“•'• • aw -r. ^ ■ : - •:-B' : ’ • . », . "i ■• [i * '• ' '• ^ * . t.: -A ; '•■ ' t*; ■ • ■■ 2; ** >> •> sij)* ■ " 4‘^y - ''/! te'«^-c--.y ■■■^^■<^ -y . >-'v"-: ■: .-a DAI NIPPON Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library https://archive.org/details/dainipponbritainOOdyer DAI NIPPON A STUDY IN NATIONAL EVOLUTION BY HENRY DYER, C.E., M.A., D.Sc. EMERITUS PROFESSOR, IMPERIAL UNIVERSITY OF TOKYO FORMERLY PRINCIPAL OF AND PROFESSOR OF ENGINEERING IN THE IMPERIAL COLLEGE OF ENGINEERING, TOKYO LIFE GOVERNOR, GLASGOW AND WEST OF SCOTLAND TECHNICAL COLLEGE ETC., ETC. LONDON BLACKIE & SON, Limited, 50 OLD BAILEY, E.C. NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS, 1 53-1 57 FIFTH AVENUE 1904 Printed by R. & R. Clark, Limited, EdinburgJu I DEDICATE THIS BOOK TO THE STUDENTS OF THE KOBU-DAIGAKKO WHO HAVE DONE SO MUCH TO MAKE MODERN JAPAN Not only as a memorial of past work, but also in the hope that they may find it helpful in the solution of the problems which lie before their country in the future. * \ ^ V , . ' :v'-^r»i ^ f ' > I 'TV -^'V''* "' ''h', ; .- i ^ . -** •' ■ i 1 V'Vii, i-l' <'.. Vjf/, ‘ -.si* ■ v'fc PREFACE My object in the following pages has not been to give a history of modern Japan or detailed statistics of recent developments — to do that adequately would require at least a volume for the treatment of each of the main subjects mentioned in the different chapters — it has rather been to indicate the forces which have been at work in bringing about what is admitted to be the wonder of the latter half of the nineteenth century ; namely, the rise of Japan as a member of the comity of nations, and to note some of the chief results. Historical details are therefore omitted and the use of statistics has been limited to such figures as seemed necessary in order that a fairly complete picture might be given of the different aspects of national life which have gone to make modem Japan. As one who took an active part in the educational and engineering works which have been among the main factors in producing the great changes that have taken place, I have naturally given special attention to these and to their direct results on the national life, but at the same time I have endeavoured to take a wider view of the subject, and have at least indi- cated, I admit imperfectly, the inner forces which, after all, have been most powerful. It is well to remember that “ cause ” means the sum of the conditions which produce a viii Dai Nippon phenomenon. I have noted what have seemed to me to be the chief conditions which have brought about the great developments that have taken place in Japan, but national evolution is such a complex phenomenon that it is difficult either to state exactly the nature of the conditions or to estimate their relative importance. One thing, however, is clear, and that is, the fact that the impulse came from within accounts in great part for the rapid progress which Japan has made in Western methods. In Japan, as in other countries, the developments of industry and commerce have started forces which are causing many serious problems, not only of an economic but also of a social and moral nature, which will require very careful consideration. Lovers of Japan are somewhat dismayed at the disintegration of taste and ideals which is coming about in consequence of modern competition, and which is having very serious effects not only on the national life but also on international relations. My satisfaction at the great success which has attended the work of the students of the Imperial College of Engineering has been damped when I ponder over the problems which lie before Japan, but my consolation has come when I recognise that without that work Japan as a separate nationality would probably have disappeared under the aggression of Foreign Powers. The world cannot afford to lose such a unique nationality, not only because of its special qualities but also because it is the chief progressive force in the Far East. Although she is confronted with many difficult problems, Japan is now strong and determined not only to maintain her independ- ence but to be a very important factor in the evolution which is rapidly transforming economic and political con- ditions in the Pacific area. Without attempting the rdle of a prophet, I have in IX Preface the concluding chapters glanced at some of the political, economic, and social results of modern developments, and have indicated some of the problems which I believe lie before Japan. On these subjects there will of course be great differences of opinion, and what I have said must be taken only for what it is worth ; but having a fairly intimate knowledge of the affairs of the country during the whole of the period of modern development, I venture to hope that I have at least suggested points which are worthy of the attention of all who are interested in the future of Japan. My own ideas with regard to that future are decidedly optimistic, and I believe that in material, intellectual, and moral influence Japan will fully justify her claim to be called the Britain of the East. Instead of burdening the pages of the book with numerous notes and references to authorities, I have, at the end of each chapter, given the names of the most important books and documents I have consulted on the subjects of that chapter, and in the Appendix I have added a list of books and other publications which will be useful to those who wish detailed information on the important develop- ments in Japan of which I have been able to give only a broad outline. I owe so much to my numerous friends in Japan, that it is impossible to name them all, but there are two who must be specially mentioned. Dr. Sakatani, the Vice-Minister of Finance, has kept me supplied with all the most important Government publications, and to him I am very grateful. The files of the Japan Daily Mail^ of which my old colleague Captain Brinkley is the editor, are mines of information not only for the details of current history but also for able and important discussions on all things Japanese. I receive the journal weekly from Japan, and it has been of great service to me. Captain Brinkley’s monumental book X Dai Nippon on Japan and China should be carefully studied by all who wish to know Japan. It deals with history, manners and customs, religion, art, politics and modern conditions, and gives full information on many points which I have been able only to touch. I have repeatedly quoted Captain Brinkley when dealing with subjects on which he is a special authority. My students in all parts of the country have not only kept me informed with regard to their work but have also discussed with me many of the questions on which I have touched in this book. Its plan renders necessary a certain amount of repetition of some of the main facts of modern Japanese history, so that my readers may under- stand their connection with the subjects directly under discussion, and logical arrangement has, to a certain extent, been sacrificed to the convenience of general readers. Dowanhill, Glasgow, September 1904. CONTENTS CHAPTER I Introductory PAGE The Imperial College of Engineering — Work of the College — Courses of study — Success of students — Departure from Japan — Results of work of College — Observations on the Continent and in Britain — Social Problems in Britain — Social Problems in Japan . . . i CHAPTER II Fall of Feudalism Early Japanese history — The Emperor always the source of power and honour — Orders in the State — Forces causing downfall of Shogunate — Early relations with foreigners — Some Japanese educators — Conditions on the arrival of foreigners in Japan — Fall of the Shogunate — Young men who became leaders — Embassy to foreign countries — Conversion of Mikado’s Court — Fall of feudalism ..... 14 CHAPTER III The Japanese Mind Mistaken ideas about Japan — Motives of the Japanese — Necessity for a strong Japan — Oriental and Occidental thought — Constituents of Japanese thought — Resultant thought — Hara-kiri — Duty to State always first — Commercial morality — Japanese mental characteristics — Eastern people and Western thought — Results of European action — Personal experi- ence of Japanese students — Charge of want of originality — Disproved by recent history — The spirit of the Revolution xi 31 Dai Nippon CHAPTER IV Transition PAGE Problems of the Revolution— Men of the Revolution— Central Govern- ment-Deliberative Assembly— Attitude towards foreigners— Lines of progress— Embassy to United States and Europe — Signs of trouble — Relations with Korea— Japan and Russia— Saghalin exchanged for the Kurile Islands— Results on Japanese affairs— Liu- Kiu and Formosa— Satsuma Rebellion — Agitation for representative institutions — Develop- ments on Western lines — Difficulties with Korea — War with China — Treaty of Shimonoseki — Aggression of Russia and Germany in China — Results on Japanese policy — Results in China — Alliance with Great Britain— Extent of Japanese Empire . . . . -51 CHAPTER V Education Education in Old Japan — Beginning of foreign schools — Primary education — Secondary education — Training of teachers — Higher secondary schools — University education — Technical education — Art and music education — Special schools — Summary of educational statistics — Miscellaneous organisations — Private educational institutions — Moral education — Results of education . . . • . 78 CHAPTER VI Army and Navy Army and navy as factors in the national evolution — Reorganisation of fighting material — Causes of recent developments — The army under the feudal system — New system introduced — Factories — First fighting of new army — Foundation of modern Japanese navy — The Naval College in Tokyo — Development of Japanese navy — Oversea wars — War with China and its results — Present conditions of Japanese navy — Training of Japanese naval officers — ^Japanese soldiers in the Boxer troubles — Japanese power as factors in the Far East .... 109 CHAPTER VII Means of Communication Necessity for improved means of communication — Communications under the feudal system — Roads — Railways — Outline of history of railway construction — Working and financial returns — Railway legislation — River improvements — Shipping — Beginning and development of modern Japanese mercantile marine — Open ports and harbours — Lighthouses — Telegraphs — Telephones — Postal services . .129 Contents Xlll CHAPTER VIII Industrial Developments Introduction of foreign industries — Conditions of native industries — Methods of native industries — Change of conditions — Supply of timber — Modern improvements in Japanese forestry — Mining and metallurgy — Civil and mechanical engineering — The Imperial Mint — Shipbuilding and shipping — Subsidies for shipping and shipbuilding — Cotton- spinning — The silk industries — Value of output of textile industries — The printing industry — Chemical and miscellaneous industries — The building industry — Government factories — Manufacturing establish- ments — Working-hours, wages, etc. — Industrial training — Technical associations — Patents, trade marks, etc., inventions — Industrial ex- hibitions — Industrial legislation — Combinations of employers and workers — Foreign advisers — Status of foreigners under Japanese industrial laws — Japanese ambition regarding the future of commerce and industry . . . . . . . .151 CHAPTER IX Art Industries Importance of art in Japan — Art in Old Japan — Characteristics of Japanese art — Western influences — Foreign school of art — ^Japanese Art Society — Criticism of foreign art — Renewed ideals — Modern conditions — Eastern ideals — Art and economic conditions— Present conditions in Japan — Comparison with India — Future of Japanese art industries . . 204 CHAPTER X Commerce Commerce in Old Japan — Results of new conditions — Development of foreign trade — Exports and imports — Distribution of Japan’s foreign trade — Balance of trade against Japan — Current prices of the chief articles of merchandise — Provisions for encouraging commerce — Com- mercial and industrial guilds — Tariffs — Social position and commercial morality of Japanese merchants — Position of foreign merchants in Japan ......... 219 XIV Dai Nippon CHAPTER XI Food Supply Population and food supply — Agriculture in Old Japan — New conditions — Improvements in agriculture — Cultivation of tea — Sugar, sake, beer, tobacco, etc. — Capital and labour employed on the land — Means for encouraging agriculture — Agricultural legislation — Fish and other marine products — Government encouragement to fisheries — Importa- tion of food ........ CHAPTER XII Colonisation and Emigration Pressure of population — Department of Kaitakushi — Military colonies — Agriculture and marine products — Railways, mining and other industries — Immigration and population — Formosa — ^Japanese popula- tion in Formosa — Administration — Education, justice, and sanitation — Means of communication — Products and foreign trade — General effects of Japanese occupation of Formosa — Emigration to Korea and China — Emigration to other foreign countries .... CHAPTER XHI Constitutional Government First principle enunciated by the Emperor — Tempered autocracy — First attempts at representative government — Evolution in direction of representative government — Agitation led by Itagaki — Edict announ- cing national assembly — Legislative and administrative reforms — New orders of nobility — Marquis Ito and the Constitution — Difficulties in working Constitution — Personal elements — Legislation CHAPTER XIV Administration Problems of administration after the Restoration — New central Government — Changes in Government — Functions of the Cabinet — Privy Council and other advisory and administrative bodies — Administration of religion — Administration of justice — Officials — Local government Contents XV CHAPTER XV Finance PAGE Financial position at the time of the Restoration — The old and the new taxation — Problems before the new Government — Financial adminis- tration — The land tax — Other sources of revenue — The burden of taxation on the people — National debt — Local finances — Banking systems — Present financial conditions ..... 292 CHAPTER XVI International Relations Motives of Japanese — First treaty with a foreign power — New treaties — Feelings of Japanese with regard to the treaties — Foreign consular tribunals — Discussion on extra - territoriality — Captain Brinkley’s opinions — Attempts at treaty revision — Opinions of Sir Harry Parkes — Conferences on treaty revision — Negotiations renewed — Japanese aims — Approaching a settlement — Treaty with Great Britain revised- - Followed by other Powers — Imperial Rescript — Alliance with Great Britain — Remarks on treaty revision — Laws specially affecting foreigners — International business relations — Geographical advantages of Japan — Industrial competition with foreign nations — Japanese industrial influence in the Far East — ^Japanese industrial influence in the West . . . . . . . .311 CHAPTER XVH Foreign Politics Economic forces — Ambition to become the Britain of the East — Diplomatic action — Japanese ideas on foreign policy — Chinese opinions and ideals —Japanese influence in Japan — Japan and Korea — The case for Russia — Russian ideas — Expansion of Russia — Reasons w^hich dominate the foreign policy of Japan . . . , . . ,341 CHAPTER XVHI Social Results The fundamental question — Life in Old Japan — Modern conditions — Life of the well-to-do classes — Life of the common people — Economic con- ditions of farmers and labourers — Home life and the position of women — Factory work of women and children — National health — Intercourse with foreigners — Labour and social problems .... 365 xvi Dai Nippon CHAPTER XIX The Future National ideals and economics — Confucian philosophy of life — The task of Asia — Future financial and fiscal policy of Japan — Manufacturing industries — Effects on foreign policy — Ultimate solution of the problems of foreign policy — Future of constitutional government in Japan — Japan in Asia — The so-called “Yellow Peril” — Future of combinations of capital — Future of ethics in Japan — Future of religion in Japan CHAPTER XX Recent Events The methods of history — The making of Japanese history — War begins — Japanese proclamation of war — Justification of Japanese action — Events of the war — Behaviour of Japanese troops — Japan in war-time — The secret of Russia’s failure — The secret of Japan’s success — Lessons for Great Britain — Lessons for the nations of the world APPENDICES Appendix A Japanese weights, measures, and moneys, with English and French equivalents ........ Appendix B Treaty of Alliance with Great Britain Appendix C Some of the more important recent books, etc., on Japan . PAGE 383 404 437 438 443 INDEX 447 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY In my preface I have briefly indicated the object of this book, but in order that my readers may understand my point of view and the trend of thought which runs through its pages, it is desirable that I should give a few preliminary explanations which will help to bring them, to a certain extent, within the sphere of my mental environment. The writing of even the simplest history necessitates rethinking it, and in that process the introduction of the personal equation is inevitable. A study of national evolution is much more complicated than a mere record of facts, and when an attempt is made to estimate the chief forces which have been at work, and not only to state their results in the past but also to indicate what they are likely to be in the future, it is evident that the value of the opinions expressed must depend, to a very large extent, on the personal experience of the writer. I have no intention, at present, of attempting to write my own natural history, and in making a short state- ment of some of the facts of my experience I do not put it forward as an apology for any of my shortcomings in my treatment of the subjects discussed in the book. I shall be content if it be accepted as an explanation. When the embassy from Japan of which Iwakura, the Junior Prime Minister, was the head, came to Britain at the end of 1872, I was offered, through Professor Rankine of Glasgow University and Mr. H. M. Matheson, the agent o Dai Nippon of the Public Works Department of Japan in London, the position of Principal of the Engineering College which The Imperial proposed to found in Tokyo. Mr. Ito College (now Marquis Ito), one of the ambassadors, of Engineering. Vice-Minister of Public Works, and it was his wish that a College should be organised which would train men who would be able to design and superintend the works which were necessary for Japan to carry on if she adopted Western methods. Fortunately, for some time previously I had made a special study of all the chief methods of scientific and engineering study in the different countries of the world and of the organisation of some of the most important institutions, with the intention of devoting myself to the advancement of engineering education in Britain, so that I had fairly definite ideas both as to what was desirable and what was possible. I little thought that my first experiments would be made in far Japan, a country which, at that time, was almost unknown to foreigners, but which is now leading the way not only in education but also in many of the arts of peace and war. Mr. Ito was kind enough to arrange that his private secretary, Mr. Hayashi (now Viscount Hayashi, Japanese Minister in London), should accompany me to Japan, and we sailed from Southampton early in April 1873. time on the voyage was chiefly occupied in writing a draft of the Calendar of the proposed College, and on my arrival in Tokyo I was able to present it complete to the Acting Vice-Minister of Public Works, and it was accepted by the Government without change of any kind. I was pleasantly surprised to recognise in Mr. Yamao, the Acting Vice-Minister of Public Works, a man whom I had seen as a student in the evening classes of Anderson’s College, Glasgow (now incorporated in the Glasgow and West of Scotland Technical College), when he was learning the practice of shipbuilding in Napier’s yard. I did not make his personal acquaintance during his stay in Glasgow, but his connection with that city gave us much in common. Introdzictory 3 I wish to bear testimony to the whole - hearted support which he gave to all my proposals for the education of engineers, and to his personal kindness on every possible occasion. To his efforts much of the success of the College was due. Mr. Hayashi became Chief Commis- sioner of the College, representing the Department of Public Works and managing the finances and the adminis- trative staff, while I, as Principal, was responsible for the educational arrangements. After seeing the College fairly started and rendering it most effective service, Mr. Hayashi entered the wider administrative departments of the Govern- ment and became Governor of one of the southern provinces. Later on, he became a member of the diplomatic service. After representing his country for several years in China, he acted as Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs during the war with China, and for his special services he was raised to the peerage under the title of Baron Hayashi. He next went to St. Petersburg as Minister Plenipotentiary for Japan ; he is now, as Viscount Hayashi, in a similar position in London, and he will be remembered in history as the diplomatist who carried on the final negotiations which resulted in the alliance between Gr-eat Britain and Japan. While fully recognising the services of the representatives of the Japanese Government and the liberal support of the Government itself, it must of course be admitted work of the that the success which attended the work of College, the College was chiefly due to the enthusiastic manner in which the various members of the staff entered on their duties. We were, for the most part, young men without much experience, and in looking back I now recognise the risks which were run in placing us in such responsible positions. No doubt we made mistakes, but even our most severe critics admit that the College was the most successful educational institution in Japan. The subsequent careers of the members of the staff have proved the wisdom which was shown in their selection. The original professors of the College were W. E. Ayrton, Natural Philosophy ; D. H. 4 Dai Nippon Marshall, M. A., Mathematics; Edward Divers, M.D., Chemistry ; Edmund F. Mondy, A.R.S.M., Drawing ; and William Craigie, M.A., English Language and Literature ; while George Cawley, Robert Clark, and Archibald King took charge of the practical parts of the instruction in engineering. Almost all these names are now well known in the world of science and education, and the bearers of them have not only distinguished themselves by their researches, but from their experience in Japan they have been able to exercise great influence in moulding the conditions of scientific and engineering education in this country. Additions were made to the staff of the College as its work developed. John Milne, F.G.S., became Professor of Geology and Mining and made himself a world-wide repu- tation by his investigations in seismology ; John Perry, B.E., A. W. Thomson, B.Sc., Thomas Gray, B.Sc., and Thomas Alexander, C.E., as Professors in the Engineering Department, developed the methods of instruction and began the re- searches which have made them famous ; and Josiah Conder, A.R.LB.A., became Professor of Architecture and still remains in Japan in the practice of the profession by which he has done so much to meet the modern requirements of the country. Captain Brinkley, R.A., the distinguished Japanese scholar and authority on everything Japanese, was for some time Professor of Mathematics. To Captain Brinkley’s writings I am specially indebted for information on many of the points discussed in the following pages. Our first Professor of English, Mr. Craigie, was compelled to return to Scotland after a few years on account of his health, and his colleagues received the news of his death shortly afterwards, with great sorrow. He was succeeded by W. Gray Dixon, M.A., and he in turn by his brother, James M. Dixon, M.A., both of whom did excellent work in their own department. We soon gathered round the foreign staff of the College a number of Japanese assistants, who in a comparatively short time were able to render very efficient service. With such an able staff, all enthusiastic in the work, the Introductory 5 College was certain to be a success if all the other conditions were favourable. The Japanese authorities did all in their power to bring about that success. Within five years from its institution, handsome and commodious buildings had been erected and the most improved appliances of all kinds supplied for teaching purposes. The general arrangements which I made for the course of training were such as to meet the requirements of the country. It extended over six years, the first and second of which were devoted to . . . , - Courses of study. the general training required for all depart- ments of engineering. At the beginning of the third year the students selected the special departments which they wished to follow. The technical courses were — {a) Civil Engineering, {U) Mechanical Engineering, {c) Telegraphy, {d) Architecture, {e) Practical Chemistry, (/) Mining, {g) Metallurgy. Naval Architecture was added a few years later. One-half of the third and fourth years was spent at College, and the other half at practical work. The last two years of the course were spent entirely at practical work. In this way the students obtained a fair introduction to the theory and the practice of their profession, and there can be no doubt that the success which has attended their work has been, in great part, due to the method adopted in their training. In the College itself mere book-work was made of secondary importance, and by means of drawing offices, laboratories, and practical engineering works the students were taught the relations between theory and practice, and trained in habits of observation and original thought. The College being in the Department of Public Works, the students had the run of all the engineering establishments and public works under its control, and in this way they had exceptional advantages. I do not propose to enter into further details of the work of the College, my present object being simply to give a general sketch of the methods employed. Some of our first graduates were sent over to Universi- ties and Colleges in Britain, and without exception they 6 Dai Nippon distinguished themselves in their classes, not infrequently taking the first place. The best proof, however, of the Success value of the training which they received is of students, excellent work which the students have done since they left College, as there are few engineering or industrial works in Japan in which they are not to be found taking an active part in the management. Having been about ten years in Japan and seen the College firmly established, for personal and family reasons Departure I resigned my position, and on my suggestion from Japan. p)j.