, 130, 131. 4 L. D., ii. 127, 130, 1 31. Plainly seen in the statue at Berlin of Sebekemsaf (brother of queen Nubch'as). Berlin 1188 in the sons of the deceased, but not in his servants. 5 L. D., ii. 126, 127. 6 L. D. , ii. 126, 127. 206 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. that it revealed rather than concealed the form of the body. It was then necessary to wear a second skirt under the transparent outer one. Those who had the right to wear the Shend'ot, the short royal dress, liked to wear it as the inner skirt.1 Con- temporary with this double skirt, which marks a new epoch in the history of Egyptian dress, appears the first clothing for the upper part of the body. One of the princes of the Nome of the Hare, who were buried at Bersheh, wears, as is seen in the illustration below, a kind of mantilla fastened together over the chest.2 In a second representation the same lord ap- pears in a most unusual costume ; he is wrapped from head to foot in a narrow dress apparently striped ; such a dress seems to have been worn by old men under the Middle Empire.3 During the interval between the Middle and the New Empire there was little innovation in dress, but the more stylish forms of men’s clothing entirely superseded the simpler fashions. The priests alone kept to the simple skirt ; all other persons wore an outer DOUBLE SKIRT OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. (The nomarch Chnemhotep. L. D., ii. 13 1.) UNUSUAL COSTUMES OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE. transparent skirt and a short inner one, both of which still retained the old shape.4 1 Inner skirts of the usual kind : L. D., ii. 128, 130, 131, 134 d. Royal skirt : L. D., ii. 130. 2 L. D., ii. 134 b, d. 3 L. D., ii. 134 e. Also ib. 126 (Chnemhotep), 127 (the old servants of the latter). 4 L. D., iii. 9 f, 10 a, 12 a, and others, 62 b, 69 a. Very great lords wore also the royal skirt underneath : L. D., iii. 9 e. DRESS 207 The rapid development of the Egyptian Empire, and the complete revolution in all former conditions, soon brought in also a quick change of fashion. About the time of Queen Chnemtamun dress assumed a new character. It became customary to clothe the upper part of the body also, a short shirt firmly fastened under the girdle was adopted now as an indispensable article of dress by all members of the upper class ; the priests alone never followed this fashion. To promote free movement of the right arm this shirt appears to have been open on the right side, while the left arm passed through a short sleeve.1 During this period each generation adopted its own particular form of skirt. At first the inner OF THE TIME OK AMEN- HOTEP III. The outer skirt is longer than the inner (after L. D. , iii. 77 e). OF THE TIME OF CHUEN- ’ETEN. The outer skirt is raised, the inner one has become longer (after L. D. , iii. 101). COSTUME OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE 18TH DYNASTY (L. D. , iii. 12 a). skirt remained unchanged whilst the outer one was shortened in front and lengthened behind.2 Towards the close of the 1 8th dynasty, under the heretic king Chuen- ’eten, the inner skirt was worn wider and longer, whilst the upper one was looped up in puffs, so as to show the under one below it. The front of the outer one was formed of thick pleats, the inner one also was often pleated, and the long ends of the girdle were allowed to hang down.3 In the gala costume of this period the outer skirt grew to be of less significance than the inner. The latter developed into a wide pleated dress, whilst the former retrograded into a piece of linen folded round the 1 In several pictures the shirt appears to be open on both sides, and to be sleeveless, whilst at the same time, in other postures of the arm, the sleeve is plainly visible. Again in figures standing facing the right, the disposition of the dress in the pictures is changed, and the sleeve appears on the right arm. Shirts with two distinct sleeves are rare, though the governor of Ethiopia certainly wears one; L. D., iii. 230. Part of a picture (representation of an offering) in the British Museum, L. D., iii. 69 a, 77 e. J E.g. L. D., iii. 91 a, 93, 101, 104; Wilk., i. 442. The inner skirt pleated in front : L. D., iii. 97 e, 103. Berlin, 7316. 208 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. hips. At the same time we find very various costumes in the repre- sentations,— sometimes the piece of linen is wrapped round the body in such a way as to cover the back of the legs behind and yet to be quite short in front;1 sometimes it assumes the form of the ancient skirt;2 sometimes it is wound twice or thrice round the body.3 FESTIVE COSTUMES OF THE END OF THE l8TH DYNASTY, i. The oft-mentioned 'Ey with the gold ornaments bestowed on him by the king, L. D. , iii. 105. 2. Amenhotep, the governor of Ethiopia, ib., 115. 3. His colleague Huy, ib. 116. COSTUME OF THE 19TH DYNASTY (L. D. , iii. 176 f). COSTUME OF THE 20TH DYNASTY WITH A PIECE OF MATERIAL put on in front (L. D. , iii. 217 a, 231). The dress of the great lords of the 19th dynasty corresponds very nearly to that of the great men of the time of Chuen’eten described above, except that the puffs of the outer skirt were smoothed out, and that it was worn somewhat longer during the later period.4 1 L. D., iii. 105. 2 L. D., iii. 115. 3 L. D., iii. 115, 116. Berlin, 7278, 7316 4 L. D., iii. 128 b, 153, 162, 176 f, 183 b. X BEESS 209 In the time of Ramses III. a fashion was adopted which had already been employed for festive garments ; 1 the outer skirt, which was only used for ornamental purposes, was entirely given up, and a broad piece of material, cut in various shapes, was fastened on in front like an apron.2 Meanwhile the clothing of the upper part of the body remained essentially the same, though after the time of the 19th dynasty it was worn fuller than before.3 We sometimes find also a kind of mantle, which fits the back closely and is fastened together in front of the chest. The kings usually appear in it ; 4 other people only wear it on festive occasions.3 In addition to the usual forms of dress, the de- velopment of which we have just considered, there were at all periods certain garments which were only worn by individuals of rank, and which we must conclude to be robes of office. We must of course give the first place to the royal costume of the king, the skirt with the lion’s tail and with the ends , , rr . . . . . . A , RAMSES II. IN A CLOAK. rounded off, between which hung down the narrow strip of stuff which was the most ancient symbol of royalty. We have already shown (p. 59) how this costume became more splendid in course of time, and we may well surmise that those changes were due in great part to the spirit of imitation ; the great lords tried as far as possible to dress like the Pharaoh. The festive costume of the Old Empire was the first result of imitation ; the edge in the front of the skirt was rounded off and adorned with golden embroidery, so that the wearer should in his dress, when seen at any rate from the right side, resemble His Majesty. It is only towards the close of the 5th dynasty that we first occasionally meet with a costume exactly resembling the royal skirt, except that it was not made of gold material nor furnished with a lion’s tail. It was worn as a hunting costume under the Middle Empire as well as in the older form of the royal beginning of the New Empire, when men of high rank wore it when hunting birds or spearing fish.” 1 E.g. under King Haremheb in a funeral procession. Wilk., iii., plates 67, 68. Cp. also L. D., iii. 1 17. - L. D., iii. 217 a, 229, 230, 231. In order rightly to understand this costume, see, e.g., statues 2303, 2287, in the Berlin collection. 3 E.g. L. D., iii. 153, 183 b, 214. In the latter instances the skirt seems to pass through the girdle, so that it covers the back. 4 L. D., iii. 1, 91 a, 92, 98 b, ioi, 1 1 5, etc. Cp. also the above plate iv. representing the Turin statue of Ramses II. 5 Wilk., iii., plates 67, 68. 6 O. E. : L. D., ii. 60. Berlin, 1118, 11x9. M. E. : L. D., ii. 130 (alike also in the length of the royal beard). N. E. : L. D., iii. 9 e ; Wilk., ii. 107. P 210 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. Under the Middle Empire however it appears that a law was passed limiting such imitations, and the wearing of the Shend'ot (the royal skirt) CHNEMHOTEP HUNTING BIRDS (after L. D. , ii. 130) was only granted to certain dignitaries. Many great lords of the 12th dynasty expressly claim this privilege, and in later times the high priests of the great sanctuaries bear as one of their proudest titles wearer of the Shend'ot } These limitations were not of much use, and in the time of confusion between the Middle and the New Empire the royal skirt was adopted by an even wider circle. Under the 1 8th dynasty the chiefs of all the departments wore it on official occasions, and even when they gave way to the fashion of the time and wore an outer long skirt, they fastened the latter up high enough for the symbol of their office to be visible under- neath.2 Officials whose duties were very circum- scribed, such as the “ chief of the peasants,” or the “ chief of the waggoners,” chief masons, sailors, and drivers of the time of the New Empire, often wore AFTER A WALL PICTURE IN A THEBAN TOMB (now in the British Museum). skirts very much resembling the Shend'ot :3 We may regard as another token of high rank passim. The high priest of Memphis wears a very similar skirt as early even as the 4th dynasty. Mar. Mast., 74 75. - L. D., iii. 76 a, b, 77 c. 1 L. D., iii. 10, 41, 76 a, 77 b. The middle piece in the case of these subordinate officials is often longer and more pointed. X DRESS 21 I the strips of white material which great lords of the Old Empire so often wound round the breast or body,1 2 when they put on their gala dress ; or allowed to hang down from the shoulders,- when in their usual dress they went for a walk in the country ; or when they went hunting. A broad band of this kind was no protection against the cold or the wind, it was rather a token by which the lord might be recognised. In the same way the overseer of the fishermen or labourers was known by a narrow band round the neck.3 The narrow ribbons, which we so often see great men of all periods holding between their fingers, may have the same signification.4 Another dress, seen at the first glance to be a robe of office, is that of the chief judge and governor, who was the highest official of the Egyptian government ; he wore a narrow dress reaching from the breast to the ankle, held up by two bands fastened with a metal clasp behind at the neck. This great lord wore his head shaven like the priests — probably because he was also ex officio the high priest of the goddess of truth.5 We shall speak later of the many changes in the dress of the priests and of the soldiers. Let us now cast a glance on the clothing of the lower classes, which was essentially different from that of the upper classes considered above. Subordinate officials are generally rather behind the fashion; under the Middle Empire they wore for instance the short skirt of the Old Empire, and under the New Empire the longer one of the Middle Empire. The people proper how- ever, — the peasants, shepherds, workmen, ser- After a rough sketch on a lime- vants, — always contented themselves with a very stone s'ab (Insc- m the hier- r char. i. ) simple costume. When dressed for the presence of their master they generally wore a short skirt of the kind that was fashionable at the beginning of the 4th dynasty.6 When at work it was put on more loosely, and with any violent movement it flapped widely apart in front.7 This skirt was generally of linen ; yet certain shepherds and boatmen of the Old Empire appear to have contented themselves with a clothing of matting ; these men are remarkable also for the curious way of wearing their hair and beard, corresponding to that of the oft-mentioned marsh 1 L. D., ii. 19, 22, 23, 72, 86, 89, etc. 2 L. D., ii. 9, 12, 19. 3 L. D., ii. 12, 107. 4 Under the O. E., e.g. L. D., ii. 74 b. M. E. : L. D., ii. 131. N. E. ; passim. 5 L. D., iii. 121 a. Inscr. in the hier. char., i. Berlin Museum, 2290. Louvre A, 72. 6 O. E. : L. D., ii. 4, 8, 19, 21, 22, 25, etc. M. E. : L. D., ii. 127, 131, etc. N. E. : L. D., iii. 3 a, 26, 41, 94, 105 a, etc. Wilk., ii. 34. 7 O. E. : L. D., ii. 13, 24, 25, 32, 33 b, etc. M. E. : L. D., ii. 126, 127. N. E. : L. D., iii. 10 a. 212 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. m HM o . \\ The labourers of the New Empire also wore rough skirts of matting, which they were wont to seat with a piece of leather.2 Finally, people who had to move about much, or to work on the water,3 wore nothing but a fringed girdle of the most simple form like that still worn by many of the African tribes, a narrow strip of stuff with a few ribbons 4 or the end of the strip itself hanging down in front.5 A girdle of this kind could not, of course, cover the body much, the ribbons were displaced with every movement, and the boatmen, fishermen, shepherds, and butchers often gave it up and worked in Nature’s costume alone.0 The feeling of shame so strongly developed with us did not exist in ancient Egypt ; the most common signs in hieroglyphics sometimes represented things, now not usually drawn. According to our ideas it becomes a woman rather than a man to love dress and finery ; the Egyptians of the Old Empire however held a con- trary opinion. Compared with the manifold costumes for men, the women’s dress appears to us very monotonous, for during the centuries from the 4th to the 1 8th dynasty, the whole nation, from the princess to the peasant, wore the same dress. This con- sisted of a simple garment without folds, so narrow that the forms of the body were plainly visible. It reached from below the breasts to the ankles ; two braces passed over the shoulders and held it up firmly. In rare instances the latter are absent,7 so that the dress is only prevented from slipping down by its narrowness. The dress and braces are always of the same colour,8 white, red, or yellow ; in this respect also there existed no difference between that of mother and daughter, or between that of mistress and maid. In the same way all wore it quite plain, unless perhaps the hem at the top might be somewhat embroidered.9 It is very rarely, as we have said, that we find dresses of a different the old empire (Prin- cess Sed'et, Dyn. IV. After L. D. , ii. 21). e’t’e, wife of se- CHEMKA (Louvre A. 102, after Perrot- Chipiez). 1 L. D., ii. 69, and frequently. 2 L. D., iii. 40. Wilk. , ii. 100. 3 O. E. : Butchers; L. D., ii. 4, 24, 25. Shepherds; ib. 23, 24, 35. Boatmen; ib. 28,45. Fishermen ; ib. 9, 46. Birdcatchers ; ib. 46. N. E. : Corn workers ; L. D., iii. 10. Temple cooks ; ib. 96. Sailors ; Diim. Flotte, i. 4 Under the O. E. at most two or three ; seldom four (L. D., ii. 56) or more (ib. 24). 5 L. D., ii. 9, 12 b, 106. 6 L. D., ii. 9, 12 b, 20, 43. 7 Mistress ; L. D., ii. 15. 8 White; L. D., ii. 83, 90. Red; ib. 19, 20, 21. Yellow; ib., 57 58. 9 L. D., ii. 5, 8 c, 1 1, 15. X DRESS 213 fashion. ’Et’e, wife of Sechemka, the superintendent of agriculture, wears a white dress richly embroidered with coloured beads, covering the breasts and cut down in a V between them. It is worn with a belt and has therefore no braces. Another dress, which we find rather more frequently, covers the shoulders though it has no sleeves ; the neck also is generally cut down in a V.1 In the following illustration, representing the beautiful lady of the old empire in’ A cloak (Statue of Xofret, Gizeh, after Perrot-Chipiez). statue of Nofret, the wife of the high priest Ra'hotep, is seen a cloak which is worn over the usual dress. Under the Middle Empire women’s dress seems to have changed but little, and in the beginning also of the 1 8th dynasty the modifications were but trifling;2 contemporary however with the changes in men’s dress which followed, it assumed a new character, due partly to the great political change in the position of Egypt in the world. Following the 1 Perrot, 637, 659. L. D., ii. 57 (under a dress with braces ?) ib. 58 (the neck is cut out in a round). 2 It is characteristic of these later periods that one or both of the braces should be left off ; M. E. : with two or with one, L. D., ii. 128 ; without any, ib. 130. N. E. : with both embroidered, L. D., iii. 9 f. ; with one, ib. 9 d, 42 ; without any, ib. 9 e. 14 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. new fashions of the day, women wore two articles of clothing — a narrow dress leaving the right shoulder free, but covering the left, and a wide cloak fastened in front over the breast; as a rule both were made of such fine linen that the forms of the body were plainly visible.1 The hem of the cloak was embroidered, and, when the wearer was standing still, hung straight down. In course of time, under the New Empire, this costume evidently underwent many changes, all the details of which are very difficult to follow, because of the superficial way in which the Egyptian artist represented dress. On every side we are liable to make mistakes. If we, for instance, take the picture here given of the princess Bekten‘eten by itself we should conclude that the lady was wearing a single white garment, it is only when we compare it with the 1 E.g. L. D., iii. 62 c. Wall pictures in the Brit. Mus. (see the plates in the following chapter) : Berlin, 2297, 7278, 8041. Incidentally we may mention that the Greek figures of Isis wear this cloak fastened together between the breasts. X DRESS 215 more detailed contemporary picture of a queen that it is possible rightly to understand it. In both cases the same dress and cloak are worn ; but while in the one case the artist has given the contours of both articles of dress, in the other he has lightly sketched in the outer edges only, and thus as it were given the dress in profile. Even then he is not consistent ; he shows where it is cut out at the neck and where the cloak falls over the left arm, but he quite ignores that it must cover part of the right arm also.1 Under these circumstances I shall content myself with bringing forward the most im- portant types which can be distinguished with some certainty in women’s dress of the time of the 19th and 20th dynasties. The next development was to let the cloak fall freely over the arms as shown in the accompanying illustration ; ' soon afterwards a short sleeve was added for the left arm, whilst the right still remained free.3 Finally, towards the close of the 20th dynasty, a thick underdress was added to the semi-transparent dress and the . FEMALE COSTUME OF THE END OF open cloak.4 We have one costume which the i8th dynasty (after i„ d., deviates much from the usual type, and which 10°- See also lllustratl0n> p. 46). belongs certainly to the second half of the New Empire ; it is seen on one of the most beautiful statues in the Berlin museum ;5 it consists of a long dress which seems to have two sleeves, a short mantilla trimmed with fringe on the shoulders, and in front a sort of apron which falls loosely from the neck to the feet. We noticed above the dress of a man in which in similar wise a kind of apron hung down from the belt : the representation of the husband of this lady shows us that both these fashions were in vogue at the same time. Contemporary with the complicated forms of female costume we sometimes meet with a very simple one, a plain shirt with short sleeves, reaching up to the neck ; this, however, seems only to have been worn by servants.6 The dress of the women of the lower classes never differed much from that of the ladies ; peasant women and servants for the most part wore clothes of almost the same style as those of their mistresses. Their dress allowed of very little movement, and could not therefore be worn for hard work,— at such times women like men were contented to wear a short skirt which left the upper part of the body and the legs free.7 The dancing 1 I need scarcely observe that those same difficulties arise more or less in all Egyptian representa- tions of dress. 2 L. D., iii. 93, 94, 97 a, e, 117, 172 e. 3 I.. D. , iii. 184 a, 186, 196, 201 a, 202 f. 4 L. D., iii. 229, 230, 231 a. These pictures show also the sleeve of the cloak particularly clearly. 5 Berlin, 2303. 6 L. D., iii. 42, 91 a. Wilk., i. 392. 7 O. E. : Perrot, 662, 664. M. E. : L. D., ii. 126, 127. 2l6 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAf. girls of ancient times, doubtless from coquettish reasons, were wont to prefer the latter dress decked out with all sorts of ornaments rather than a more womanly costume.1 For similar reasons the young slaves under the New Empire, who served the lords and ladies at feasts, wore as their only article of clothing a strip of leather which passed between the legs, and was held up by an embroidered belt (see the two plates in the follow- ing chapter) ; the guests liked to see the pretty forms of the maidens.2 Considered as a whole, the development of female dress followed very much the same course as that of the men. In both cases under the Old Empire the forms were very simple ; there was little change till the beginning of the New Empire, at which time, with the great rise of political power, there was a complete revolution in dress. In both cases CLOAK WITH THE ARMS FREE (after L. D. , iii. 217 e). CLOAK WITH SLEEVE (Dvn. XX. After L. D. , iii. 2). CLOAK WITH SLEEVE AND A DOUBLE DRESS (after L. D. , iii. 231 a). the change consisted in the introduction of a second article of clothing, and the two new dresses correspond with each other in possessing a sleeve for the left arm only, while the right arm is left free for work. Another remarkable coincidence is that at the same time in the clothing of both sexes appearance seems so much to have been studied. It is quite possible that these changes were effected in some degree by foreign inter- course,— how far this was the case we cannot now determine. This influence, however, could only have affected details, for the general character of Egyptian dress is in direct contrast to that which we meet with at the same time in North Syria. The Syrians wore narrow, close- fitting, plain clothes in which dark blue threads alternated with dark 1 L. D., ii. 36, 61 a, ioi b, 126. 2 Theban wall-pictures now in the Brit. Mus. tYilk. , ii. 353. X DRESS 217 red, and these were generally adorned with rich embroidery. In Egypt wide robes with many folds of white transparent linen were worn, without any adornment, the merit of this clothing consisting in the absolute purity and the finest texture. It was really not thus originally in ancient Egypt. The dress of the Old Empire appears sometimes to have been made of thick material;1 in the oldest period the dress of women is more often coloured than white,2 and under the Middle Empire it is sometimes green and sometimes of various colours.3 Colour disappeared disproportionately early from the dress of the men,4 and though, according to the inscriptions, red, green, or blue material is still said to be required by the divinities or by the deceased,5 this had long been replaced amongst the living by fine white linen. This proscription of colour was doubtless due to the desire for more absolute cleanliness of body; the same wish which led the Egyptians to shave both hair and beard. It was natural that with such ideas those workmen whose duties were to wash the clothes, played a special part, and SYRIAN AMBASSADOR IN THE TIME OF TUET-‘ANCH-AMUN. In the original the threads of the dress are alternately blue and red (after L. D. , iii. 116). “ The washer, he who washes on the dyke, Neighbour to the crocodile as he swims up stream,” is a favourite figure in poetry.0 We have already remarked (p. 62) that the “ royal chief washer ” and the “ royal chief bleacher ” were amongst 1 E.g. the statue, Perrot, 637. 2 White; L. D., ii. 96. Red; ib., 19, 21. Yellow; ib. , 57, 58. Many coloured; Louvre A, 102. 3 Green ; Mar. Cat. d’Ab. , 620. Many coloured ; Berlin, 13. As a rule however white under the Middle Empire ; Berlin, 1183, 1188. 4 Again yellow ; L. D., ii. 55, 57, and Berlin, 1109 (Dyn. VI.). Otherwise as far as I can judge always white or white with gold. Under the 6th dynasty in several instances (Berlin, 7764, 7765), striped materials, whether coloured cannot be determined. 5 Cp. on the names of these colours, Br. Die. Suppl., 172. 0 Sail., 2, 8, 2 ff=An., 7, 3, 5 ff. Similar instances, e.g. An., 4, 10, 5. D’Orbiney, 10, 8 ff. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. the higher court officials. In the domestic life of private houses the great washing day was an important event, important enough to be introduced into the series of pictures in the tombs.1 Three pictures of the time of the Middle Empire represent workmen watched by the chief washer busy at small tanks with the washing and wringing. We see them beating the wet clothes with wooden staves ; they sprinkle them holding their arms up high ; they hang one end of the folded piece of linen over a post, put a stick through the other end, and wring it with a good deal of force. They then stretch and fold up the linen, and finally the chief washer packs it up in a great bundle. Washing and bleaching however were not con- sidered all that was necessary for good laundry work ; ingenious methods were also devised to mark the folds required by fashion, and which the fine linen would scarcely assume by itself. By what means exactly the Egyptians contrived to do this we can scarcely decide, though it is an interesting conjecture of Wilkinson’s that these regular folds in the dresses WOODEN INSTRUMENT IN THE MUSEUM AT FLORENCE. The hollows are represented below in their original size (after Wilk., i. 185). were pressed in by means of a board such as is shown in the accompanying illustration. The character of the dress of a nation however does not depend merely upon clothes ; the ornaments, the shoes, and the manner of dress- ing the hair are all important elements. In Egypt the latter was of great importance, and we must treat it in more detail. It has often been main- tained that the ancient Egyptians, like their modern descendants, shaved their heads most carefully, and wore artificial hair only. The following facts moreover are incontrovertible: we meet with representations of many smoothly shaved heads on the monuments, there are wigs in several museums,2 and the same person had his portrait taken sometimes with short, at other times with long hair. Herodotos also expressly states of the Egyptians of his time that they shaved themselves from their youth up, and only let their hair grow as a sign of mourning. An unprejudiced observer will nevertheless confess, when he studies the subject, that the question is not so simple as it seems at first sight. The same Herodotos remarks, for instance, that in no other country are so few bald heads to 1 Representations of washing at Beni Hasan : L. D., ii. 126 (with inscriptions above). W., ii. 173 (only 4-13). Ros. M. C., 42, 1-2. 2 London (Wilk., ii. 329), Berlin (ib. 330), Gizeh several (Maspero Guide, p. 332), one in Paris. X DRESS 219 be found, and amongst the medical prescriptions of ancient Egypt are a number of remedies for both men and women to use for their hair. Still more important is it to observe that in several of the statues belonging to different periods little locks of natural hair peep out from under the edge of the heavy wigs.1 We must therefore conclude that when a man is THE HEAD OF THE DWARF AT GIZEH. CONVENTIONAL REPRESENTATION OF THE SAME WIG. HEAD OF THE SCRIBE AT THE LOUVRE. said to be shaven we are as a rule to understand that the hair is only cut very short, and that those persons alone were really shaven who are represented so on the monuments, viz. the priests of the New Empire. As a fact the monuments of the Old Empire show that short hair (as seen in the accompanying illustrations) was originally the fashion for all classes ; 'J for the shepherd and the boatman as well as for the prince, and was even worn by those in court dress.3 At the same time the great LITTLE CURLS OVER THE CROWN OF THE HEAD (after L. D., iii. 290). CONVENTIONAL REPRESENTATION OF THE SAME WIG. THE LITTLE CURLS OVER THE forehead only (after L. D., ii. 21). lords possessed also a more festive adornment for their heads in the shape of great artificial coiffures. Amongst them we must distinguish two kinds of wigs, the one made in imitation of short woolly hair, the other of long hair. The former consisted of a construction of little curls arranged in horizontal rows lapping over each other like the tiles of a 1 In the head-dresses of ladies of the O. E. : Perrot, 141, 142, 658, plate viii. In the case of a lady of the N. E. : Berlin, 7278 ; in the case of a man : Berlin, 2296. 2 Sometimes (Louvre A, 102 ; ib. Salle civile 6) the short-cut hair is only indicated by a grey colour, whilst a lock of hair (on the 1st statue) is coloured black. The other colours of these coiffures are striking— white, L. D., ii. 19, 57, 58; yellow, ib. 90; red, ib. 19. 3 L. D., ii. 8 b, 11. 