^ Edward Divers was appointed Principal of the College, and instructions were sent to the agents in London to select a man who would take up my work as Professor of Engineering. Charles Dickenson West, M.A., University of Dublin, was appointed, and he still continues to occupy the Professorship of Mechanical Engineering in the Engineering College of Tokyo University. As marks of appreciation of my services the Emperor bestowed on me the Order of the Rising Sun (Third Class), the highest honour of the kind given to any foreign employe up to that time, and the Government conferred on me the title of Honorary Principal of the College. Since the Engineering College was made a College of the University of Tokyo, I have been appointed Emeritus Professor of that institution. My students have taken an active part in the formation and carrying on of many associations and societies in connection with engineering and science, and they have elected me an Honorary Member of the most important of these, and I receive frequent communications from them informing me of their work. The former students of the Imperial College of Engineering (Kobu-Daigakko) are now to be found not only in all the most important engineering and industrial undertakings in Japan, but a considerable number of them are actively engaged in China and Korea ; so that the College has been a most important factor in bringing about the changes in Japan and in influencing conditions in the P^ar East generally. Introductory 7 The extent of these changes and the amount of that influence will be indicated very plainly in the following pages, and I might quote from contemporary Results of work journals and subsequent observers to show the of College, place which the College took in the national evolution of Japan, but space will allow me to mention the opinions only of a few who were able to judge of the actual results. On the occasion of his last visit to Britain, Marquis Ito was unable to visit Scotland as he had expected to do, as events called him back to Japan, but Viscount Hayashi wrote stating that the Marquis had expressed his high appreciation of my services in Japan, saying, “That Japan can boast to- day of being able to undertake such industrial works as the construction of railways, telegraphs, telephones, shipbuilding, working of mines, and other manufacturing works entirely by the hands of Japanese engineers is mainly attributable to the College so ably established and set in motion by you.” The Marquis had previously expressed similar opinions to Mr. Alfred Stead, who records that in the course of an interview with him he said, “ When I was in London, engaged in my work of preparing the Japanese Constitution, I was approached on the subject of forming a special Engineering College in Japan. It was pointed out that the advantages would be very great for the country, and that such a scheme of engineering education had never been carried out in any other country. Accordingly I established the College, and brought many foreign Professors to Japan for that purpose. The Japanese engineers who are now running the most important concerns in Japan were trained in the College and can dispense altogether with foreign aid.” ^ The opinions of the Marquis have been confirmed by many of the leading men in Japan and by others who have had opportunities of judging. In his interesting and valuable book, Japan in Transitio7i^ Mr. Stafford Ransome, M.InstC.E., who spent considerable time in Japan as the special commissioner of the well-known ^ Stead, Our New A/ly, p. 57. 8 Dai Nippon journal, The Engineer^ says : “ Although the higher branches of modern technical training had been experimented with in Japan at a somewhat earlier period, it was not until 1873, when Mr. Henry Dyer was engaged by the Japanese Government, that a solid system of technical education was inaugurated.” In his review of the circumstances which led to “Japan’s Accession to the Comity of Nations,” Baron Alexander von Siebold says : “ After the Restora- tion of the monarchy the first attempts were made with the help of English and American teachers, to introduce some- thing like unity into the system of public instruction. Of these endeavours the immediate result was the establishment of the ‘ Imperial College of Engineering,’ which had reached a flourishing state by the year 1875. The founding of this Polytechnical College was a particularly happy idea of the Japanese Government, aiming, as it did, simultaneously with the introduction of railways and telegraphs, and the training of a native staff of experts to work them. That institution has already borne rich fruit. The whole of Japan is now covered with a network of railways, which are being con- stantly extended.” Many of the scientific and technical journals contained descriptions of the work of the College and its results, but meantime it would be out of place to enter into these, although a full account may be published in the future. The only other opinions to which I will refer are those of Dr. Edward Divers, F.R.S., who was Professor of Chemistry in the Imperial College of Engineering from its foundation, and who succeeded me as Principal. A discussion had arisen in The Engineer in connection with a series of articles which had been written by Mr. Stafford Ransome, the special correspondent already referred to, who had been sent to Japan to give an account of the development of engineering in that country. In such matters differences of opinion are certain to exist, and I would prefer not to enter into the discussion at all, but as a matter of history it cannot be ignored. A very fair statement of the facts of the case were given by Introductory g Dr. Divers in a letter to TAe Engineer} and to this I would refer for details. Meantime I shall quote only a few sentences. After sketching the early history of the Imperial College of Engineering, Dr. Divers says : “ While, as will have become plain, there are many engineers who may claim to have each done something in Japanese training — and, in individual cases, sometimes very much — there is, it may truly be said, one to whom, almost alone, Japan owes its well -organised and elaborated system of engineering education, namely. Dr. Henry Dyer of Glasgow, one of the Governors of the Glasgow and West of Scotland Technical College, whose latest act in connection with it has been the selection this year of a Professor of Naval Architecture as colleague to Mr. Miyoshi, Professor of the same subject. Dr. Dyer came to Japan in 1873, not as a Professor of Engineering only, but to found and organise in all its details, large and small, an institution for the education of engineers in Japan. He was given a salary proportional to his double duties, and an extent of power in the control of affairs quite exceptional for a foreigner in the Japanese service, whether then or since. The result of his work was the College of Engineering, the first school of engineering of any kind in the country, and such as could hardly have been developed under less favourable circumstances. Its magnitude of plan and completeness of execution soon made it far and away the most prominent educational institution in Japan. It attracted, too, the particular notice of the foreign— British and other — community in Tokyo and the Treaty port of Yokohama, some of whom dubbed it ‘ Dyer’s ’ College, and in con- junction with some wealthy Japanese notables endowed it with a very respectable fund to provide annual prizes for the cadets.” Dr. Divers enters at some length into the changes in the administration which took place (and which will be noticed in a following chapter), and then says : “ There is only left me, in order to complete this long account of the foundation ^ May 6, 1898. lo Dai Nippon and growth of engineering education in Japan, to show in what estimation Japanese engineers and the Imperial University hold the services of Dr. Dyer. With the one exception of the Geographical Society, the Engineering Society of Japan is the most influential learned society in the country. It has a journal of its own, and a very long roll of members, of which only three are foreigners. Of these three, again, but one is an engineer, and he is Dr. Dyer. Again in the ‘Historical Summary’ — Chronology would be more correct — of the Imperial University contained in its ‘Calendar’ no one is mentioned at all except its successive Presidents and Mr. Henry Dyer, the first Principal of the College of Engineering. It is not customary in Japan to refer to individuals in official-so-called histories of institutions. The honour to Dr. Dyer is therefore especially great that he is not only named but the value of his services acknowledged.” As the fact connected with my departure from Japan has already been noted it is not necessary to quote Dr. Divers further. In the years immediately following the Restoration, it must be admitted that there was in Japan a certain amount of overlapping in the work of the different Departments of Government. The Minister of Public Works was anxious to train men who would be useful in carrying out engineering works, and he therefore arranged that the Imperial College of Engineering should be in his Department, so that the students might have the advantage of experience on practical works. On the other hand, the authorities of the Education Department were anxious to have all the educational institutions in the country under their control, and when they could not manage this they sometimes started duplicate courses of their own ; but the connection of the Imperial College of Engineering with the Public Works Department gave it a great advantage, and the majority of engineering students attended it. Some years after I left Japan the Public Works Department was absorbed in some of the other Government Departments and the Engineering College became a College Introductory 1 1 of the Imperial University of Tokyo, but this and other facts will be noted when we are dealing with education in Japan. Meantime, therefore, it is not necessary to enter into further details of the history of the Imperial College of Engineering, my present object being, as I have said, to bring observations on my readers within the sphere of my mental the Continent environment and thus help to explain my point Britain, of view in the following pages, but a very imperfect idea of that would be given if I did not briefly indicate my ex- perience since I left Japan. The greater part of the first year after my return was spent on the Continent of Europe in the study of educational institutions and the inspection of engineering works. Hitherto my attention had been chiefly confined to the scientific aspect of my work, but personal knowledge of social and economic conditions in Europe soon showed me that engineering education was only a small part of the problem of education, and indeed that undue attention to it might help to intensify social problems. A very active share in the organisation and manage- ment of educational institutions in Glasgow of all grades, and an increasing interest in social problems, have kept me in close touch with the actual conditions, and this has been supplemented by the study of reports of all kinds from all parts of the world. An interesting fact in the history of education is to be found in the organisation of the Glasgow and West of Scotland Technical College. When that College was formed by the amalgamation of existing scientific institutions in Glasgow, I was able to transfer from Japan the programme of studies of the Imperial College of Engineering to the Glasgow institution which is the suc- cessor of the College in which the Vice-Minister of Public Works and I studied as apprentices in the evening classes. There can be no doubt that a lengthened absence from Britain enables one, on his return, to observe British social conditions from a detached and comparative sodai problems point of view which was not before possible, Britain, and he finds much in these conditions to excite the most 1 2 Dai Nippon painful anxiety, which may result either in deadly pessimism or in an active determination to devote himself to efforts which tend to improvement. The ever-widening extremes of poverty and wealth, the conditions of life of our poorest classes, the production on a large scale of degenerates who are physic- ally, mentally, and morally unfit for a fair share of the duties of citizenship, the uncertainty of employment, the growth of monopoly which is placing the conditions of the people at the mercy of a comparatively small number of capitalists, and the immense armaments which are sucking the life-blood of the