220 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. roof ; 1 as a rule very little of the forehead was visible, and the ears were quite covered as well as the back of the neck. The details vary in many particulars, though this description is correct as a whole. The little curls are sometimes triangular, some- times square ; the hair is some- times cut straight across the forehead, sometimes rounded ; in many instances the little curls begin up on the crown of the head, in others high on the forehead ; other differences also exist which can be as- cribed only to the vagaries of fashion. It strikes us as humorous that the people should ape this attire of their masters ; in the earliest times the master alone and one or two of his household officials wore this wig, but in the time of the 5 th dynasty we have many representations of workmen, i.ong CURLY WIG (after Perrot, 655). LONG CURLY WIG (after the picture of Uerchuu from L. D., ii. 44 a). conventional representations of this head-dress (after the picture of Cha'fre'a'nch from L. D. , ii. 9 ; and the picture of Mehy from L. D. , ii. 74 c). shepherds, or servants adorned with this once noble head-dress. On the other hand the second wig, that of long hair,2 seems never to have been displaced from its exclusive position, although it was certainly a more splendid head-dress than the stiff construction of little curls. In the long-haired wig the hair fell thickly from the crown of the head to the shoulders, at the same time forming a frame for the face ; while round the forehead, and also at the ends, the hair was lightly waved. The individual tresses were sometimes twisted into spiral plaits. Nevertheless, this marvel of the Egyptian wig-maker’s art, with all the variations which it admitted, did not content the dandy of the Old Empire ; 1 Good examples of the usual forms of wigs — to the crown of the head : L. D., iii. 289, 10 ; 290, 13, 14, 16 ; L. D., ii. 23, 36, c. To the forehead : L. D., iii. 288, 2, 4, L. D. , ii. 5, 10 b, 19, Perrot, 644. Cut round on the forehead : Perrot, 637, 141. Cut square on the forehead : Perrot, 659, 142. Conventional drawing of the same : L. D., ii. 9, 10 a (only discernable by the ear being hidden). Black: L. D., ii. 19, 57 c. Dark grey: L. D., ii. 19. Light yellow: L. D., ii. 57 a. Carried by people : L. D., ii. 45 c, d, 66, 67-70. Diim Res., 8, 9. A very unusual shape, L. D., ii. 50 b. 2 Good examples of long wigs — Front view : L. D., ii. 11, 44; Perrot, p. 10, 655. Side view: L. D., iii. 288, 3, 5, 289, 7-9 ; L. D., ii. 3, 9, 25, 27. Waved : L. D., ii. 89, iii. 288, 3. Twisted tresses : Diim. Res., 8, 9, 12 (Dyn. V.) The ear visible : L. D., ii. 43 b. X DRESS 221 and he exerted himself to make his head-dress still more imposing. A certain Shepsesre', who held the office of superintendent of the south at the court of King ’Ess’e, must have been specially anxious to excel in this respect. He caused four statues to be prepared for his tomb each repre- senting him in a special coiffure. In two he wears the usual wigs, in the third his hair is long and flowing like that of a woman, and in fourth he wears a SHORT-HAIRED wigs (sftcr L. D., iii. 77 e, 115. Cp. Also the . head of the scribe, p. 210). wig of little curls, which reaches down to the middle of his back.1 The latter must have been an invention on the part of the wig-maker, for it would be impossible ever to dress a man’s natural hair in such a wonderful manner. The same might be said of the wig which became the ruling fashion under the 6th dynasty. This consisted of a senseless combination of the two earlier forms ; the long-haired coiffure, the whole style of which is only possible with long tresses, being divided, after the fashion of the other, into rows of little curls, though its waving lines were retained.2 Under the Middle Empire there was little change in the fashion of HEAD-DRESSES WHICH COVER THE SHOULDERS (after L. wearing the hair. The men of the upper classes still seem to have kept to the two ancient forms of wig,3 while the lower classes let the hair grow freely ; 4 neither did the fashion change immediately on the expulsion of the Hyksos, but only with the rise of the Egyptian political power.5 From this time, viz. from the second half of the I 8th dynasty, fashions evidently rapidly succeeded each other, and we are not always able, from the 1 L. D., ii. 64 bis. 2 L. D., ii. no f, g, in d ; Berlin, 7764, 7765. " The shorter, L. D., ii. 121, 128, 130 ; the longer, ib. 126, 129, 131. In both the ear is often left uncovered. 4 L. D., ii. 126, 132. 5 Short wigs : L. D., iii. i. Long ones : ib. 9 e. With little curls : ib. 39 c. Very long ones hanging down the back : ib. 9 f, 10 a. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. 222 material at our command to say exactly how long one single fashion lasted. We may distinguish two principal coiffures, a shorter one often covering the neck, and a longer one in which the thick masses of hair hung down in front over the shoulders. Both occur in numerous more or less anomalous varieties. A simple form of the shorter coiffure is shown in the accompanying representation of the head of Cha‘emhe‘t, the superintendent of gran- aries ; straight hair hangs down all round the head, being cut even at the back.1 As a rule however men were not content with anything so simple ; fashion de- manded curly hair,'2 or at least a fringe of little curls framing the face, and a single tress hanging down loosely at the back.3 After l. D. , m. 77 a. Cp. also the The seGOnd coiffure, which covers the frontispiece to this chapter. shoulders, does not differ much in its simplest form from the shorter one ; generally however it is a far more stately erection.4 The ends of the hair as well as the hair round the face are also sometimes curled5 in a charming though rather unnatural manner, as we see in representations of several great men of the i 8th and WIG OF LONG HAIR (after L. D. , ii. 21). WIG OF SHORT HAIR (after Perrot, plate ix. ). WIG OF LONG HAIR (Perrot, 659). 19th dynasties. The hair which falls over the shoulders is twisted into little separate curls forming a pretty contrast to the rest of the hair, which is generally straight.6 Both forms of coiffure which we have described were worn by all men of rank of the i 8th and 19th dynasties ; we see that they were really wigs, 1 L. D., iii. 76 b, 77 e. Similar ones: ib. 98 a, 153 ; Berlin, 2289, 2296 (above the ears the natural hair is visible). 3 L. D-> iii- 7^ h. 3 Cp. also the wall pictures in the British Museum shown in the following chapter. 4 L. D., iii. 93, 1 16, 121 a, 128 b, 176, 187 cl. 5 L. D., iii. 173 c ; Berlin, 7316. 8 Many variations in detail : L. D., iii. 77 a ; Berlin, 2277, 2287, 2293, 2298 2303 727& 731 6> and others. Firstly, under Thothmes III., with still shorter ends : Louvre A, 53. X DRESS 223 and not natural hair, by the change of coiffure worn by one and the same person.1 They lasted on into the 20th dynasty, at which time we also find long freely-waving hair.2 Under the Old Empire the women of all classes wore a large coiffure of straight hair, hanging down to the breast in two tresses.3 Many pictures prove to us that these wonderful coiffures also were not always natural, for occasionally we find not only the servants without them, but also the grown-up daughters and the mistresses themselves,4 while the head appears to be covered with short hair.5 In a few instances we find a shorter form of coiffure worn occasionally by ladies of high birth. The hair does not hang longer than to the shoulders, and under the wig in front the natural hair can generally be seen covering the forehead almost to the eyes.6 During the long period of the Middle Empire, fashion, as regards ladies’ hair, remained wonderfully stationary, the only innovation we can remark is, that the ends of the two tresses were formed into a pretty fringe.7 With the great changes which Egyptian dress underwent towards the middle of the 18th dynasty15 several new fashions in ladies’ as well as men’s coiffures arose contemporarily, and apparently followed the same course. These seem to have been due to the desire for a freer and less stiff arrangement of the hair. The heavy tresses which formerly hung down 1 E.g. L. D. , iii. 103 and 105 ; ib. 76 b, and 77 a, e. - L. D., iii. 2 b. 3 E.g. L. D., iii. 289, 11-12 ; L. D., ii. 20, 32, 33 a, 40 b ; Perrot, 659. 4 Ladies: L. IX, ii. 25, 27, 74 c, 90. Daughters: L. D., ii. 8 b, 19, 22 a, 25, 27. Servants: L. D., ii. 9, 17 c, 35, 36 c, and Perrot, 663. 5 It is white or yellow, and is exactly like the corresponding coiffure of the men. 6 Perrot, 141, 142, 658; plate viii. 7 With fringe : L. D., ii. 128. Without fringe : ib. 130. 8 The old coiffure : L. D. , iii. 42 ; in curled hair : Berlin, 2289, 2298. After Perrot, 795. 224 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. in front are now abandoned ; and the hair is made to cover either the whole of the upper part of the body 1 or it is all combed back and hangs behind.2 The details vary very much. Sometimes the hair falls straight down,3 sometimes it is twisted together in plaits,4 at other times it is curled.5 Some women wear it long, others short and standing out ; some frame the face with wonderful plaits,6 and others with short tresses.7 * Nearly all, however, twist the ends of several plaits or curls together, and thus make a sort of fringe to the heavy mass of hair, as is shown in the frontispiece to the eighth chapter. A more graceful head-dress is that worn by the girl playing a musical instrument, in the London picture so often mentioned (see the following chapter) ; curly hair lightly surrounds without concealing the shape of the head, whilst a few curls hang down behind like a pig-tail. In very similar fashion a young servant has arranged her plaits ; three thick ones form the pig-tail, and eight smaller ones hang down over each cheek.s All these coiffures were worn by the ladies of the 1 8th dynasty; later, especially under the 20th dynasty, ladies came back to the old manner of dressing their hair, and again allowed a heavy tress to fall over each shoulder. They turned aside indeed very much from the old sim- plicity, they crimped their hair, and those who could afford it allowed their wigs to reach to below the waist.9 I say wigs , for most of these coiffures dynasty (after L. D., iii. 2). must have been artificial, WIG IN THE BERLIN museum. as we see by the fact that short coiffures were also worn on various occasions by the same ladies.10 To one of these ladies belonged the wig in the Berlin Museum (shown in the illustration above), the long curls of which appear now very threadbare. 1 L. D., iii. 62 c. 94, 97 a, and frequently. 2 L. D., iii. 100, in the statue. 3 E.g. L. D., iii. 94. 4 E.g. Perrot, p. 795. 5 Theban wall pictures in the Brit. Mus. Berlin, 2297, 7278 (the natural hair is visible below). 6 L. D., iii. 2, 240 a. Wilk., ii. 339. Very complicated : Berlin, 2297, 2303. 7 E.g. L. D., iii. 240 c. 8 L. D., iii. 42. 9 L. D. , iii. 240 c. Shorter : ib. 2 and ib. 230. A beautiful example framing the face : Berlin, 2303. 10 Under the M. E. : L. D., ii. 127. Under the N. E., in ladies of rank : L. D., iii. 91. X DRESS 225 It is not composed of human hair, but of sheep’s wool ; and these cheap preparations were doubtless usually worn.1 This custom of wearing artificial hair strikes us as very foolish, though perhaps not so much so as another custom with which it is closely allied. The same exaggerated idea of cleanliness which led the Egyptian to regard long hair as something unclean and to be removed, caused him to feel a grudge against his beard. He shaved it off, in contrast to his Mahommedan descendants, who, though they shave their heads, regard the beard as too sacred to be touched. In all epochs of Egyptian history it is very rarely we find that a gentleman wears even a small moustache,2 shepherds alone and foreign slaves let their beards grow — evidently to the disgust of all cleanly men.3 Yet in Egypt the notion, familiar to all oriental nations, that the beard was the symbol of manly dignity, had survived from the most primitive ages. If therefore on solemn occasions the great lords of the country wished to command respect, they had to BEARDS OF THE OLD, MIDDLE, AND NEW EMPIRE. appear with beards, and as the natural beard was forbidden, there was no other course but to fasten on an artificial one underneath the chin. This artificial beard is really the mere suggestion of a beard, it is only a short piece of hair tightly plaited,4 and fastened on by two straps behind the ears.5 Every one would willingly have done without this ugly appendage ; men of rank under the Old Empire put it on sometimes when they appeared in their great wigs on gala days, but they often left it off even on these occasions, and scarcely ever did one of them allow it to be represented on his portrait statue ; he felt that it was disfiguring to the beauty of the face.6 1 Even the wig of a queen is found to consist of a mixture of black sheep’s wool and human hair. Maspero Guide, p. 332. 3 A small natural moustache, Perrot, 639 ; Louvre A, 41, 104. The same with a trace of beard on the chin, L. D., ii. 83 b — all under the Old Empire. 3 E.g. under the O. E. : L. D., ii. 69 ; under the M. E. : L. D., ii. 132 ; under the N. E. : L. D., iii. 10 a. 4 The shape is well given : Dtirn. Res., 9, 12 ; L. D., ii. 22 a. 5 These straps do not always appear on the sculptures ; in spite of their absence, we must always regard these beards as artificial, as the same person is represented sometimes with, sometimes without, a beard. 6 An exception is found in one of the four statues represented in the tomb ; L. D. , ii. 64. Q 226 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. It was more common under the Middle Empire and was worn even by the officials of the nomes and of the estates,1 though very seldom by those of more ancient times.2 Under the New Empire again it was seldom worn, eg. none of the courtiers of Chuen’eten wear it ; it was considered as a fashion of past days, and only appropriate for certain ceremonies.3 * A longer form of the artificial beard belongs strictly to the royal dress, and though we find it occasionally worn by the nomarchs under the Middle Empire, it was as much an encroachment on the royal prerogative as the wearing of the Shend'otd Finally, the gods were supposed to wear beards of a peculiar shape ; they were longer by two KING OF THE OLD EMPIRE (L. D., ii. 39 f). NOMARCH OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE (L. D., ii. 130). EMPIRE. THE GOD OSIRIS. finger-breadths than those worn by men, they were also plaited like pig- tails and bent up at the end.5 Egyptian costume, as far as we have already considered it, shows a comparatively rich development; on the other hand the history of the foot gear is very simple. In no point of apparel, in fact, did the nation remain so faithful to old traditions. At a time when people paid great attention to the various gradations of style in clothes and wigs, and when they were also strenuously striving after greater cleanliness, men and women, young and old almost always went barefoot, even when wearing the richest costumes. Under the Old and the Middle Empire women seem never to have worn sandals, while great men probably only used them when they needed them out of doors,6 and even then they generally gave them to be 1 L. D. , ii. 128, 1 3 1, on a solemn occasion. 2 E.g. L. D., ii. 9. 3 E.g. L. D., iii. 9 e, 29 a, 77 a, 1 16, 173 c ; Berlin, 2277, 2287, 7316, etc., when in ceremonial dress. 4 L. D., ii. 129, 130. 5 Once also under the New Empire upon a man who is bringing offerings for the deceased ances- tors, and therefore is officiating as Horus (L. D., iii. 9 f) ; the deceased often wear it when they are in the form of Osiris, especially in the representations on the mummy cases. 