nations, are all factors which give rise to very serious thought. The brutal materialism which pervades all classes of the community makes true art almost impossible, while the soul-destroying ennui of the leisured on the one hand and the restlessness of the middle and poorer classes render their intellects, their hearts, and their consciences almost in- accessible. An increasing number of all classes do not even make a profession of religion, but content themselves with the pursuit of self-centred individualism and refined sensualism which blinds them to the importance of the great social problems with which every industrial country in the world is now confronted. Those who return from Japan, especially if they have known it under the old regime, may well doubt whether the Social problems importation of Western civilisation is likely in Japan. ^n unmixed blessing to the people, although they will admit that it was necessary to save Japan from foreign aggression. Fortunately, the most thoughtful among the Japanese are recognising these facts, and they are becoming more and more impressed with the necessity for attention being paid to the social and economic conditions of the people and to the problems arising therefrom. My friends in Japan keep me supplied with many of the more important journals and official reports, and long conversations with those who visit this country prove to me that the most thoughtful minds in Japan fully recognise the difficulty of the problems with which they are confronted. They see that IntrodtLctory 13 the engineer is the real revolutionist ; for his work changes social and economic conditions and brings forces into action which are more powerful than anything which can be done by mere legislation. The students of the Imperial College of Engineering are the men who, to a large extent, have been the means of developing engineering and industry in Japan, and it seems appropriate that a study of that remarkable evolution which has made that country a world Power should be preceded by an outline of the circumstances in which the College was founded and an indication given of the results which have followed from that evolution. Some of these results have no doubt diminished the charm which Old Japan had for lovers of nature and art, but it cannot be doubted that if the Japanese had not taken advantage of Western science and methods for the develop- ment of their resources, in order that their country might become strong, it would probably ere this have been dominated by a Western Power. The problem of the future is : — How best to take full advantage of all that is good in Western civilisation while retaining the special characteristics of Japan and bringing them into organic harmony with those of other nations. On the solution of that problem depends the welfare of Japan. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE For details of the institutions referred to in this chapter, reference should be made to the Calendar of the Imperial College of Engineering, Tokyo, Japan, 1873-1888, and to the Reports of the same College. For recent developments the Calendar of the Imperial University of Tokyo should be consulted. The Calendar of the Glasgow and West of Scotland Technical College shows the application of the experience of Japan to a Scottish College. Existing social and economic conditions in Britain should be studied in such books as Booth’s Life and iLahour of the People in London and Rowntree’s Poverty^ a Study of Town Life^ and in other countries in similar books. The literature which has been published in recent years on industrial, social, economic, and political subjects is very extensive, and reference should be made to special catalogues. CHAPTER II FALL OF FEUDALISM Notwithstanding all that has been written about Japan in recent years, a very common impression in Europe and America seems to be that feudalism was put an end to in Japan by a stroke of the pen of the Emperor, and that the cause of the change was the advent of foreigners in the Land of the Rising Sun. Although there is an element of truth in the impression, it is so imperfect that it is desirable to indicate, in outline, the causes leading to the revolution which inaugurated the great developments that have taken place in Japan during the latter half of the nineteenth century, so that these developments may be better understood. To do so completely would involve a study of Old Japan in its many aspects ; all that we can attempt is a sketch which will indicate the chief forces which were at work. It is not necessary to enter into an examination of the origins of Japanese history. It is sufficient for our purpose Early Japanese to say that the Emperors (Mikados) of the history. present dynasty have been the de jure sovereigns of Japan since the legendary era, the first Mikado, Jimmu Tenno, dating from 660 B.C., but according to recent historical researches the first date to be considered trust- worthy in Japanese historical annals is A.D. 461. The earliest records show that the sway of the Emperors was absolute over the whole empire, and that its influence in the government of the country was limited only by the defective state of the means of communication, which necessarily left 14 15 Fall of Feudalism a good deal of discretionary powers in the hands of the local chiefs. The amount of these powers in the various cases would depend to a large extent on geographical position and local circumstances, and no doubt also on the individualities of the persons concerned, but it can easily be seen that this state of affairs contained the germs of the feudalism which grew to perfection in after -years, when the local chiefs became for many purposes practically independent. The work of the engineer, by annihilating distances, not only welds countries together, but for economic purposes makes the whole world one, and, as we shall see, it did much to hasten the course of events in Japan. Towards the end of the seventh century the hereditary Ministers of State, the Fujiwara families, began to encroach upon the power of the Emperors, and from that time up till the revolution in 1868 the Emperors reigned but did not rule. The conversion of the nation to Buddhism in the sixth and seventh centuries was the most important event in Japanese history. For a century or two before that, Chinese civilisation had been slowly gaining ground in Japan, but when the Buddhist missionaries crossed the water all Chinese institutions followed them with a rush. Science, of a kind, began to be cultivated and books began to be written, so that Chinese thought had a great influence on the Japanese mind. The custom of abdicating the throne in order to spend old age in prayer was adopted, a custom which, more than anything else, led to the eflacement of the Mikado’s authority during the Middle Ages. The Fujiwara family engrossed the power of the State from A.D. 670 to 1050, and monopolised all the great posts of the Government. Discontent arose from this state of affairs, and civil war ensued in consequence of the abuses which had arisen, and the Fujiwara family lost the influence and power which it had so long enjoyed. A successful soldier, Yoritomo, while nominally supporting the Emperor, ousted the families of the hereditary Ministers from their positions and aggrandised himself. Instead of restoring the 6 Dai Nippon real power to the Emperor he caused himself to be appointed the head of the feudal families and generalissimo (Shogun) of the Empire ; a fact which was remembered in the revolution of 1868, when it was thought by the supporters of the Shogun of that time that the action of the larger clans was due not to loyalty to the Emperor but to jealousy of the Shogun. It is easy to understand how the state of affairs which existed led to the belief among foreigners that there were two Emperors in Japan, one who attended to spiritual matters and the other to the administration of the country. This belief was entirely wrong, as the Emperor remained the source of all power and honour, while the Shogun utilised his position as commander-in-chief to concentrate the affairs of the nation under his control. Discontent, however, frequently arose among the feudal chiefs, who understood the real position of the Shogun ; and when abuses became oppressive, civil wars ensued and several changes took place in the Shogun family, the position being seized from time to time by a new military chief who had the ability to arrogate the power to himself and his family. In this way one family succeeded another until that of Tokugawa assumed power in 1603 and retained it until the revolution in 1868. The point to be distinctly remembered is, that in all these changes the position of the Emperor was never called ^ in question, and in fact when the Shoguns always the source abused their power the plea put forward by of power and those who wished to displace them was that honour. . r i t- they were supporting the cause of the Emperor against the presumptuous arrogance of the man who wrongly had assumed a great part of his power. They did this not only because it was politic to do so, but also because, no doubt, they believed it to be a duty which they owed to loyalty. For not only is the very antiquity of the Imperial line the cause of the awe and veneration entertained for the Emperor by his people ; but the fact that, while he was 17 Fall of Feudalism looked upon as the source of all power in the State, he yet confined his activity to the bestowal of titles and honours, brought it about that, while he thus did not give the slightest cause for complaint, at the same time he earned a great deal of gratitude from what human vanity holds most dear. The Emperors, therefore, were held in most loyal adoration in all ages throughout the Empire. The maintenance of the Emperor was essential to the power of the Shoguns, and, his sovereignty acknowledged, the very aloofness made it easy for them to appear not the usurpers, as they in fact were, but as trustees of the throne. It is easy to understand how the Shogun came to be described by the representatives of other nations who came in contact with Japan in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as the real sovereign of the realm, and how that, in modern times, he was described in British treaties (the Convention, for example, of October 1854) as “His Imperial Highness the Emperor,” in the British treaty of August 1858 as “His Majesty the Tycoon,” and also in the Prussian treaty of 1861 as “Seine Majestdt der Taikun!' As a matter of fact, “ Tycoon ” was not a Japanese title at all, but was probably adopted from the Chinese when the treaties were being arranged to mask the defective political status of the Shogun. The three political orders in the State were the Kuge or nobles of the Emperor’s Court, who were chiefly offshoots of the Imperial Family ; the Daimyos, or feudal Orders in the chiefs; and the Samurai, their two-sworded re- tainers, who formed the military strength of the nation and were at the same time its most educated class. They con- sequently came to the front, in the affairs of the nation, after the revolution. The first of these orders numbered about 150 families, the second 268, and the third about 400,000 households. Below them was the agricultural, artisan, and merchant population, numbering over thirty millions and called Heimin ; who were without political status, but who nevertheless were allowed considerable freedom in the management of their own affairs. So (b 207) i8 Dai Nippon far as the details of administration were concerned, the territorial extent over which the powers of the Govern- ment of the Shogunate were operative was limited to the domains under the direct sway of the Shogun himself The territories under the control of the Daimyos enjoyed almost complete autonomy. Such measures as were necessary to control the feudal lords and to prevent them from acquiring dangerous independence were enforced by indirect methods rather than openly, but otherwise they enjoyed in their respective domains the rights and pre- rogatives of independent sovereignty. They could not declare war, conclude peace, or coin money, but they exercised autonomous control in almost all other important matters pertaining to the executive power of a State. This system of semi-independence extended also to other classes of the population. The predominant influence acquired in the course of time by the military order became a very marked feature in Japan, but with it all, the farmer, the merchant, the craftsman, and others of the common people enjoyed under the law, rights and privileges, lesser in degree and in extent, but equally well recognised and respected. The commercial and municipal systems established from early days afford an example of this. Within certain limits the people of the cities, towns, villages, and rural neighbour- hoods controlled their own local affairs, and while there were no rich men in the modern sense, there was little actual poverty and no degradation such as is to be seen in modern industrial towns in all parts of the world. The line of the Tokugawa Shoguns held their power for a period of nearly two hundred and seventy years, and Forces causing during that time the country was at peace and downfall of the dual form of