6 O. E. : L. D., ii. 13, 54, 79, 80 ; Perrot, 91. Single ones ; L. D., ii. 98 b. M. E. : L. D., ii. 126, 131. X DRESS 227 carried by the sandal-bearer who followed them.1 Sandals were more frequently used under the New Empire ; still they were not quite natur- alised, and custom forbade that they should be worn in the presence of a superior.2 3 Consequently san- dals were all essentially of the same form. Those here represented have soles of leather, of papyrus reed or palm bast, the two straps are of the same material ; one strap passes over the instep, the other between the toes.:i Sometimes a third strap is put behind round the heel 4 in order to hold the sandal on better; sometimes the front of the sandal is turned over as a protection to the toes.5 6 The sandal with sides belongs perhaps to a later period, it approaches very nearly to a shoe. We have laid great stress, as the reader will see by the various illustrations to this chapter, on the accessories of dress, and on ornament. At all periods both men and women wore coloured em- , „ 1,2, UPPER AND UNDER SIDE OF A SANDAL (Alnwick broidered necklets, as well Castle). 3, Ditto. 4, Berlin (after Wilk., ii. 336, 337). as bracelets for the wrist and the upper arm ; 7 8 anklets were also worn as ornaments by the ladies.s 1 Sandal-bearers — O. E. : specified as of the king, A. Z., 1882, 20. M. E. : L. D., ii. 1 3 1 . N. E. : servant carrying those other mistress, Wilk., i. 392. 2 Princes in the king’s presence without sandals whilst he wears them himself, e.g. L. D., iii. 76 b, 77 c. 3 Leather sandals in pictures such as, L. D. , ii. 49 b, or Ros. Mon. civ., 64, 1. 4 E.g. L. D., ii. 1 3 1 . L. D., iii. 77 e, 98 b. 3 E.g. L. D., iii. 1, 1 15, 224. 6 Necklets for men — O. E. : narrow, blue, L. D., ii. 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 32, 36 c, 46, etc. ; blue and green on white, Louvre A, 102, 104, 105. M. E. : L. D., ii. 130, 134 b, d, etc. (narrow). N. E. : broad, with leaf-shaped ornaments reaching to the breast, passim. Necklets for women — e.g. O. E. and M. E. (mostly blue, narrow, and often a second narrow row round the neck) : L. D., ii. 19, 20, 21, 32, 33, etc. ; Perrot, plate ix. ; Louvre A, 102. N. E. : broader than those for men, other- wise alike, passim. Simple strings of beads as necklets are rare, and indeed only customary under the New Empire ; on a man, Berlin, 2297 ; on a woman, Perrot, 795. 7 Frequent at all periods, under the O. E., blue (L. D., ii. 19, 21) ; under the M. E., green with blue necklets (Berlin, 1188). 8 Under the O. E. (blue) : L.D., ii. 20, 27, 46. 228 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. Earrings were probably first introduced into Egypt by foreigners, in the time of the New Empire. Under the 18th dynasty they consisted of broad ornamented disks ; under the 20th of large rings.1 Rings for the fingers, of which many are preserved, were generally seal rings ; they bear for the most part the name of the reigning king. The members of the royal family wore a special covering for the head. The Pharaoh wore his crowns, his helmet, or his folded ker- chief (see p. 60 f.). His sons wore (at any rate under the New Empire) a kerchief with a broad band, which took the place of the youth- ful sidelock, the ancient princely badge ; they also wore a diadem round the head. The queen wore the so-called vulture head-dress, in which that sacred bird, the protector of the king After L. D., iii. 77 e. An example also of a peculiar covering for the leg, this being the only known representation of the same. PAPYRUS SANDALS AT BERLIN (After Wilk. , SANDALS OF GREEN LEATHER IN THE SALT ii. 336). collection (after Wilk., ii. 336). in battle, appeared to spread his wings over the head of the queen. Ordinary people contented themselves, when in gala costume, with wearing a wreath or a coloured ribbon round the hair. Women as a rule also wore the same ; under the Old Empire only we occasionally find a man wearing a diadem.2 Men possessed one badge of honour however above women — a very important one, according to Egyptian ideas. We refer to the various sticks which men of rank of all epochs carry in such a dignified manner. To our profane eyes the differ- SHOE OF GREEN LEATHER IN THE SALT collection (after Wilk, ii. 336). 1 Disk-shaped : Wall pictures in London ; Berlin, 7278 ; Perrot, 795. Rings : L. D., iii. 2, 217 e (both 20th dynasty). 2 Man with diadem : L. D., ii. 73, 97 b ; Diini. Res., 14 ; Berlin, 1118. X DRESS 229 ences between the various sticks appear to be trifling and one stick seems as good as another ; but to the Egyptian each had its own significance and its particular name. The stick in common use was of man’s height, as a rule smooth or with a knob at the top.1 It was used as a walking stick and as a support when stand- ing- still. Next there was the staff of this form which was carried as a symbol of command, as is signified by its name, cherp — first. A similar staff, bearing the name of sechem = mighty, evidently served the same object. A fourth j with the head of a silver earring (after Wilk., ii. 349). fabulous animal at the top, was originally the sceptre of the gods, but was used later even by private individuals as a walking QUEEN WITH VULTURE HEAD-DRESS prince with diadem (after L. D. , iii. 217 a). (after L. D., iii. 217 e). stick.2 3 We have perhaps given examples enough. Many forms of sticks were also imported from foreign parts, eg. the shebet staff of the Canaan- ites called the shabd? The following distinction has been drawn between the apparel of primitive and civilised nations, viz. that the former love the effect of splendid clothes, the latter on the other hand beautify the body itself ; according to this dictum we shall find that the Egyptians of the Old Empire were not far removed from the primitive standpoint. The painting and rouging of the face, the oiling of the limbs and of the hair, was as important to them as their clothes ; and even the deceased were not happy without seven sorts of salve and two sorts of rouge.4 In their 1 E.g. quite smooth : L. D., ii. 20 f, 21, 78 a. With knob : ib. 13, 104 c. With hook : Wilk., iii. lxvii. 2 Wall picture in the Brit. Mus. (gentleman in the country). 3 E.g. Mallet, 1,7. 4 Thus always in the lists of offerings of the Old Empire. 230 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. sculpture also, in which slight deviations from nature were allowed, the Egyptians liked to represent the marks of paint adorning the eyes. Two colours were chiefly used — green, with which under the Old Empire they put a line under the eyes ; and black, with which they painted pots FOR paint FOR the eyes : i, In the shape of a pillar, next to it the little stick for putting it on. (Brit. Mus. ) 2, Held by a monkey, cover and pin are missing (Alnwick Castle). 3, For four different kinds (ditto). (After Wilk. , ii. 348. ) the eyebrows and eyelids, in order to make the eyes appear larger and more brilliant. As a cosmetic stibium was chiefly used. It was imported from the East ; the best kind, called mesd'emt , was evidently very costly. This custom still exists in Egypt, and in this land of ophthalmia the same healing properties are ascribed to kohl as were formerly to mesd'emt. It was customary also to paint other parts of the body as well, and from the picture of the singer to Amon (p. 2 1 6), we surmise that that lady has had her arm tatooed.1 The caricature here depicted evidently represents a lady who is rouging her lips,2 and sur- veying herself complacently at the same time in the metal mirror which she holds with the rouge pot in her left hand. We can scarcely realise the importance of oil in ancient Egypt. Oil was a necessary of daily life, and the hungry unpaid workmen complain in the same breath that no food is given them to eat, and that no oil is 1 L. D., iii. 2. 2 Tur. , 145. LADY ROUGING HERSELF : IN HER LEFT HAND HOLDS THE MIRROR AND THE ROUGE POT (from obscene papyrus, Tur., 145). X DRESS 231 METAL MIRRORS (after Wilk., ii. 351). given to them.1 These workmen had probably to be contented with native fat, but the soldiers demanded imported oil — oil from the harbour? People of rank always obtained their oils and perfumes from foreign countries,3 in preference from the south coasts of the Red Sea, which supplied the pre- cious Qemi, the ointment so often mentioned and so often represented, which was used under the New Empire for oiling the head.4 The oil was not used as we should natur- ally imagine. A ball about the size of a fist was placed in the bowl of oil ; the con- sistency of the ball is un- known, but at any rate it absorbed the oil. The chief anointer , who was always to be found in a rich household,5 then placed the ball on the head of his master, where it remained during the whole time of the feast, so that the oil trickled down gradually into the hair. Oil in Egypt was also symbolic ; it was an emblem of joy. On festival days, when the king’s proces- sion passed, all the people poured “sweet oil on their heads, on their new coiffures.” 6 At all the feasts cakes of ointment were quite as neces- sary as wreaths, and if the king wished specially to honour one of his courtiers he ordered his servants to anoint him with Qemi , and to put beautiful apparel and ornaments upon him.7 It was considered a suitable amusement at a feast for persons to perform their toilettes together, and while or put on new necklets and A LADY WITH HER CAKE OF OINTMENT. BOWL FOR OINTMENT. Others in the picture p. 120. anoint themselves, eating they would exchange flowers. 1 Tur. , 43, 3. - An., 4, 15, 4. 3 See the details in chap. xix. 4 Scenes of anointing: L. D. , iii. 76 b, 230; Wilk., i. 426. Ointment on the heads in all pictures of funerary feasts, on stelae, etc. 5 An., 4, 3, 8. 6 An., 3, 3, 2. 7 L. D., iii. 76 b; Diim. Hist. Inscrip., ii. 40. 232 LIFE IN A ANIENT EGYPT CHAP. To give an agreeable odour to the body the Egyptians used many kinds of perfume, above all one well known to the Greeks, the Kyphi, consisting of myrrh, broom, frankincense, buckshorn, and several other ingredients, some of which were obtained from foreign plants. These substances were pounded and then mixed together, and a certain quantity was put on the fire, and then “ the smell in the house and of the clothes was pleasant.” Honey also was added and pills concocted, which when chewed “ by women made the breath of their mouths sweet.” 1 The latter receipt brings us to the cosmetics, which occupy so large a space in the medical literature of Egypt. It is curious that, amongst this wig-wearing people, the doctor was especially worried about hair ; men as well as women 2 required of him that when their hair came out he should make it grow again, as well as restore the black colour of youth to their white locks. We know not whether these Egyptian physicians understood this art better than their colleagues of modern times ; at any rate they gave numberless prescriptions. For instance, as a remedy against the hair turning white the head was to be “ anointed with the blood of a black calf that had been boiled with oil.” As a preservative against the same misfortune the “ blood of the horn of a black bull,” also boiled with oil, was to be used as an ointment. According to other physicians “ the blood of a black bull that had been boiled with oil ” was a real active expedient against white hair. In these prescriptions the black colour of the bull’s hair was evidently supposed to pass into the hair of the human being. We read also of the “ fat of a black snake ” being prescribed for the same object.3 When the hair fell out, it could be renewed by six kinds of fat worked up together into a pomade — the fat of the lion, of the hippopotamus, of the crocodile, of the cat, of the snake, and of the ibex. It was also considered as really strengthening to the hair to anoint it with the “ tooth of a donkey crushed in honey.” On the other hand queen Shesh, the mother of the ancient King Tet’e, found it advisable to take the hoof of a donkey instead of the tooth, and to boil it in oil together with dog’s foot and date kernels, thus making a pomade. Those with whom this did not take effect might use a mixture of the excreta of gazelles, sawdust, the fat of the hippopotamus, and oil ; 4 or they might have recourse to the plant Degem , especially if they belonged to the community which believed in this plant as a universal remedy.5 The physician however had not only to comply with the wishes of the lady who desired to possess beautiful hair herself, but unfortunately he had also to minister to the satisfaction of her jealousy against her rival with the beautiful locks. “ To cause the hair of the hated one to fall out,” take the worm 1 an1 art or the flower sepet, boil the worm or the flower in oil, and put it on the head of the rival. A tortoise-shell boiled, pounded, and 1 Eb. 98, 12 ; cp. also A. Z., 1874, 106 ff. 2 In the prescriptions, Eb., 65 ff, both are often expressly mentioned. 3 The prescriptions are quoted, Eb., 65, 8, 16, 19 ; 66, 1. 4 Quoted, Eb., 66, 9, 20, 15, 21. 5 Eb., 47, 19. X DRESS 233 mixed in the fat of a hippopotamus was an antidote against this cruel artifice, but it was necessary to anoint oneself with the latter “very very often ” that it might be efficient.1 With this little glimpse of the life of the harem we will take our leave of the subject of Egyptian dress, which has kept us longer than may seem right to many a reader. 1 Eb., 67, 3 ff. Perhaps it would be more exact to say “of the hated one.” CARICATURE OF A BADLY SHAVEN, BALD-HEADED MAN. (From the Turin obscene papyrus.) WINE PARTY UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE. The host and hostess are the scribe of the King Haremheb, and his wife Ese ; the guests are the chiefs of the mercenaries of his majesty (after Wilk. , i. Pi. xi. ;= Perrot, 796). CHAPTER XI RECREATION As a nation advances towards the higher stages of civilisation, there are many pursuits which, though no longer necessary as in past times for the maintenance of life, do not nevertheless fall into oblivion. Though exercised more rarely, they appear to give purer pleasure than before, and with the absence of constraint the hard work of former ages becomes a delight and a sport. When we first obtain a glimpse of the Egyptians, centuries had probably elapsed since they had been obliged to spear fish or to kill birds with a throw-stick in order to obtain food. Yet in later times these two arts were pursued with far greater pleasure than net-fishing or bird-snaring. Similar instances are to be found in the history of all people and all ages. It stands to reason however that these old crafts could only be exercised later by those who cared little what they gained by them. In the Egypt of historical times nets and snares were used when fish and geese were really needed, and the spear and the throw-stick were employed only by wealthy men or men of rank for amusement rather than for use. This kind of recreation seems to have been confined to the aristocracy, and it was even thought to be the particular privilege of these great men, — the master alone might be a sportsman, the servant’s duty was to occupy himself in more useful ways. This view of the matter, which is familiar to us from the feudal customs of the Middle Ages, seems to have been general in Egypt, for as a rule the great men, when spearing fish or killing birds with the throw-stick, are always represented in their most honourable costume, in the royal skirt,1 and even with the royal beard.2 This sport in the marshes was not in their opinion an indifferent matter, it was a precious privilege, a princely right. 1 O. E. : L. D., ii. 60 ; Berlin, 1 1 18, 1 1 19. M. E. : L. D., ii. 130. N. E. : L. D., iii. 9 e ; Wilk., ii. 107. 