government seemed to be Shogunate. ^ stable basis. As Japan was self- contained as regards resources, and commerce and industry in the modern sense were unknown, and also because the people seemed to be united in religion, the forces which undermined feudalism in Europe were absent, but notwith- Fall of Feudalism 19 standing the apparent calm there grew up a strong current of discontent with the existing state of affairs, and this increased with every blunder made by the Government of the Shogun. Sir Ernest Satow has expressed the opinion that the real author of the movement which culminated in the revolution of 1868 was the second Prince of Mito, who was born in 1622 and died in 1700. With the help of a number of the most distinguished scholars in Japan he wrote the Dai Nihon Shi or “ History of Japan,” a work which fills two hundred and forty-three volumes. It, how- ever, remained in manuscript, copied from hand to hand by eager students, until 1851, when the wide demand for it caused it to be published. The tendency of this book, as well as of others which appeared, was to direct the minds of the people to the Mikado as the true and only source of authority, and to make clear the historical fact that the Shogun was in fact a usurper. All this caused an in- creasing wish on the part, not only of serious students of history, but also of others to whom they had communicated their knowledge, that the Mikado should be restored to his ancient authority, and this would in itself have brought about a revolution in due time. Events, however, were hastened by the demands which the representatives of foreign countries were making upon the Japanese for the conclusion of treaties of trade and commerce between Japan and the countries which they represented. Before, however, dwelling on these comparatively recent events, it will be useful to note some of the earlier relations of Japan with foreigners. So far as is known, Mendez Pinto, a Portuguese adventurer, seems to have been the first European who landed on Japanese soil, and the wonderful Early relations stories which he told about the country excited foreigners, a great amount of curiosity ; hundreds of Portuguese of all classes were attracted to Japan, where they received a ready welcome from the people and from the feudal chiefs. 20 Dai Nippon who wished to take advantage of their knowledge and appliances and especially of the foreign implements of war. Merchants were followed by missionaries, among whom was St. Francis Xavier, whose preaching was attended with such success that it is said that in 1581 there were two hundred churches and one hundred and fifty thousand native Christians. Towards the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century the political intrigues of the Jesuit missionaries and their interference in the affairs of the country became so audacious and obnoxious to the authorities that they determined that a policy of exclusion from the outside world was the only way of avoiding im- pending dangers ; accordingly all the missionaries and converts were either expelled from the country or executed, and all intercourse with foreigners was prohibited under pain of death. So thoroughly was the work supposed to be done that Christianity was said to have been extirpated in Japan, but after the revolution of 1868 it was found by the French missionaries that there were villages in which numbers of the people retained fragments of the beliefs which had been implanted by the Jesuits. The only exceptions to foreign intercourse were in favour of the Dutch and Chinese, who were allowed to carry on trade at Nagasaki under the strict surveillance of the Government. Preference was shown to the Dutch because they were not of the same religion as the Spaniards and the Portuguese ; at least, it was thought that their form of Christianity was not likely to cause them to take part in political intrigues. Nagasaki, however, seemed to have a fascination for foreigners of different nationalities ; no doubt in great part due to the mystery which surrounded the Japanese nation, and the desire not only to gain information but also to share in the reputed wealth of the country, of which fabulous accounts were given. On the other hand, many Japanese were eager to extract as much information as possible from the foreigners ; so that in course of time many European ideas filtered from Nagasaki throughout Fall of Feudalism 21 the country and an elementary and somewhat debased knowledge of Western science was propagated. The Dutch physicians especially imparted to a considerable number of Japanese a knowledge of European medical theory and practice. During the fifth Tokugawa Shogunate, Arai Hakuseki (Chikugo-no-Kami), one of the greatest scholars Japan has ever produced, was so impressed with the some Japanese necessity for a wider education on the part of educators, his countrymen that he made the acquisition of Western knowledge the pursuit of his life, and he gained the con- fidence of the sixth Shogun and induced him to endeavour to realise some of his political ideals. He continued to be influential in the time of the seventh Shogun, who was a minor, but retired when his successor came into power. He was a voluminous writer, and his historical works were much read and esteemed and were a source of inspiration to many thinkers and men of action in subsequent times. Arai was also a diligent collector of information from the Dutch who were in Nagasaki, some of whom periodic- ally visited Yedo, and his influence was no doubt great in obtaining the withdrawal of the prohibition of the study of Dutch books and of other scientific and technical works. Several Shoguns, in succession, appointed to honourable posts those who had a knowledge of the arts and sciences, such as astronomy, medicine, mathematics, and gunnery. The Dutch language was studied by considerable numbers so that they might be able to make themselves acquainted with the most recent publications. The want of teachers and the difficulty of obtaining foreign books prevented much progress being made. European ideas, however, began to make themselves felt on political subjects to such an extent that the Shogun’s Government took steps to repress them, as no doubt those in power foresaw that their development would render their positions impossible. The memory of some of the men who took a leading part in the education of public opinion is now held in venera- 22 Dai Nippon tion by their countrymen. Among them one of the most notable was Sakuma Shozan, a samurai of the province of Shinano, who was influential in introducing several branches of Western science, especially those relating to military practice and tactics. In i 848, five years before Commodore Perry came to Uraga, he gave instruction in gunnery according to Western methods, and from accounts in a Dutch book he constructed artillery and otherwise did much to pave the way for the introduction of Western culture and ideas in general. Probably, however, the most popular hero of the time was Yoshida Shoin, a Choshu samurai, who by his work as an educator had great moral and spiritual influence on the young men of his clan, and from among his disciples came many of the leaders who brought about the abolition of the feudal system and the establishment of the new government on a firm basis. A popular although not very exact account of this remarkable man has been given by R. L. Stevenson in his Familiar Studies of Men and Books, who describes him under the name of Yoshida Torajiro, the Japanese pro-name being subject to change during the lifetime of the bearer. Yoshida paid for his zeal for reform with his life, and the story of his career is still an inspiration to his countrymen. His last scene was of a piece with his career, and fitly crowned it. When being examined before the Court, “he seized on the opportunity of a public audience, confessed and gloried in his design, and reading his auditors a lesson in the history of their country, told at length the illegality of the Shogun’s power and the crimes by which its exercise was sullied. So, having said his say for once, he was led forth and executed, thirty-one years old.” It is evident that the influx of Western ideas was not by any means the chief cause of the fall of the feudal system. That had its origin in a return to the old ideal when the Emperor was not only the source of power, but also the head of the actual Government, and in a strong desire for national unity. The feudal system and the authority of the Fall of Feudalism 23 Shogun were opposed to this ideal, and their overthrow became a necessity before the nation could be consolidated under a strong centralised Government, which would be able to take advantage of the Western ideas taught by Arai, Sakuma, Yoshida, and others. Some of the most powerful feudal chiefs in the south of the Empire, notably those of Satsuma and Choshu, were not slow to perceive the advantage which Western conditions on the arms and science would give them in any arrival of foreigners struggle they might have with the Shogun, and Japan, had been long making preparations for an armed conflict, and only wanted the opportunity and the excuse for striking. This they found in the negotiations which the Shogun had entered into with the foreign representatives, who came with the demand that the country should be opened to them, and which they had backed with a force which he knew he could not resist. When Commodore Perry of the American Navy steamed into the Bay of Yedo in 1853 he found a Govern- ment tottering to its fall ; although no doubt many of those who were opposed to it cared less for the rights of the Mikado than for the opportunity of aggrandising themselves at the expense of the Shogun. The Shogun yielded to the demands of Perry and of the representatives of the other foreign Powers, Britain, France, and Russia, who quickly followed him, and consented to open Yokohama, Hakodate, and certain of the other ports for trade and commerce (1857-59). In order to gain time and collect information he sent embassies to the United States and to Europe in i860 and 1861 ; for even with their very limited knowledge of the resources of the foreign Powers the Shogun and his advisers had come to the conclusion that it were vain to refuse what they claimed. The advisers of the Mikado, however, had practically no knowledge on the subject, and they determined that the “ land of the gods ” would not be polluted by outsiders, and that at all hazards the ports would be closed. Some of the rash adherents of the anti-foreign party attempted to give effect to the policy 24 Dai Nippon which they advocated by firing on foreign ships and by assassinating foreigners. When matters were in a critical position they were brought to a crisis by the Prince of Choshu causing some ships belonging to France, Holland, and the United States to be fired upon by the forts at Shimonoseki, and this led to the bombardment of that place by the combined fleets of those countries at that time in Eastern waters, together with that of Great Britain, which espoused their cause on the ground of the solidarity of all foreign interests in Japan, and an indemnity of 3,000,000 dollars was exacted. The resistance which the Choshu clan offered to the assault of the foreign Powers, and the offensive action which it took against the Shogun, proved that for years it had been taking advantage of foreign arms and methods of war, and preparing for the struggle which had now come. The Shogun attempted to punish Choshu for the humiliation which had been brought on Japan, but his forces were defeated, and shortly afterwards he himself died. A few months later the Mikado also died, on the 3rd of February 1867, his son Matsuhito, then in his fifteenth year, succeeded him, and is now the reigning Emperor, the one hundred and twenty-first of the line. The Court of Kyoto, prompted by the great Daimyos of Choshu and Fall of the Satsuma, Suddenly decided on the abolition of Shogunate. Shogunate, and the new Shogun submitted to the decree which was issued. Some of his followers offered an ineffectual resistance, but after a short time they capitulated. The government of the country was reorganised during 1867-68, and was nominally an absolute monarchy, with the Mikado as the sole source of authority, both legislative and executive, and the dreams of the literary party were realised. The Shogunate which had made treaties with the hated foreigners had been swept away, and they hoped that Japan would go back to the conditions of primitive ages, when it was really the “ land of the gods,” but they little reckoned with the forces which had been called into action 25 Fall of Feudalism in the conflict. Western ideas, methods, and arms had over- thrown the Shogunate, and now, in turn, they were to con- vert the followers of the Mikado. These wished to ignore the existence of foreigners and drive them from the country, but some of the leaders of the southern clans, prompted by younger men who had been to England and knew something of the resources of the foreign Powers, did all in their power to oppose these proposals which they knew would be futile, and they were successful in convincing the advisers of the Mikado that it was desirable to come to terms with the foreigners. The story