2 L. D., ii. 130. CHAP. XI RECREATION 235 At the beginning of this book I showed that, at the commencement of the historical period in Egypt, the cultivation of the land was already far advanced. Much of the country formerly covered by marshes and tropical forests was already arable land. At the same time old river beds remained ; stretches of marsh and half-stagnant water, overgrown as of old with papyrus reeds, offered shelter to the hippopotamus, the crocodile, and to numberless water birds. This was the happy hunting-ground of the great lords of ancient Egypt, the oft-mentioned “ backwaters,” the “ bird tanks of pleasure.” They played the same part in Egyptian life as the forest in German folk lore ; the greatest delight perhaps that the Egyptian After L. D. , ii. 130. knew was to row in a light boat between the beautiful waving tufts of the papyrus reeds, to pick the lotus flowers, to start the wild birds and then knock them over with the throw-stick, to spear the great fish of the Nile and even the hippopotamus, with the harpoon. Pictures of all periods exist representing these expeditions, and we have but to glance at them in order to realise how much the Egyptians loved these wild districts, and how much poetry they found in them. We see how the great papyrus shrubs lift up their beautiful heads high above the height of man, while “ their roots are bathed ” as a botanist says, “ in the lukewarm water, and their feathery tufts wave on their slender stalks.” With the help of other reeds and water plants they form an impenetrable thicket — a floating forest. Above, there swarm, as now in 236 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. the Delta, a cloud of many thousand marsh-birds. We see in our picture that it is the close of the breeding season ; a few birds are still sitting on their nests, which are built on the papyrus reeds and swayed by the wind, while most of the others are flying about seeking food for their young. One bird is chasing the great butterflies which are fluttering round the tops of the papyrus reeds ; another with a long pointed beak darts down upon a flower in which he has discovered a cockchafer. In the meantime danger threatens the young ones ; small animals of prey, such as the weasel and the ichneumon, have penetrated into the thicket, and are dexterously climbing up the stems of the reeds. The startled parents hasten back, and seek to scare away the thieves with their cries and the flapping of their wings. Meanwhile in a light boat formed of papyrus reeds bound together the Egyptian sportsman makes his way over the expanse of water in this marsh ; 1 he is often accompanied by his wife and children, who gather the lotus flowers and hold the birds he has killed. Noiselessly the bark glides along by the thicket, so close to it that the children can put their hands into it in their play. The sportsman stands upright in the boat and swings his throw-stick in his right hand ; with a powerful throw it whizzes through the air, and one of the birds falls into the water, hit on its neck. This throw-stick is a simple but powerful weapon — a small thin piece of hard wood, bent in a peculiar way ; when thrown it hits its mark with great strength, then returns in a graceful curve and falls at the feet of the marksman. The natives of Australia still use the same weapon in a somewhat different form under the name of a boomerang.2 3 It is most remarkable that in many of the pictures of the New Empire a tame cat accompanies the sportsman and brings him the fallen birds out of the thicket into the boat.:! The bag after such a hunting expedition was necessarily very light ; we have already said this was purely sport. The great numbers of water- birds required for Egyptian housekeeping were caught in a less delightful but much more effective manner ; a large bird-net was used, which we often see represented in the tombs. The net was spread on a small expanse of water surrounded by a low growth of reeds. Judging from the representations, it was often I o to 12 feet long and about five feet wide. It was made of netted string and had eight corners.4 When 1 Bird-hunting with the throw-stick — O. E. : L. D., ii. 12, 60, 106 (large boat with many oars) ; Berlin, 11 18 (without any companions). M. E. : L. D., ii. 130 (coloured). N. E. : W., ii. 104 (we see the throw-sticks fly through the air), 107, 108 ; L. D., iii. 9 e, 113 c. 2 Many exist in the Museums, e.g. Berlin, 4734 (L. IX, ii. 130, yellow). 3 Cats at the bird hunt : W., ii. 107, 108. The bird sitting in the bow of the boat, W., ii. 104, 107, 10S, may serve as a decoy bird. This does not appear under the Old Empire. 4 The construction of the net is not easy to understand. Wilk., ii. 1 10, shows the meshes. The net is open, L. D., ii. 130, close by we see it amongst the hieroglyphics in its closed form. Bird- catching with a net — O. E. : Mar. mon. div., 17. Perrot, 35 (important); L. D., ii. 9, 12 a ; 42, 43, 46. Diim. Res.,8; L. D., ii. 105, and the same in the tomb of T’y. M. E. : L. D. , ii. 130 (coloured) the fowler sits hidden behind a mat). N. E. : Wilk., i. 290 ; ii. 102. XI RECREA TION 2 37 spread, the sides were drawn well back and hidden under water plants ; in order to draw it up, a rope which ran along the net and was fastened behind to a clod of earth, had to be pulled hard. How they enticed the birds into the net, whether by bait or by a decoy bird, I can scarcely tell, for the favourite time for representa- BIRD-CATCHING UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE (after L. D. , ii. 46). tion on our monuments is always the moment when the net is being drawn together. Three or four fellows who have thrown off every useless bit of clothing, hold the long rope, and wait in breathless attention for the command to draw the net together. In the meantime the master has BIRD-TRAPS, SOME open, some closed. From a tomb of the Middle Empire at Beni Hasan (after Wilk. , ii. 103). slipped through the bushes close to the net, and has seen and heard that the birds are caught in the snare. He dares not call out to his men for fear of scaring the birds, so he gives them the signal by waving a strip of linen over his head. The workmen then pull the rope with might and main, they pull till they literally lie on the ground. Their efforts are rewarded, for the net is full of birds, thirty or forty great water-birds 238 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. being caught in it ; most as we see are geese, but an unfortunate pelican has also wandered in. The latter has little chance of mercy from the bird-catcher, who now gets into the net and seizes the birds one by one by their wings, and hands them to his men ; of these the first appears to be breaking the wings, while the others place them in large four-cornered cages, first sorting them, for the Egyptians loved order ; “ those in the box ? ” asks one of another meanwhile.1 The cages are then carried home on hand-barrows, where the fattest geese are proudly exhibited to the master ; one of the species ser, though unusually fat, is far surpassed by another of the species terp. From the marshes on this occasion they also bring lotus flowers for wreaths and for the decoration of the house — a present is also brought in from the net CATCH OF FISH UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE (after L. D. , ii. 9). for the young master ; a gay hoopoe, which he almost squeezes to death with the cruel love of a child.2 As we have already remarked, this manner of bird-catching was not mere sport in the early ages of the 5th and 6th dynasties ; at that time there was a special official on many estates, the “chief bird-catcher,” 3 and the people also thus obtained their favourite national dish, viz. roast goose. They evidently pursued this sport regularly, and indeed a picture of the time of the New Empire shows us how they salted down the remaining birds in large jars.4 When however, instead of prosaic geese, they wanted to catch the pretty birds of passage, the “ birds of Arabia who flutter over Egypt smelling of myrrh,” 5 they used traps baited with worms.6 It was a favourite pastime even for ladies 7 to sit in the fields all day long, waiting for the moment when at last they should hear the “ wailing cry of the beautiful bird smelling of myrrh.” 8 Fishing was also very popular in ancient Egypt ; the peaceful well- stocked waters of the Nile invited the inhabitants of the country to this 1 Diim. Res., 8. 2 Dum. Res., 8, 9, L.D., ii. 105. a L. D., ii. 105, also Br. Gr. W., 68 a. 4 Wilk., i. 290. 5 Harr., 500, 12, 3. 6 lb. 12, 4, 7. 7 Cp. the song, Harr., 500, 12, 2 ff. 8 lb. 12, 6. XI RECREATION 239 easy sport. The most primitive manner of fishing, viz. with the spear,1 was only pursued later as a sport by the wealthy. For this purpose the Egyptians used a thin spear nearly three yards long, in front of which two long barbed points were fastened. The most skilful speared two fish at once, one with each point. Angling was also considered a delightful recreation for gentlemen ; we see them seated on chairs and rugs fishing in the artificial lakes in their gardens.2 The common fisher- men also did not despise line fishing.3 As a rule however the latter fished in a more effective manner, with the bow-net4 or with the drag-net.5 We see how the latter is set upright in the water, quite in the modern style, with corks fastened on the upper edge and weights on the lower. Seven or eight fishermen then drag it through the water to the land. The catch is a good one, about thirty great fish are caught at one haul, and lie struggling on the bank. Many are so heavy that a man can only carry one at a time ; a string is put through the gills of the others, and they are carried in a row on a stick to the fish dealers. These dealers are seated on low stones before a sort of table, cleaning out the inside of the fish and cutting them open so as to dry them better. The fish were then hung upon strings in the sun to dry thoroughly ; when the fishermen were far from home, they began this work on board their boats.6 These dried fish were a great feature in Egyptian housekeeping ; no larder was without them,7 and they formed the chief food of the lower orders.s They were the cheapest food of the land ; much cheaper than corn, of which the country was also very productive. The heartfelt wish of the poorer folk was that the price of corn might be as low as that of fish.9 Fish was also a favourite dish with the upper classes ; and the epicure knew each variety, and in which water the most dainty were to be caught.10 It was therefore a most foolish invention of later Egyptian theology to declare that fish were unclean to the orthodox and so much to be avoided, that a true believer might have no fellowship with those who ate fish.11 Besides the birds and fish, there dwelt in the marshes two giants of the animal world, the hunting of which was attended with considerable danger, viz. the hippopotamus and the crocodile. Both were regarded with timid respect, which was carried in some districts to religious reverence. The hippopotamus especially, with his senseless furious roar, and his “ extremely pugnacious, restless nature ” 12 was accounted the embodiment 1 O. E. : Berlin, 1119. M. E. : L. D., ii. 130, Ros. M. C., 25. N. E. : Wilk., ii. 107 (the end of the spear is feathered like an arrow). 2 Wilk., ii. 115 (N. E.). 3 O. E. : Perrot, p. i4 = Badeker, p. 413. M. E. : L. D., ii. 127 = Wilk., ii. 116, with and without a rod. Fish hooks perhaps, L.D., ii. 96. 4 Bow-nets, Badeker only, p. 41 1 (O. E.). 5 Large net — O. E. : L. D., ii. 9, 42 a ; 43 a, 46, 106 ; Ros. M. C., 24. Cp. also Br. Gr. W., 69-71. M. E. : L. D., ii. 130. N. E. : Wilk., ii. 102. Transport of fish — L. D., ii. 9, 12. Killing the fish — L. D., ii. 9, 12, 46 ; Dum. Res., 8 ; Ros. M. C., 25. 6 Wilk., ii. 102. 7 Wilk., i. 340. 8 Cp. p. 125. 9 Br. Die. Suppl., 1015. 10 An., 4, 15, 5 ff. 11 Mar. mon. div., 6, 1 5 1 , 152. 12 Barth, Travels in Africa, v. 229. 240 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. of all that was rough and wild. The crocodile, on the other hand, was regarded as the terrible ruler of the water, and it was believed that the water -god Sobk assumed his shape. Both have now deserted Egypt, but formerly they were as numerous in that country as in tropical Africa. The pictures of the time of the Old Empire represent them frequently — the crocodile lying in wait for the cows when they should come into the water, the hippopotamus in blind rage attacking the rudder of a boat, or even seizing a crocodile with his powerful teeth. The crocodile was hunted, in spite of its sanctity as being sacred to the water god ; and that there are no representations of this sport is owing probably to the fact that they had scruples of conscience about it. There were no religious scruples however about the hippopotamus, and men of rank of all times liked to have representations of hippopotamus-hunting in their tombs,1 the more so because the spice of danger made them proud of their success. They seem to have pursued the hippopotamus only on the water from their boats ; a harpoon served as weapon, the shaft of which freed itself from the point as soon as the animal was hit. If the wounded animal dashed down into deep water, the hunter allowed him to do so, by letting out the line attached to the harpoon, though there was danger of the boat being carried under. The hippopotamus was soon obliged to rise to the surface to breathe, and then the sportsman could wound him again. Gradually, as in our whale fisheries, the powerful animal was exhausted by frequent attacks, and finally a rope was thrown over his great head and the creature was dragged to land. The Libyan deserts and the Arabian mountains still offer great opportunities for sport, and in old times this was yet more the case, for many animals which formerly inhabited these regions are only met with now in the Sudan. Flocks of ibex climbed about the mountains, herds 1 Hippopotamus-hunting — O. E. : L. D., ii. 77 ; Perrot, p. 14 ( = Badeker, p. 413). M. E. : Wilk., ii. 128. N. E. : Wilk., ii. 129, after W., ii. 127; this sport is often represented in the Theban tombs, the pictures are unfortunately generally injured. Fully described, W., ii. 127, the harpoon of the O. E. does not seem to have been so complicated as the one there described of the N. E. It is doubtful, according to Wilkinson’s figure, whether it was a lasso which was thrown over the animal’s head. It might be a net like that still used in Africa to throw over the heads of wild boar. XI RECREA TION 241 of gazelles sported about the sand dunes ; there were also antelopes and animals of the cow kind. The hyaena howled and the jackal and fox prowled about the mountains on the edge of the desert ; there were also numerous hares and hedgehogs, ichneumons, civet cats, and other small animals. There was big game too for the lovers of an exciting hunt ; they could follow the “ furious ” leopard or the “ savage-looking ” lion.1 Possibly the imaginative huntsman hoped also to obtain as a prize one of 1 Beautiful representations of wild animals — O. E. : L. D., ii. 6, n, 46, 96 ; Diim. Res., 8, 9. M. E. : L. D., ii. 131, 132. N. E. : Wilk., ii. 92. R 242 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. those marvellous animals spoken of by everybody, but which no living man had ever seen,1 the ‘ achech , the swiftest of all animals, which was half-bird, half-lion ; or the sphinx, that royal beast with the head of a man or of a ram, and the body of a lion ; or the winged gazelle, or even the sag, the creature uniting the body of a lioness with the head of a hawk, and whose tail ended in a lotus flower. All these animals and many others of similar character were supposed to exist in the great desert, and Chnemhotep, the oft-mentioned governor of Middle Egypt under the 1 2th dynasty, caused a panther with a winged face growing out of his back to be represented amongst the animals in his great hunting scene. He was probably of the opinion that such a creature would cause the neighbourhood of Beni Hasan to be unsafe. The Egyptians of all ages loved desert hunting. We know that the kings of the Old Empire had their own “ master of the hunt,” who was also district chief of the desert ; 2 and as regards the Pharaohs of the New Empire, we often read of their hunting in per- son. Thothmes IV., accompanied only by two lions, used to hunt in the neighbourhood of Memphis,3 and we read of his son Amenhotep III., that during the first ten years of his reign he killed with his own hand “110 savage lions.” 4 Packs of dogs were usually employed in desert hunting ; they were allowed to worry and to kill the game.5 The hunting dog was the great greyhound with pointed upright ears and curly tail ; this dog (under the name of SlugJii ) is still in use for the same purpose on the steppes of the Sudan. It is a favourite subject in Egyptian pictures to show how cleverly they would bury their pointed teeth in the neck or in the back paws of the antelopes. These graceful dogs also ventured to attack the larger beasts of prey. A picture of the time of the Old Empire represents a huntsman who, having led an ox to a hilly point in the desert, lies in wait himself in the background with two greyhounds. The ox, finding himself abandoned, bellows in terror ; this entices a great lion to the spot, and the huntsman watches in breathless suspense, ready in a moment to slip the leash from the dogs and let them fall on the lion,6 while the king of animals springs on the head of the terrified ox. The Egyptians were also fond of taking antelopes alive, not in order to stock their parks with them, but to fatten them with their cattle. They 1 Fabulous animals: L. D., ii. 131 ; Wilk., ii. 93, iii. 309-312 ; Ros. M. C., 23 ; Maspero, Guide, p. 169, rightly recognises that sphinxes belong here. 2 L. D., ii. 3. He carries the throw-stick — did they also use it in desert hunting? 3 L. D., iii. 68. 4 Frequent inscriptions on the scarabs of his reign. 5 O. E. : Diim. Res., 8; L. D., ii. 6, 46. N. E. : Wilk., ii. 92 = Ros. M. C., 15. Perrot, 291, is interesting; the hunting ground seems to be surrounded with a net. 6 Diim. Res., 8. PICTURE OF THE TIME OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE (after Wilk. , ii. 87). XI RECREA TION 243 seem to have caught the ibex of the hills by hand j1 in the desert however they employed the lasso, a long rope with a ball at the end, which when thrown at an object wound itself round it.2 A skilled sportsman would throw the lasso so that the rope wound round the legs and body of the animal, while the end twisted itself in the horns. A powerful jerk from the huntsman then sufficed to throw the animal helplessly on the ground. We might almost surmise that the Egyptians felt that scorn for shoot- ing weapons common to so many nations ; at any rate representations of sport with bow and arrow are much rarer than those of hunting.3 Even when shooting they employed dogs to start the game, and possibly beaters armed with sticks to drive the animals towards the sportsmen. With the powerful bow and the arrows a yard long it was quite possible to kill even lions. A passionate sportsman is also as a rule a great lover of animals, and it delights him at home to be able to have under his immediate obser- vation the game which flies past him when out hunting. The wealthy Egyptians therefore at all times kept menageries, in which they brought up the animals taken by the lasso or by the dogs in the desert, as well as those brought into Egypt by way of commerce or as tribute. From the neighbouring deserts they obtained the lion and the leopard (which were brought to their masters in great cages), the hyaena, gazelle, ibex, hare, and porcupine, were also found there ; 4 from the incense countries and from the upper Nile came the pard, the baboon, and the giraffe ;5 and from Syria the bear and the elephant.6 They felt still greater delight when these animals were tamed, when the Ethiopian animal the kaeri was taught to dance,7 and to understand words ; 8 or when the lion was trained to conquer his savage nature and to follow his master like a dog.9 Ramses II. possessed a tame lion which accompanied him to battle,10 and which lay down in the camp at night before the tent of the royal master.11 Pet apes are found at all periods ; these were imported from foreign parts.12 Nebemchut, an Egyptian courtier in the reign of King Cha‘fre‘, possessed two uncouth long-maned baboons, and, accompanied by them, he with his wife inspected the work of his artisans, and certainly the great lord mightily enjoyed the inspection of his people which the apes undertook for their part.13 Most people however contented themselves with one small monkey, which wre sometimes see sitting under a chair busy pulling an onion to pieces, or turning out the contents of a basket ; and though as a rule the monkey was 1 L. D., ii. 46. 2 O. E. : Diim. Res., 8 ; L. D., ii. 96. M. E. : Wilk., ii. 87. The rope in which the hunts- man seems entangled is certainly the lasso. Diim., ib. 3 L. D., ii. 131-132 ; Wilk., ii. 88, S9. Both, M. E. 4 L. D., ii. 11, 50 b, 107 ; Diim. Res., 9, etc. 5 Diim. Flotte, 2. Wilk. i. PI. ii. a. b. 6 Wilk., i., PI. ii. b. 7 An., 5, 8, y — An., 3, 4, 1. 8 Bob, 3, 9. 9 Bob, 3, 9. 10 L. D., iii. 184 a. 11 L. D., iii. 155. 12 Mentioned as early as in the pyramid of Unas, 423. Under the New Empire baboons and monkeys were brought from Arabia (Diim. Fh, 2). 13 Baboons under the Old Empire : L. D., ii. 13, 107. 244 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. the lady’s pet, yet several gentlemen have their pet monkeys represented with themselves in their tombs.1 We can well understand that the Egyptians with their love for animals should at all times have shown special affection towards man’s most faithful companion, the dog. Probably no wealthy household was complete without the splendid great greyhounds,2 still employed in the Sudan under the name of Slughi. They were most precious to the huntsman, for they were swifter than the gazelle and had no fear even of a lion. The Egyptian who was no sportsman however also loved to have these beautiful creatures about him ; they accompanied him when he went out in his sedan chair, and lay under his chair when he was in the house. If we may believe the representations of a Memphite tomb, Ptahhotep, a high official under the 5th dynasty, insisted upon keeping his three greyhounds with him, even while he was listening to the harps and flutes of his musicians, in spite of the howls with which these dogs of the Old Empire seem to have accompanied the music. These greyhounds, the T'esem, do not appear to have been natives of Egypt ; under the New Empire at any rate they seem to have been brought from the incense countries of the Red Sea. Nevertheless this breed of dog was always popular in Egypt, and a tale of the time of the 20th dynasty relates how a prince preferred to die rather than part from his faithful greyhound. Under the Old Empire, besides the T'esem, we meet with a small earless dog, which was also used for coursing ; it may be that in former times they also tamed the prairie dogs.3 Under the 1 ith dynasty there were certainly three different breeds of dog known in Egypt, and later there appear to have been even more. It is interesting that the names given by Egyptian huntsmen to their dogs were often foreign ones. Of the four dogs represented on the stela of the ancient King ’Entef, the first two are called Behka’e and Pehtes, which, as the accompanying inscription informs us, mean “ gazelle ” and “ black ” ; it is not quite clear what the fourth name Teqeru signifies, the third is ‘Abaqero, in which Maspero has recognised with great probability the word Abaikour, the term by which the Berberic nomads of the Sahara still call their greyhounds.4 In Egypt, the land of cattle-breeding, the bull held the same place of old as the lion does now in our poetry ; in Egypt “ the strong bull ” was the incorporation of strength and resistless power, and the poets describe in detail how, with his horns lowered, he rushes on the enemy and 1 Monkeys: L. D., ii. 36 c. Diim. Res., 10. L. D., iii. 9 f, 12 a; Berlin, 7278, and fre- quently. With a man, Berlin, 7276. - Greyhounds (Cp. R. Hartmann, A. Z., 1864, p. 20) under the New Empire come from Tunt (Diim. FI., 2). Representations under the Old Empire: L. D., ii. 17 c, 47, 50a, 52, 107 ; Diim. Res., 10. Cp. also the hunting pictures of the O. E. 3 Cp. Diim. Res., 8, 9, and the remarks of R. Hartmann on the subject — the latter thinks the dog in the lion-hunt is a calf. On the other hand, that the animals considered by Hartmann to be prairie dogs were used for hunting, appears improbable, from the absence of the collar, which is always worn by the true hunting dog. 4 R. J. H., 161 = Mar. mon. div., 49. Other names of dogs : L. D. ii. 17 c, 47, 52. Ros. M. C., 16, 5 ; Berlin, 1192. XI RECREATION 245 tramples him underfoot. It was therefore quite natural that the Egyptians should take great pleasure in bull-fights, and should keep bulls for this purpose.1 In the arena the fighting bulls had their special names ; one represented below is called “ the favourite,” the name of the other may signify the “ broad striker.” 2 Shepherds with short sticks assisted as umpires, and “ loosed ” the bull that was worsted from the horn of his opponent, which had pierced through his dewlap. When the fight between the two short-horned bulls was at an end, a powerful animal of the long- horned race, adorned for the festival with a gay cloth, was brought in to fight the victor. The pleasure and excitement felt at a bull-fight were intensified at the gymnastic games, of which the representations belong to all epochs. One favourite game was sailor-stabbing, in which, for the amusement of their masters, boatmen stood up in their bulrush skiffs, and thrust at each other with their long poles.3 The men also had wrestling matches for the same purpose. These were fought in such earnest that many of the com- batants had to be carried off the field.4 There were prize fighters too, who fought with short sticks, and wore a small piece of wood tied to the left arm to protect themselves from the blows of their opponent.5 Women also appeared before their masters to perform gymnastic feats,6 or to dance, more frequently in the latter capacity, for no feast was con- sidered complete without dancing. To the Egyptian mind it was the natural expression of joy — to rejoice and to dance were synonymous expressions in their poetry. When the harvest was gathered in, and the peasant sacrificed the first fruits to Min the god of Koptos, he danced to testify his joyful thankfulness to the god, and when the festivals of the great goddesses of pleasure Hathor and Bastet were solemnised, dancing was considered as necessary as the shouting for joy or the carrying of wreaths. We know little of these peculiar national dances. In one of them the dancers held two short sticks in their hands, like our bones ; and in fact in one of the harvest representations of the Old Empire we see the workmen 1 M. E. : Wilk., ii. 75, 77. N. E. : Wilk., ii. 75, 76. 2 Wilk., ii. 75, 76. 3 O. E. : Perrot, 41 ; Wilk., ii. 74; Ros. M. C., 104, 105 ; M. E. : L. D., ii. 130. 4 Ros. M. C., 111-115. 5 Wilk., ii. 72. 6 Wilk., ii. 54, 68. 246 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. taking part in this dance ; they have laid aside their clothes, and run with quick movements clapping their sticks together.1 Dancers were almost always present at the “ feast of Eternity,” — that is the feast held in honour of the deceased ; in fact the procession accom- panying the statue of the deceased was generally headed by dancers.' wrestling scenes OF the time of the middle empire. From Beni Hasan (after Wilk., ii. 71, and ib. i. 394). Under the Old Empire their movements appear to have been very measured. They first step slowly forwards one after another, the foot scarcely raised above the ground ; they raise their arms over the head, turning the inner part of the hand upwards ; next they stretch the right arm obliquely upwards and put the left behind the body. As a rule four persons only took part in this “ beautiful dance,” though sometimes there might be more than a dozen. The music consisted always of three or four female singers behind the dancers. Though these dances appear very monotonous on the reliefs, yet 1 L. D., ii. 56 a ; Cp. ib. 52, the writing of ’eba “ to dance.” 2 Dancing men — O. E. : L. D., ii. 14 a, 41, 52, 53 a, 109. Dancing women — O. E. : L. D., ii. 35, 36, 61 a, 101 b. XI RECREA TION 247 with close attention we can distinguish different figures. At the funerary festival, for instance, the singers and the dancers stand opposite each other with a table of food between them.1 On another occasion 2 behind the singers there stands a little pillar adorned with the head of a cat, representing Bastet the goddess of pleasure, close by is a little nude dwarf ; doubtless both were to play their part in the further development of the dance. When dancing, men wore as a rule the ordinary short skirt, they sometimes also put on a girdle tied in a bow behind.3 Women dancers also rarely wore long dresses ; 4 like the men, they generally wore nothing but the short skirt round the hips. In addition they put on all manner of coquettish ornaments — bracelets, necklets, anklets ; they wound ribbons round the upper part of the body, and put on a wreath of flowers. According to the inscriptions these dancers and singers belonged to the harem of the great man concerned. ’ In addition to these simple dances, in which a large number of people could join, there were others,0 in which two dancers formed a difficult group together. These dances are also distinguished by their name jjEEj t' ercf from the ordinary dances (j Jj ’eb. Three of these figures are represented in a tomb of the end of the 4th dynasty. The two dancers, wearing a fringed girdle as their only clothing, stand opposite each other with outstretched arms grasping each other by the hand. Both perform exactly the same move- ments. In one figure they raise one arm and one foot towards their partner, in another they draw up their foot like a crane, in the third they turn away from each other and appear to be about to run away to either side. Each of these groups has its own name (eg. the second appears to be called the pillar') ; to the Egyptian, each group represented a certain scene. 