of the young men who were able to exercise influence in the manner indicated is one of the most romantic in the history of Japan, and a short space may Young men who be devoted to a sketch of it. Soon after the became leaders. Shogun had concluded the treaty of peace, friendship, and commerce with Lord Elgin, the Daimyo of Choshu expressed a great desire to send some of his young men to England in order that they might study the science and industries of the West with a view to the advancement of their country. It being still illegal for any one to leave Japan, he arranged that five young men from his province should be quietly put on board a vessel belonging to Jardine, Matheson, and Co., and that through that firm the necessary funds should be supplied for their support in Britain. On their arrival in London they were placed under the care of Mr. H. M. Matheson, who made arrangements for their education. Their names were Ito, Side, Yamao, Nomura, and Endo. About two years after their arrival Ito and Side asked leave to return to Japan, as they knew that stirring events were going on, and they were able to influence affairs to a considerable extent. Endo’s health was not good, and he returned shortly after. The two who remained, Yamao and Nomura, made good progress in the study of the principles of science and also obtained some practice in their industrial applications. Yamao came to Napier’s shipbuilding yard, and, as I have mentioned, attended the evening classes in Anderson’s College, Glasgow, 26 Dai Nippon at the time when I was a student in them, and on my arrival in Japan I found him Acting Vice-Minister of Public Works. He is now Viscount Yamao, Controller of an Imperial Household and President of the Institution of Engineers of Japan. Ito is now Marquis Ito, several times Prime Minister and the most distinguished statesman in Japan. Side is Count Inouye, who has held several Ministerial portfolios and is also a very distinguished statesman. Nomura is Viscount Inouye, late Director-General of Imperial Railways in Japan, while Endo became Master of the Mint, but died some time ago. A year or two later other young Japanese began to come to Britain, as well as to the Continent of Europe and to America, and the stream has gone on ever since. Foreign travel or residence is now looked upon as an essential part of the education of every Japanese who is ambitious of taking an active part in public affairs in Japan. As a result of the influence which was brought to bear on the advisers of the Mikado, an embassy with an Imperial Embassy to Prince at its head was sent to give the Mikado’s foreign countries, consent to the treaties which had been made with the representatives of the foreign Powers. It has been con- tended that neither constitutional law nor practice prohibited the Shogun from entering into treaty relations with other Powers, but it is probable that there was no law on the subject as such an event was not anticipated, while if certain events in practice seemed to justify the contention, they only proved that the Shoguns had successfully kept the Mikados in the background in any such arrangements. There can be no doubt that in preparing and carrying out the restoration the Mikado’s party held that the Shogun’s assumption of the right of making treaties with foreign Powers was just as much a usurpation on his part as was his exercise of authority in purely internal affairs. In order to emphasise this view of the matter the foreign Ministers were invited to an audience with the Mikado in Kyoto. The British and Dutch Ministers accepted the invitation, the others declined. 27 Fall of Feudalism The train of the British Minister, Sir Harry S. Parkes, was attacked by fanatic assassins and his life was saved by Goto, who by a sweep of his sword cut off the head of the assailant. The conversion of the Court of Kyoto was conversion of instantaneous, and they became good friends ^*'^'kado s Court, with the men whom they had looked upon as unworthy to be in Japan. The action of Sir Harry Parkes on this occasion did much to bring about this happy result. It was determined, not only that foreign intercourse should be encouraged, but that Chinese customs, which had hitherto been the sole foundation of Japanese civilisation, should give way to European, and that European science and arts should be studied so that Japan might become a member of the comity of nations on terms of perfect equality. Hitherto the Emperor, while looked upon with the greatest veneration by the people, had lived apart from all his subjects except a few court nobles, but it was resolved that in future he should take an active part in the govern- ment of the country and be as accessible as European sovereigns ; and to emphasise the change, Yedo, the capital of the Tokugawa Shoguns, became the new capital of the Empire, instead of Kyoto, the old seat of government, and its name was changed to Tokyo, meaning “ Eastern capital.” The Emperor was supported by those statesmen of both parties whose intellectual superiority had caused them to be recognised as leaders, and they united in adopting the modern progressive policy which ever since has guided the Japanese Empire. On March 14, 1868, the Emperor, soon after his accession to the throne, proclaimed on oath the five principles that were to guide the Government newly established.^ First . — Deliberative assemblies shall be established on a broad basis, in order that Governmental measures may be adopted in accordance with public opinion (taken in the broad sense). 1 Viscount Hayashi’s translation. 28 Dai Nippon Secondly . — The concord of all classes of society shall in all emergencies of the State be the first aim of the Government. Thirdly . — Means shall be found for the furtherance of the lawful desires of all individuals, without discrimination as to persons. FourtJdy . — All purposeless precedents and useless customs being discarded, justice and righteousness shall be the guide of all actions. Fifthly . — Knowledge and learning shall be sought after throughout the whole world, in order that the status of the Empire of Japan may be raised ever higher and higher. In the same year a deliberative assembly was called together as a first step in carrying out the policy which had been adopted. It was composed of persons representing each of the Daimiates, who were chosen for the position by the Daimyos, and was intended to give advice to the Imperial Government. The inexperience of the members, however, rendered it of little use, and it resolved itself into a peaceful debating society of a very conservative character, and after a short and uneventful career it was dissolved. Meantime it had become evident to the moving spirits of the revolution that national development and peace could Fall of never be secured while feudalism existed, as the feudalism, System was fatal to national unity, and they recognised the necessity for a reconstruction of the machinery of government and administration. With few exceptions the hereditary princes of the provinces had come to be merely formal chiefs of their Daimiates, and the real power was in the hands of the energetic and capable samurai who were employed to manage their affairs. These latter were not slow to recognise that any scheme for the transference of the political authority of the Daimyos to the central Government would render more important their services, and no doubt these motives prompted them to support a plan which at the same time advanced their interests and could be commended on patriotic grounds. Fall of Feudalism 29 Matters were brought to a point by the presentation to the Emperor of an elaborate memorial signed by the Daimyos of Choshu, Satsuma, Tosa, Hizen, Kaga and others offering him the lists of their possessions and men. This memorial appeared in the official Gazette, March 5, 1869. Its preparation is attributed to Kido Takayoshi and bears supreme evidence to his learning and statesmanship. The example thus set was followed rapidly by others, and in the end only a small number remained who had not so petitioned. The Emperor accepted the offer thus made, and on the 25th of July a decree was issued, which stated that His Majesty, from a desire to assimilate the civil and military classes, and to place them on a footing of equality, abolished the designation of Court nobles {Kuge) and terri- torial princes {Shoku, more commonly called Daimyo) and replaced them by that of noble families {^Kwazoku). By another decree the Government reserved to themselves the approval of all appointments or offices held under the late Daimyos, another obvious step towards the subordination of all the local administrations to that of the central Government. Thus, at almost one stroke, the whole institution of feudalism which had flourished for many centuries was cut away, although the forces which brought it about had been at work for a considerable time. In the sequel we shall see that adherence to the principles enunciated by the Emperor has within the short space of one generation brought Japan from conditions of feudalism to a strong position of con- solidated military power, able and determined to make its influence felt among the nations of the world, especially in all matters affecting Far Eastern policy ; while in industry and commerce she has already made sufficient progress to ensure that she will be a most important factor in the evolution which will take place in all the countries bounded by the Pacific area. Dai Nippon o BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The complete study of the subjects mentioned in this chapter involves the whole of Japanese history, and that can only be done by those who are able to read Japanese books. Some of the more recent of these are very good and follow scientific methods. Some very interesting and important papers appear in the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, but general readers are likely to be content with the works of Murray, Griffis, Rein, Black, Adams and others. The official report of Perry’s Expedition, Griffis’s books on Townsend Harris and Perry, and those by Laurence Oliphant and Sir Rutherford Alcock on the early days of foreign intercourse with Japan, are all interesting in their way. Captain Brinkley’s monu- mental work should be in the possession of every real student of Japan and Japanese history. CHAPTER III THE JAPANESE MIND The facts mentioned in the preceding chapter indicate the forces which brought about the fall of feudalism in Japan, and their study should help to dispel some of Mistaken ideas the mistaken ideas which prevail on the subject. Japan. Before proceeding further, however, it is necessary that we should form, at least, an approximate estimate of the mental and moral qualities of the Japanese, or what may be roughly called “the Japanese mind”; for, after all, these qualities form the chief determining factors in the progress of the nation. Japan is still looked upon by many people as a very interesting country for the globe-trotter and the curio- hunter, but few as yet have admitted the serious purpose which has guided all the changes of the last half-century, and fewer still have realised the extent of the developments which have taken place or the importance of the position which Japan now holds among the nations, as a factor in all the problems which affect Far Eastern politics. In endeavouring to form an estimate of the Japanese mind it is evidently of the highest importance that we should ascertain, as far as that is possible, what Motives of the were the chief motives which urged them on Japanese, when they determined to give up feudalism and to replace it by constitutional government and Western science, industries, and commerce. No doubt, at first these motives were some- what indefinite and probably considerably mixed, but those who know the history of the past fifty years will admit that 31 32 Dai Nippon Dr. Inazo Nitobe is near the truth when he says : “In a work of such magnitude various motives naturally entered ; but if one were to name the principal, one would not hesitate to name ‘ Bushido.’ When we opened the whole country to foreign trade, when we introduced the latest improvements in every department of life, when we began to study Western politics and sciences, our guiding motive was not the development of our physical resources and the in- crease of wealth ; much less was it a blind imitation of Western customs. The sense of honour which cannot bear being looked down upon as an inferior Power — that was the strongest of motives. Pecuniary or industrial considerations were awakened later in the process of transformation.” ^ The mental attitude of the Japanese with regard to material subjects is well illustrated in another passage by the same author: “It has been said that Japan won her late war with China by means of Murata guns and Krupp cannon ; it has been said that the victory was the work of the modern school system ; but these are less than half truths. Does ever a piano, be it of the choicest workmanship of Erhard or Stanley, burst forth into the Rhapsodies of Liszt or the Sonatas of Beethoven without a master’s hand ? Or if guns win battles, why did Louis Napoleon not beat the Prussians with his Mitrailleuse, or the Spaniards with their Mausers the Filipinos, whose arms were no better than the old- fashioned Remingtons? Needless to repeat what has grown a trite saying, that it is the spirit that quickeneth, with- out which the best of implements profiteth but little. The most improved guns and cannon do not shoot of their own accord ; the most modern educational system does not make a coward a hero. No ! What won the battles on the Yalu, in Korea and Manchuria was the ghosts of our fathers, guiding our hands and beating in our hearts. They are not dead, those ghosts, the spirits of our warlike ancestors. To those who have eyes to see, they are clearly visible. Scratch a Japanese of the most advanced ideas and he will show a ^ Bushido The Soul oj Japan^ p. 117. 33 The Japanese Mind samurai. If you would plant a new seed in his heart, stir deep the sediment which has accumulated there for ages, — or else, new phraseology reaches no deeper than his arithmetical understanding.” The secret of the developments which have taken place in Japan is to be found in the fact that the Japanese have a high sense of personal and national honour, which their critics not unnaturally put down to conceit and vanity. From the time that the first treaties were made with foreigners, they felt that some of the conditions were such that they were placed in a position of inferiority which they could not endure. I can recall the bitterness with which some leading Japanese spoke to me of the presence of a British regiment in Yokohama for the purpose of protect- ing the foreign settlement. They felt it as a national dis- grace which ought to be got rid of as soon as possible, although they recognised its need for some time after it came. The terms of the treaties by which foreigners were placed under the jurisdiction of their own national authorities were considered humiliating to Japan. The responsible statesmen, of course, recognised that such arrangements were necessary until Japan had brought herself somewhat into line with Western nations as regards the methods and the administration of the law, but all classes of the community felt that the arrangements should not continue for any length of time. Their educational system was reorganised in order that men might be trained who would be able to discharge the national duties ; legislation and administration were brought into harmony with Western ideas so that their claims for re- cognition as equals might be admitted by the other Powers. The Japanese, however, were not long in learning that foreign Powers were more amenable to the arguments to be drawn from a large army and a powerful navy Necessity for a than those to be drawn from improvements in strong japan, education and administration, and they determined to make themselves a strong military nation. The sound of the cannons at the Yalu River really awakened Europe and (b 207) 34 Dai Nippon America to a knowledge of the fact that a nation had been born in the Far East which had not only brought itself up to a considerable degree of Western culture, but had developed its administration to such an extent as to give it a strong claim for entrance to the comity of nations on terms of perfect equality. The effective action of the Japanese army and navy during the war with China, moreover, proved that they were able to enforce their rights with something stronger than mere arguments. Fortunately nothing more was needed. One almost requires to have lived in Japan to understand what Dr. Nitobe means by saying that it was the ghosts of their fathers guiding their hands and beating in their hearts which won the battles on the Yalu, in Korea and Manchuria. In the absence of that experience no better guide can be found than Dr. Nitobe himself, and in what follows I shall be greatly indebted to him, Mr. Lafcadio Hearn, and Captain Brinkley. Probably some of the opinions of these writers may seem to be overdrawn and to a large extent sentimental, but I shall, for the most part, confine myself to an outline of those which I can confirm by my personal experience. The distinguishing idea which differentiates Oriental from Occidental thought is that of Pre-existence, to under- Orientai and ^tand which aright one requires to have lived Occidental for some years in the real living atmosphere thought. Buddhism. It shapes every thought and emotion, and the term ingwa or innen^ meaning Karma as inevitable retribution, comes naturally to every lip as an interpretation, as a consolation, or as a reproach. It is very curious to note that Western philosophers have scarcely as yet recognised that the modern intellectual movement of science and philosophy is strangely parallel with Oriental thought, and that Buddhism and Science are more nearly at one in their view of the universe than the conventional form of Western theology. To the Buddhist mind expressions and thoughts which seem to require long psychological The Japanese Mind 35 explanations to our minds, are matters of common experience and axioms of everyday life. A complete study of what we have somewhat roughly called “the Japanese mind” would take us into many departments of Confucian philosophy and of constituents ot Buddhist and Shinto religions. From the two Japanese former the Japanese were furnished with a thought, sense of calm trust in Fate, a quiet submission to the inevitable, a stoic composure in sight of danger or calamity, and even a disdain for life and a friendliness with death. A soldier inspired with this spirit does not know the meaning of fear. A nation inspired with the spirit of Buddhism is continually striving to bring itself into harmony with the Absolute. The tendency of such a spirit is to lose itself in contemplation, and to become very indistinct ; hence the neglect of material conditions which are necessary for moral and physical welfare. In the case of the Japanese, however, Shintoism supplied a corrective, to a considerable extent, for it brought into prominence the national as distinguished from the moral consciousness of the individual. As Dr. Nitobe puts it : “ Its nature-worship endeared the country to our inmost souls, while its ancestor- worship, tracing from lineage to lineage, made the Imperial family the fountainhead of the whole nation. To us the country is more than land and soil from which to mine gold or to reap grain — it is the sacred abode of the gods, the spirits of our forefathers ; to us the Emperor is more than the Arch-Con- stable of a Rechtsstaat^ or even the Patron of a Culturstaat — he is the bodily representative of Heaven on earth, blend- ing in his person its power and its mercy.” ^ The two predominating features in Japanese national life are therefore patriotism and loyalty, and these to a large extent explain the circumstances which led to the overthrow of the Shogun and the restoration of the Emperor as the centre of executive authority in Japan. They also explain the national char- acter of all the movements which have taken place since the 1 Bushido^ p. 9 . 36 Dai Nippon Restoration. When once their meanings were fully grasped by some of the leading spirits, they rapidly spread through- out the nation, and even the poorest in the land felt that they had to take a part in them and that the ghosts of their fathers were guiding their hands and beating in their hearts. Another point to be noted is that the real nature of the religious and national life of Japan has been and still is predominantly communal, and that individualism has only had a minor part in forming the nation. The combination of Shintoism, Buddhism and Confucianism which constituted the Japanese religion and philosophy was therefore not a mere mechanical mixture ; it was of the nature of a chemical compound which was very different from any one of its elements ; and this accounts not only for the essential difference of the Japanese mind from that of other Eastern nations, but also for the social order and in great part for the changes which have taken place in recent years in Japan. It would take us far beyond our present limits if we examined in detail the nature of the compound which was Resultant produced by the amalgamation and evolution thought, of the various factors in Japanese religion, but a few notes are necessary in order to understand some of the features in the national character. Buddhism, in the process, became very much modified and simplified. The immeasur- ably deferred hope of the Indian Buddhist was brought down to everyday life by the prospect of immediate admission, after death, to the ranks of the deities, and its practical morality was condensed into five negative precepts and ten positive virtues, which are to be found in all the moral codes of the world. The former were — not to kill, not to be guilty of dishonesty, not to be lewd, not to speak untruth, not to drink intoxicants ; the latter were — to be kind to all sentient beings, to be liberal, to be chaste, to speak the truth, to employ gentle and peace-making language, to use refined words, to express everything in a plain unexaggerated manner, to devote the mind to moral thoughts, to practise charity and patience, and to cultivate The Japanese Mind 37 pure intentions. The practical Japanese mind could not accept the negation of all interest in the affairs of this world as necessary to the way of salvation, and while not neglecting meditation, it found scope for its religious zeal in the exercise of a charity which, if it had been practised as prescribed, would have made the devotees very good Christians. “ It included the digging of wells, the building of bridges, the making of roads, the maintenance of one’s parents, the support of the Church, the nursing of the sick, the succouring of the poor, and the duty of recommending these same acts to others. There were further noble precepts, and there was also an elaborate system of daily worship and prayer. All idea of abstention from the affairs of everyday life disappeared, and the hereafter became, not a state of absolute non-existence {nirvana), but the ‘ infinite perception of a beatific vision a condition in which each of the saved formed one of a band of great intercessors, pleading continually for their ignorant and struggling brethren upon earth that they might attain to the same heights of perfect enlightenment and bliss.” ^ The latest developments of Buddhism in Japan made a still further approach to the Christian ideals. Nichiren is one of the noblest and most picturesque of the Japanese saints, and his teachings included the conception of a God in whom everything lives and moves and has its being ; an omnipotent, omnipresent and omniscient deity. All phenomena, mental and material, in all time and space, were declared by him to have only subjective existence in the consciousness of the individual. To the enlightened Buddhist all worlds were equally beautiful. “ Hence, to proclaim the identity of this evil or phenomenal world with the glorious underlying reality, or noumenon ; to point out the way to Buddhahood ; to open the path of salvation ; above all, to convince the people that one and all of them might become Buddhas, here and now — that was the mission of the sect of Nichiren.” Captain Brinkley sums up the results of all the 1 Brinkley, vol. v. p. 146. 38 Dai Nippon changes which took place in these words : “ Thus the colours that Buddhism took in its transmission through the Japanese mind were all bright hues. Death ceased to be a passage to mere non-existence and became the entrance to actual beatitude. The ascetic selfishness of the contemplative disciple was exchanged for a career of active charity. The endless chain of cause and effect was shortened to a single link. The conception of one supreme, all -merciful being forced itself into prominence. The gulf of social and political distinctions that yawned so widely between the patrician and the plebeian, and all the other unsightliness of the world, became subjective eidola destined to disappear at the first touch of moral light. The Buddha and the people were identified.” ^ Captain Brinkley adds : “ Buddhism in the comparatively bright and comfortable garments with which Japanese genius clothed it, is the faith of the masses, but the scholar proposes to himself a simpler creed, an essentially workaday system of ethics. To be moral, honest, and upright ; to be guided by reason and not by passion ; to be faithful to friends and benefactors ; to abstain from meanness and selfishness in all its forms ; to be prepared to sacrifice everything to country and king, — that is the ideal of the cultured mind, and in the pursuit of it no priestly guidance is considered necessary. If a Japanese be asked to define the much-talked of Yainato damashii — the spirit of Yamato — he will do so in the words set down here.” ^ There can be little doubt that they express the con- ditions of the Japanese minds which exercised the greatest influence in the country since the adoption of Western methods and the introduction of Western arts, sciences, and religion. Confucian ethics, in Japan as in China, was the basis of the philosophy of life to the educated classes, in so far as they had a philosophy of life, and the Confucian teaching only strengthened, deepened, and gave form and outline to the sentiments of the Shinto religion. Farther on we will consider some of the changes which have taken ^ Brinkley, ya/a;/, vol. v. p. 151. 