1 L. D., ii. 35. 2 L. D., ii. 36. 3 L. D., ii. 14 a. 5 lb. 35, 52, 101 b; Br. Gr. W., 81. 6 Figure dancing — O. E. : L. D., ii. 52. M. E. : ib. 126. Wilk., i. 505. 4 Ib. 35- 248 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. The figures which were danced at the funerary feast of the nomarch Chnemhotep in the time of the 1 2th dynasty, are comparatively easy to understand ; they are seen in the accompanying illustration from Beni Hasan. The dress of the dancers consists apparently of short bathing e 9 • picture OF the time of the middle empire. From Beni Hasan (after Wilk., ii. 65). drawers only ; for the further amusement of the spectators they have tied up their hair in the shape of the royal crown of Upper Egypt. One figure, in fact, parodies a royal group, one of the frequent victory reliefs, in which XI RECREA TION 249 the monarch seizes the kneeling barbarian by the hair, and swings his sickle-shaped sword above his head. This group is called “ L nder the feet,” the superscription over the relief being always, “ all nations lie under thy feet.” Another group in the same picture is called the wind : one woman bends backwards, till her hands rest on the ground, a second performs the same movement above her, a third stretches out her arms over them. Possibly the former represent the reeds and grasses bent by the wind. In the tombs of Beni Hasan we have also representations of women playing with balls, which was considered, as we see by the costume of the FEMALE DANCERS UNDER THE NEW EMPIRE, THE TALL ONES WITH KETTLEDRUMS, the short ones with castanets (Relief at Gizeh, after Perrot-Chipiez). performers, as a variety of dancing.1 These dancers excelled in all kinds of skilful tricks. We see them playing with several balls at once, or catching two balls with their arms crossed. They get into all sorts of curious positions at their play ; they stand on one leg, jump high into the air, or ride on the back of one of their companions. Whilst the character of the dances of the older period was quiet and measured, the dances of the New Empire were more like those of the East of the present time.2 The girls are dressed in long transparent clothes, and with tambourine or castanets in their hands they turn round and round in quick time, bending their bodies in a coquettish manner. 1 Wilk., ii. 65, 66. Balls ib. 67, similar ones in Berlin and Paris. 2 Wilk., i. 439, 443, pi. xi. ; Perrot, 701 ; Ros. M. C. , 96, 98, 99. 250 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. The old Egyptians took no more offence at these questionable movements of the dancers than do the modern Egyptians of to-day ; it was a favourite amusement to look on at this dancing, and at social parties dancers were invited for the entertainment of the guests. The accom- panying plate1 shows us a feast of this kind. The girls, wearing nothing but girdles, stand close to the wreathed wine jars ; they go through their twists and turns, clapping their hands to keep in time. Meanwhile one woman plays the flute, and three others sing a song, evidently in praise of the pleasures of the cool happy time of inundation, during which season, as is the custom at the present day, the feast was given : The earth-god causes his beauty to grow in the heart of every creature, This is the work of Ptah’s hands, this is balm to his breast, When the tanks are full of fresh water, And the earth overflows with his love. Every large household had its harem and the inmates were careful blind singers. Picture from Tell el Amarna (after Wilk. , i. 442). that music and song should never fail at any feast, secular or sacred. In the royal household moreover, where the musicians were very numerous, they were under a superintendent, who may be regarded as a professional. A number of names of these ancient choir-masters have come down to us. Under the Old Empire we meet with a certain Ra'henem, the “super- intendent of the singing,” 2 who was also the superintendent of the harem. There were also three “ superintendents of the royal singing ” who were at the same time “ superintendents of all the beautiful pleasures of the king ” — their names were Snefrunofr, ’Et’e, and Re‘mery-Ptah ; the two last were singers themselves and boast that they “ daily rejoice the heart of the king with beautiful songs, and fulfil every wish of the king by their beautiful singing.” At court they held a high position, they were 1 Feast with music and female dancers. Amongst the guests in the upper row two married couples sit in front on arm chairs, behind them on stools sit alternately secular and priestly gentlemen. (After a Theban tomb picture of the 1 8th dynasty in the Brit. Mus. ) - Mar. Mast., 139 f. The reading of the name is uncertain. FEAST, WITH MUSICIANS AND DANCING GIRLS. Wall picture from a Theban tomb in the British Museum. (After a photograph by Wilke.) [To face page 250. XI RECREA TION 25! “ royal relatives, ’ and priests of the monarch and of his ancestors.1 Under the New Empire we find H‘at-’euy and Ta2 singers to Pharaoh, and Neferronpet the “ superintendent of the singers to Pharaoh,” s who was at the same time “ superintendent of the singers of all the gods,” and therefore at the head of the musical profession in Egypt. It is certainly not accidental that in the pictures of the Old Empire 4 the women appear always to sing without, and the men with, instru- mental accompaniment ; the women’s voices were considered pleasant to listen to alone, but the men’s, on the other hand, were preferred with harps alone seem to have been regarded a only as an accompaniment to the da HARP UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE (after L. D. , ii. 61 a). and flutes. Nevertheless the men artists, the women probably sang ices. It was the usual custom for PRIESTS PLAYING harps. From the tomb of Ramses III. (Ros. M. C., 97). singers to mark the time by clapping their hands ; men waved their arms quickly when singing, while etiquette forbade the women to do more than move their hands. We see that, according to Egyptian ideas, these barbaric customs and correct singing were inseparable, for the word to sing is written at all times by the sign of a hand. Even under the New Empire this custom of beating time was in use, 1 Mar. Mast., 153; R. J. H., 3-4, 88; L. D., ii. 59. 2 Mar. Cat. d’Ab. , 1 1 1 5, 425. Mar. Cat. d’Ab., 1159. His brother is superintendent of the harem, and priest of the crowns. 4 Female singers at the dance. O. E. : L. D., ii. 36 c, 52, 53 a, 61 a. 101 b. Singers with music— O. F„ : L. D., ii. 36 c, 52, 53, 61, 74. LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. 252 more scope however was allowed in their manner of singing, and male and female voices were employed individually, or together with instruments.1 The blind, of whom there have always been man)r in Egypt, were much liked as singers ; 2 the best school for female singers was at Memphis.3 The harp 4 was always the favourite instrument ; harps of two sizes were in use, that of medium size had six or seven strings, while the larger GIRL PLAYING THE LUTE. THE PLECTRUM WITH WHICH SHE STRIKES HER THREE - STRINGED instrument hangs by A string. Theban tomb-picture of the time of the New Empire (after Perrot-Chipiez). one had often twenty strings ; for the former the performer was seated, for the latter he was obliged to stand. A very small harp, played resting on the shoulder, appears only in the time of the New Empire." The 1 Male singers : Wilk., i. 442, 462. Female singers : ib. 440, 441. Both together : ib. 441. 2 Wilk., i. 438, 442. 3 An., 3, 3, 7. 4 Harps of the O. E. : L. D., ii. 36 c ; 52, 53, 61, 74. Of the M. E. : Wilk., i. 442. Of the N. E. : Wilk., i. 436, 438, 441, 442, 462, 464, pi. xi. 5 Wilk., i. 465. Here belong also the small instruments in Berlin and London, ib. 473, 474. XI RECREATION construction of the harp does not always seem to have been the same, for instance, the resonance chamber at the lower end of the instrument is found only during a later period.1 The lute was also in common use, its name J nefer is one of the commonest signs in hieroglyphics. Its Egyptian name was derived from the Semitic n. b. 1. ; it was played by striking it with the plectrum, and seems to have been a very primitive instrument, possessing originally only one string.1’ The trigonon, the small three - stringed harp, first appears under the New Em- pire ; in still later times it became very common. This instrument may possibly have been of foreign origin,3 as was doubt- less the lyre. We meet with the latter but once before the time of the 1 8th dynasty, and then indeed in the hands of a Beduin bringing tribute. It is frequently represented after the Egyptians had con- tinuous intercourse with the Semites, and was evidently the fashionable instrument of the New Empire.4 It is found of all sizes and shapes, from the little instru- ments with five strings, which ladies could easily hold, to those with eighteen strings, some of which were six feet high, the per- former having to stand by them. The reader can see lyres of different sizes together with lutes and harps in the picture of the house, p. 181. The flute was the only wind instrument in use. There were two BEDUIN OF THE TIME OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE PLAYING THE LYRE (after L. D., ii. 133). which forms of flute under the Old Empire ; the long flute, the player held obliquely behind him, and the short flute ' o± \ which was held horizontally when played. ’ Under the New Empire these were 1 Under the O. E. at any rate, L. D., ii. 53. Under the M. E. an open sounding-box may have been fastened under the end of the harp, cp. Wilk., i. 442. Under the N. E. small instruments constructed with a belly, e.g. Wilk., i. 473, 442 ; large ones with an ornamented box. The tone was also strengthened by placing the harp on a pillar instead of on the ground ; cp. Wilk., i. 438, 462, 464. 2 Wilk., i. 481, 482, 483, pi. xi. — all of the N. E. That the lute existed previously we only judge from the hieroglyphs. 3 L. D., iii. 106, Wilk., i. 469, ib. 470, an example in the Louvre with twenty-one strings, others ib. 474. 4 Wilk., i. 439, 441, 470, 476, ib. 477, 478. Examples are preserved in Berlin and Leyden. 5 Flutes of the O. E. : L. IX, ii. 36 c, 52, 61, 74. 254 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. almost suppressed in favour of double flutes, as e.g. that played by the musician in the accompanying plate.1 Finally we must mention the round and square kettledrums,2 3 and the castanets,2 which were the instruments usually played by the dancers, also the barrel-shaped drum and the trumpets of the soldiers ; we shall then have enumerated almost all the instruments on which the ancient Egyptians of the various periods depended for their musical pleasure.4 5 FLUTE-PLAYERS UNDER THE OLD EMPIRE (after L. D. , ii. 74). Under the Old Empire instrumental music seems to have been performed solely by men, and to have served merely as an accompaniment to the voices. The instruments commonly used at a concert of that time consisted of two harps, a large and a small flute ; while close to each musician stood a singer, who also beat time by clapping his hands.0 On rare occasions the harp was employed alone to accompany singing,6 but at this earlier period flutes were never used alone.7 Under the New Empire on the other hand women performers were more frequent, and female as well as male voices were combined with all manner of instruments. A large harp, two lutes (or a lute and a lyre) and a double flute were used at this later period as the usual accompaniment to the voices.s During the performance of music and dancing at feasts, the guests in no way appear so engrossed in these pleasures as is required by etiquette at our musical soirees. On the contrary, they drink and talk, and busy themselves with their toilette. As I remarked above, the Egyptian idea of a social feast was that the guests should be anointed and wreathed bv the attendants, that they should receive new necklets, and that lotus 1 Double flutes of the N. E. : Wilk., i. 436, 438, 439, 440, 441. A single one, ib. 440, 486. Flutes in the Brit. Mus. , ib. 4S6. - Kettledrums : Perrot, 701 ; Wilk., i. 439, 443. 3 Perrot, 701, 838. In many museums, often in the shape of a hand. 4 A curious instrument of the M. E. : Wilk., i. 442. In An., 4, 12, 2, the flutes are called tiad^a'e and uar, and the stringed instruments ken'en'euru , and nat’achc. Of these foreign barbaric names we can only identify the last but one, the kinnSr or lyre. 5 L. D., ii. 52, 61, 74. 6 L. D. , ii. 53. 7 They were thus employed under the N. E. ; cp. the above illus. from the Brit. Mus. 8 E.g. Wilk., i. 438, 440, 441. At sacrifices, L. D. , iii. 236. EGYPTIAN LADIES AT A FEAST. Wall picture from a Theban tomb in the British Museum. (After a photograph by Wilke.) \To face page 255. XT RECREA TION 255 flowers and buds should be placed on the black tresses of their wigs. If we look at the feast represented in the accompanying plate,1 or at any one of the many similar pictures' of the New Empire, we see how absorbed the women of the party are in their own adornment ; they give each other their flowers to smell, or in their curiosity they take hold of their neighbour’s new earrings.3 The serving boys and girls go round offering ointment, wreaths, perfumes, and bowls of wine. They challenge the guests at the same time to “celebrate the joyful day”4 by the enjoyment of the pleasure of the present moment ; the singers also con- tinually repeat the same as the refrain to their song. They sing to the guests as they quaff the wine : “ Celebrate the joyful day ! Let sweet odours and oils be placed for thy nostrils, Wreaths of lotus flowers for the limbs And for the bosom of thy sister, dwelling in thy heart Sitting beside thee. Let song and music be made before thee. Cast behind thee all cares and mind thee of pleasure, Till cometh the day when we draw towards the land That loveth silence.” 5 or : “ Celebrate the joyful day, with contented heart And a spirit full of gladness.” 6 or : “ Put myrrh on thy head, array thyself in fine linen Anointing thyself with the true wonders of God. Adorn thyself with all the beauty thou canst. With a beaming face celebrate the joyful day and rest not therein. For no one can take away his goods with him, Yea, no one returns again, who has gone hence.” 7 The guests, hearing these admonitions to enjoy life while they may, before death comes to make an end of all pleasure, console themselves with wine, and finally, as was considered suitable at every feast, “ the banquet is disordered by drunkenness.” 8 Even the ladies do not refrain from excess, for when they at last refuse the ever-offered bowl, they have already, as our picture shows, presumed too much on their powers. One lady squats miserably on the ground, her robe slips down from her shoulder, the old attendant is summoned hastily, but alas ! she comes too late.9 This conclusion to the banquet is no exaggerated caricature. In 1 Feast. In the upper row three married couples, in the lower eight ladies, the gentlemen sit behind on simple stools. (Theban tomb picture of the 18th dynasty now in the Brit. Mus.) 2 See particularly Ros. M. C., 79, also Wilk., i. 424, 426, 427, 430, pi. xi. 3 Wilk., ii. 21. 4 That this was a cry to the guests we see by WTilk., pi. xi., where the servant thus apostrophises one of the guests, the chief of the mercenaries. Cp. also Ros. M. C., 96. 5 Diim. Hist. Inscrip., ii. 40. Cp. A. Z., 1873, 60 ff. Also Records of the Past, vol. vi. p. 129. 6 Wilk., i. pi. xi. ' Harr., 500, 14, 10 ff. ; Cp. also Records of the Past, vol. iv. p. 1x8. 8 Turin love songs, Maspero, Etud. Egypt, i. 228. 9 A similar picture, Wilk., i. 393. 256 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. other countries and in other ages it may also happen that a lady may drink more than she need, but in the Egypt of the New Empire, where this pitiful scene is perpetuated on the wall of a tomb, it was evidently regarded merely as a trifling incident, occurring at each banquet, and at which no one could take offence. The Egyptians were not content with the feasts instituted at great festivals, but when the opportunity arose, they were quite willing without FROM A THEBAN TOMB OF THE TIME OF THE NEW EMPIRE (after Wilk. , i. 392). any particular reason to arrange a “ house of beer,” i.e. a small banquet.1 2 We have already seen an instance of this (p. 144) in which the judges had arranged one of these pleasure parties with the accused, and had heavily to atone for their indiscretion." Wrell might the wise ’Eney teach: “Drink not beer to excess ! . . . The words that come out of thy mouth, thou canst not recall. Thou dost fall and break thy limbs, and no one reaches out a hand to thee. Thy comrades go on drinking, they stand up and say : ‘ Away with this fellow who is drunk.’ If any one should then seek thee to ask counsel of thee, thou wouldst be found lying in the dust like a little child.” 3 These words of wisdom, however, were as useless as those of Dauuf, who entreated his son to content himself with two jugs of beer and three loaves of bread.4 The Egyptian youth seems to have followed his own sweet will, and one teacher wrote sorrowfully to his pupil as follows :5 — “ I am told : thou dost forsake books, Thou dost abandon thyself to pleasure, Thou dost wander from street to street ; Every evening the smell of beer, The smell of beer scares away men (from thee), It destroys thy soul. 1 P j. T., 6, 1 ; Mar. mon. div., 6, 134, and in the passage lately quoted from the Turin love songs. 2 P j. T., 6, 1. 3 Pap. de Boul., i. 17, 6 ff. 4 Sail., 2, 10, 6. 8 An., 4, 11, 8 ff. Also the beginning of Sail., i. 9, 9 ff. XI RECREA TION 257 Thou art as a broken oar, That can guide to neither side, Thou art as a temple without its god, A house without bread. Thou art caught as thou dost climb upon the walls, And dost break the plank, The people flee from thee, And thou dost strike and wound them. Oh that thou didst understand that wine is an abomination, And that thou wouldest abjure the shedeh drink, That thou didst not set thy heart on cool drinks, And that thou wouldest forget the T’enreku. Now thou art instructed how to sing to the flute, To recite (?) to the pipe (?), To intone to the lyre. To sing to the harp.” Girls are also represented in the company of an inebriated man ; they embrace him and he sits by them “ imbrued with oil, and with a wreath of cotton weed round his neck.” 1 He may then pat himself in a contented way, but when he tries to get up, he tumbles and falls down and “ be- spatters himself with mud like a crocodile.” It was not however at all necessary for the young men to fill up their idle hours with pleasures such as these ; even in old times there were games and many other kinds of recreation with which they could refresh themselves after their studies. They had bows and arrows with which they might shoot at targets made of the skin of some animal,2 or they had a game they played similar to one of our own, in which by a powerful throw a point was driven obliquely into a block of wood, whilst the opponent had to drive it out again with his own point.3 There was also a game with two hooks and a ring,4 and many others, about which we can ascertain nothing from the monuments. For those who did not care for these trials of strength, there were games of chance or of skill. It is doubtful whether dice go back to the older period of Egyptian history,5 UNKNOWN GAME OF THE TIME OF THE MIDDLE EMPIRE ; POS- SIBLY THE MAN KNEELING HAD TO GUESS WHO STRUCK HIM (after Wilk. , ii. 6i = Ros. M. C. , 102). 1 Both expressions used in this passage, o /W NM must refer to the Egyptian demimonde. The former appears to signify “nurse,” the orthography of the latter is connected with meses to give birth. - Wilk., i. 406, ib. 27. O. E. : in the tomb of Ptahhotep ; M. E. : Wilk., ii. 69. 4 M. E. : Wilk., ii. 62. 5 Cp. Wilk., ii. 62. S LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. XI but the game now known in Italy by the name of viora was possibly played by the Egyptians round a pot even under the Old Empire.1 In the same way we also find another old game for which concentric circles were drawn on the ground.2 Each of the players put a stone inside the ciicles, but what was exactly the object of the game or how it was played we cannot determine, as we only possess one single picture in which it is lepiesented. I he game of draughts, of which we have many repre- BOAKD for A game, fkom the Abbott collection. Front and back view (after Wilk. ,-ii. 58). sentations,3 as well as many boards in existence,4 is almost as obscure as the other games. This was the favourite game of the ancient Egyptians, the game which they were allowed to play even in the nether world.5 We know that there were many ways of playing this game ; this is proved by the various boards which we possess, but it is impossible now to determine the particular construction of each game. 1 O. E. : perhaps Br. Gr. W. 137 ; N. E : Wilk., ii. 55, round a pot. 2 O. E. : Wilk., ii. 61. Another puzzling game, Wilk., ii. 70. 3 O. E. : L. D., ii. 61 ; M. E. : Wilk., ii. 57 = Perrot, 25S ; N. E. : Wilk., ii. 59 60; L. D. iii. 208. 4 Wilk., ii. 58 ( = Prisse monum., 49, p. 9); Mar. mon. div., 51 j ( = Maspero, Guide, 3182) ; Maspero, Guide, 3183, ib. 4673. 5 Book of the Dead, chap. 17 superscription. GAME PLAYED on A board. Picture of the time of the Middle Empire at Beni Hasan (after Wilk. , ii. 57). CHAPTER XII RELIGION WERE it possible to describe the life of the ancient Egyptians without touching upon a subject of such moment to them as their religion, I would gladly do so, for it is not possible as yet to give a satisfactory scientific account of the faith of this ancient nation. In spite of the enormous amount of material that we possess in the shape of religious texts and pictures, our knowledge of the subject is still very elementary, and in the following sketch much must still be considered as hypothetical.1 It is most probable that originally the whole country did not profess a common religion. It is true that there are certain representations which con- tinually recur, and which seem common to all parts of Egypt, as for instance, that of Re‘, the sun-god, passing through the heavens in his bark, or of heaven as a goddess bending over the earth, but these representations have little to do with religion itself. He who needed superhuman help turned rather to a god more akin to himself, the god of his town. Each town, and indeed each village, possessed its own particular divinity, adored by the respective inhabitants, and by them alone. Thus the later town of Memphis was faithful to Ptah, of whom they said, that as a potter on his wheel he had turned the egg from which the world was hatched. The god Atum was the “ town god ” of Heliopolis ; in Chnum we find Thoth, in Abydos Osiris, in Thebes Amon, in Hermon- this Mont, and so on. The goddess Hathor was revered in Denderah, Bastet in the town later called Bubastis, while in Sais the people adored the warlike Neit, who was probably of Libyan origin. The names of many of these deities show them to be purely local gods, many being 1 I have, as a rule, followed the views of Piltschmann and Ed. Meyer. 26o LIFE IN A ANIENT EGYPT CHAP. originally called after the towns, as, “ him of Ombos,” “ him of Edfu,” “ her of Bast ” ; they are really merely the genii of the towns. Many were supposed to show themselves to their worshippers in the form of some object in which they dwelt, eg. the god of the town Dedu in the Delta (the later Busiris) in the shape of the wooden pillar jj . The form chosen was generally that of some animal : Ptah manifested himself in the Apis bull, Amon in the ram, Sobk of the Feyum in a crocodile, and so on. The Egyptians believed that each place was inhabited by a great number of spirits, and that the lesser ones were subject to the chief spirit ; in some instances they formed his suite, his divine cycle ; sometimes they were considered as his family, thus Amon of Thebes had the goddess Mut for his consort, and the god Chons for his son. The religious conditions described above exist mutatis mutandis every- where amongst nations in a low state of development ; with the progress of Egyptian civilisation they changed in many essential points. As the Egyptian peasants of the different nomes began to feel that they belonged to one nation, and as the intercourse increased between the individual parts of this long country, the old religion gradually lost its disconnected character. It was natural that families travelling from one nome to another should take the gods they had hitherto served to their new homes, and that, like every novelty, these divinities should win prestige with the inhabitants. It is conceivable that the god of a particularly great and mighty town should be believed to exercise a sort of patronage, either politically or agriculturally, over that part of the country dependent upon that centre. When any god had attained this prominent position, and had become a great god, his worship would spread still farther. He had more opportunities than the other gods of giving help and working miracles, he therefore won more renown than they did. If the fame of a god spread through the whole country, and if pilgrims came from afar to his sanctuary, still greater results ensued. The worshippers of other less celebrated deities then discovered that their divinity was really the same as the more famous god. It was no obstacle that the names were utterly different, eg. in far distant ages the worship of Osiris, belonging originally to Abydos, spread over the whole of Egypt, and gods as distinct from him as Sokar of Memphis and the pillar of Dedu were identified with him. The consequence was that with the progress of civilisation the religion underwent a process of simplification. The small local gods shrank into the background by the side of their more fortunate colleagues, who tended more and more to merge into each other. Thus the cruel Sechmet and the gracious Bastet were almost considered as special forms and names of the more famous goddess Idathor ; and in later times we may also add of Mut of Thebes. At length Hathor herself bad to suffer identification with Isis. In the same way, as the reputation of the sun-god increased, other gods grew more like him. Few Egyptian gods escaped identifica- tion with Re‘, not even the water god Sobk, in spite of his crocodile form. XII RELIGION 261 The development of a common mythology advanced hand in hand with the process described above. At the period when each individual place revered its special divinity, the respective inhabitants had woven for their god a history of special actions and destinies which had little or no connection with the stories of the divinities worshipped in other localities. When however the local cults were fused into a national religion, the legends of the gods were united to form a mythology which, in its most important particulars, became the common property of the nation. The evolution of Egyptian religion described above took place in prehistoric times. In the oldest records we possess, the so-called pyramid texts, the development was complete, and the religion had essentially the same character as in all after ages. We find a very considerable number of divinities of each rank, the greater with their sanctuaries in various towns, one being always acknowledged as pre-eminent ; individual gods are sometimes expressly distinguished the one from the other, sometimes considered as identical ; we find a mythology with myths which are absolutely irreconcilable existing peacefully side by side ; in short, an unparalleled confusion. This chaos was never afterwards reduced to order ; on the contrary, we might almost say that the confusion became even more hopeless during the 3000 years that, according to the pyramid texts, the Egyptian religion “ flourished.” Erom century to century progress was made, at any rate in one direction, viz. in the amalgamation of the divinities to one type. More especially the sun-god Re‘ formed a central point for this kind of union ; Amon of Thebes, Horus of the East, Horus of Edfu, Chnum of Elephantine, Atum of Heliopolis, and it may be many others, were considered under the New Empire as one god. This course would gradually lead to the abolition of polytheism, and in fact this tendency is very apparent. Thus, e.g. in the phraseology of the hymn to the sun-god, the divine amalgam, com- posed of Amon, Re‘, Harmachis, Atum, is called the “only god, in truth, the living one.” At the same time, the existence of the various sanctuaries proves that these were but empty phrases ; as long as Atum, Chnum, and Horus still possessed their individual sanctuaries and priesthood, the fusion of these gods could not be complete, notwithstanding these beautiful words. Above all, the priests of those gods naturally withstood these anti-poly- theistic theories of the New Empire, especially those who, being the richest, had most to lose by them, — the priests of Amon. It is no accident that the only practical attempt that we know of in this direction turned, in the time of momentary triumph, with rage against Amon, as if it had experienced most resistance from that god. This attempt was undertaken by the son of Amenhotep III., the last king of any importance of the eighteenth dynasty,1 and consisted in no less a change than the substitu- tion of all the gods of past times by one single deity, the “ great living sun-disk,” or, according to his official title, “ the sun ruling the two horizons, he who rejoices in the horizon in his name : splendour abiding 1 Cp. p. 45 ff. , though there may be much to change in this conception of the ancient religion. 262 LIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT CHAP. in the sun-disk.”1 In fact, it was not a sun-god who was adored, but the material sun itself, which, by the hands of his beams, bestowed upon living beings that “ eternal life which was in him.” 2 This new deity, therefore, did not bear the name of any of the old sun-gods, nor is he called simply the sun , but he is called (j ^ 0, 'etn, the sun-disk , a word not contaminated 1