2 The Japanese Mind 39 place in recent years in consequence of the developments in education and in social, economic, and political conditions. Nothing illustrates the spirit of Old Japan so much as the institutions of suicide {Jtara-kiri) and redress {kataki- uchi\ and they show, in a very clear manner, some of the characteristics of what we have called the Japanese mind, even of the present day ; for although they are not carried out as in former days, they indicate the attitude which the great body of the people still assume when there is any question either of national or individual importance under discussion. When a question of honour was involved, death was accepted by a samurai as a key to the solution to many complex problems. Redress did not descend to mere personal revenge, for it was justified only when it was undertaken on behalf of superiors and bene- factors. “ One’s own wrongs, including injuries done to wife and children, were to be borne and forgiven. A samurai could therefore fully sympathise with Hannibal’s oath to avenge his country’s wrongs, but he scorns James Hamilton for wearing in his girdle a handful of earth from his wife’s grave as an eternal incentive to avenge her wrongs on the Regent Murray.” ^ The recognition of this spirit helps to explain many of the features connected with Japanese history, not only under the old regime, but also during the transition period since the country had intercourse with foreigners. In some respects the Japanese samurai resembled the ancient Greeks in that they always placed loyalty and duty to the State before self-interest, and their most popular literature abounds in illustrations of this. Viscount Hayashi has given English readers an excellent example of the ancient spirit of the Japanese in his book For His People^ and the perusal of this and similar books will do far more to make people acquainted with the manners and thought of the Japanese than formal disquisitions on ethics and psychology, and to ^ Nitobe, Bushido^ p. 86. 40 Dai Nippon such books we must refer our readers, as our space will allow us only to touch on those parts of the subject which have an immediate bearing on the chief aspects of modern Japanese life, with which we propose to deal. A very competent writer has made the following remarks on the feature in the Japanese character we have been considering, and they explain a great deal which to the ordinary foreign mind is not apparent : “ Something more than a profound conception of duty was needed to nerve the samurai for sacrifices such as he seems to have been always ready to make. It is true that Japanese parents of the military class took pains to familiarise their children of both sexes from very tender years with the idea of self-destruction at any time. The little boy was taught how the sword should be directed against his bosom ; the little girl, how the dagger must be held to pierce the throat ; and both grew up in constant fellowship with the conviction that suicide must be reckoned among the natural incidents of everyday existence. But superadded to the force of education and the incentive of tradition there was a transcendental influence. Buddhism supplied it. The tenets of that creed divided themselves, broadly speaking, into two doctrines, salvation by faith and salvation by works, and the chief exponent of the latter principle is the sect which prescribes ‘ meditation ’ as the vehicle of enlightenment. Whatever be the mental pro- cesses induced by this rite, those who have practised it insist that it leads finally to a state of ‘ absorption ’ in which the mind is flooded by an illumination revealing the universe in a new aspect, absolutely free from all traces of passion, interest, or affection, and showing, written across everything in flaming letters, the truth that for him who has found Buddha there is neither birth nor death, growth nor decay. Lifted high above his surroundings, he is prepared to meet every fate with indifference. The attainment of that state seems to have been a fact in the case both of the samurai of the military epoch, and of the Japanese soldier of to-day, producing, in the former, readiness to look calmly in the face 41 The Japanese Mind of any form of death, and in the latter, a high type of patriotic courage.” With a spirit of this kind even very imperfectly developed fear of death disappears, and deeds of daring are possible which astonish the outside world. Amidst all the intellectual and material changes which have taken place in Japan there have naturally been great changes in the religious ideals of large numbers of the people. One thing, however, has not changed. Shinto remains the unique creed of the Imperial house, and as this fact is of great national importance it is necessary to dwell on it a little in detail. Appended to the Constitution, by which freedom of conscience was unequivocally granted to the people, were three documents — a preamble, an Imperial oath in the Sanctuary of the Palace, and an Imperial Speech — every one of which contained words that left no doubt of the Sovereign’s rigid adherence to the patriarchal faith of Japan. In the preamble His Majesty said : “ Having, by virtue of the glories of our ancestors, ascended to the throne of a lineal succession unbroken for ages eternal ; desiring to promote the welfare and to give development to the moral and intellectual faculties of our subjects who have been favoured with the benevolent care and affectionate vigilance of our ancestors ; and hoping to maintain the pro- sperity of the State in concert with our people and with their support, we hereby promulgate,” etc.; in the Imperial oath he said : We, the successor to the prosperous throne of our predecessors, do humbly and solemnly swear to the Imperial founder of our house and to our Imperial ancestors that, in consonance with a great policy co-extensive with the heavens and with the earth, we shall maintain and secure from decline the ancient form of government. . . . These laws (the Constitution) contain only an exposition of grand precepts for the conduct of the government, bequeathed by the Imperial founder of our house and by our Imperial ancestors. That we have been so fortunate in our reign . . . as to accomplish this work, we owe to the glorious spirits of the Imperial founder of our house and of our other 42 Dai Nippon Imperial ancestors”; and in the Imperial speech he says : “ The Imperial founder of our house and our other Imperial ancestors, by the help and support of the forefathers of our subjects, laid the foundation of our empire upon a basis which is to last for ever. That this brilliant achievement embellishes the annals of our country, is due to the glorious virtues of our sacred Imperial ancestors and to the loyalty and bravery of our subjects, their love of country, and their public spirit.” The sentiments embodied in these words represent a force in the national life of Japan which those who have not lived in the country cannot realise, and its existence may bring about a combination of Imperial and democratic power which may probably throw a new light on the political and social problems of the future. At the same time it must be admitted that there has been a great development of purely materialistic ideas. A large proportion of the younger men may be said to belong to the school of scientific agnostics, and their religion resolves itself into a system of practical ethics, and is in fact a return to the “ Bushido ” of the samurai. It may be said that the code of moral principles embodied in that system was to a large extent ideal and had little effect on real life, but I venture to affirm that its principles entered more deeply into the national life of Japan than do those of the religion we profess into Western civilisation, which in many respects is directly opposed to the spirit of Christianity. The true samurai insisted on justice in all his dealings with his fellow-men, and courage was not esteemed unless it was exercised in the cause of righteousness, while benevolence, magnanimity, sympathy and pity were ever recognised to be supreme virtues, the highest of all the attributes of the human soul. The courtesy and politeness of the Japanese were simply the outward symbols of the inward spirit which was the mark of the cultured man ; who, however, never allowed mere outward form to interfere with the standard of veracity and conduct which was demanded The Japanese Mind 43 by his social position. The word of a samurai was sufficient guaranty of the truthfulness of an assertion. Foreigners who have had commercial dealings with Japanese may find it difficult to reconcile these high ideals with the practice which they found to prevail, but Commercial it must be remembered that the social position of "morality, the samurai demanded a loftier standard of veracity than that of the tradesman or the peasant. It cannot be denied that Japanese merchants gained a bad name by their want of commercial integrity, especially in the early days of foreign intercourse, but under the feudal system none of the great occupations of life were further removed from the profession of arms than commerce. The merchant was placed lowest in the category of vocations — the knight, the tiller of the soil, the mechanic, and the merchant. Com- mercial development was not possible to any great extent in feudal Japan, and the obloquy attached to the calling brought within its pale many who did not care for social repute. The initial consequence was that, while those belonging to it had a code of morals which guided them in their transactions with each other, in their relations with people outside their vocation their actions were in accord- ance with the low reputation which their class had acquired. Such being the case, it can easily be understood that when the country was opened to foreign trade, the most adventurous rushed to the open ports to take part in the scramble with foreigners for their share of the wealth which was the main object of life at these places. Some of the samurai, and even of the nobles, went into trade, but their inexperience and their sense of honour led the majority of them into bankruptcy ; the Japanese side of trade was thus, for the most part, left in the hands of sharp, unscrupulous persons, to whom the spirit and teaching of “ Bushido ” were either unknown, or if known, altogether ignored, and their actions brought the whole Japanese nation into disrespect ; for foreigners are apt to generalise regarding Eastern peoples from their experience of those with whom 44 Dai Nippon they come into contact, and who are seldom, if ever, the representatives of the highest types. Under the old regime money and the love of it were ignored, and a man was honoured on account, not of his possessions, but of his social position, his character, or his wisdom. We have hitherto dealt chiefly with the ethical aspects of Japanese character, but it will be necessary to glance at Japanese mental some of their mental characteristics in order characteristics, ^^at we may better understand the wonderful progress which has been made. The common impression is that the Japanese have wonderful powers of imitation but little or no originality. This impression, however, is as superficial as many others which have been formed of Eastern peoples. The Japanese samurai, and to a very considerable extent all the other classes in the country, were fairly well educated, but it was not for the purpose of enabling them to pass examinations or to make money but to build up character. Intellectual superiority was of course esteemed, but with them intellectuality meant wisdom in the first instance and only knowledge in a very subordinate sense. The framework of “ Bushido ” was composed of Wisdom, Benevolence, and Courage, but in erecting this framework the mind was trained in such a manner that it obtained the capacity to undertake any study to which it was directed. When, therefore. Western learning and science were intro- duced they found a field well cultivated for their reception, and characters prepared to take full advantage of them. As, however, a very thoughtful writer has said, “ although the ‘ occidentalization ’ of Japan is a fact unique in human history, what does it really mean? Nothing more than rearrangement of a part of the pre-existing machinery of thought. Even that for thousands of brave young minds was death. The adoption of Western civilisation was not nearly such an easy matter as unthinking persons imagined. And it is quite evident that the mental readjustments, effected at a cost which remains to be told, have given good results only along directions in which the race had always The Japanese Mind 45 shown capacities of special kinds. Thus the appliances of Western industrial invention have worked admirably in Japanese hands — have produced excellent results in those crafts at which the nation had been skilful, in other and quainter ways, for ages. There has been no transformation — nothing more than the turning of old abilities into new and larger channels. The scientific professions tell the same story. For certain forms of science, such as medicine, surgery (there are no better surgeons in the world than the Japanese), chemistry, microscopy, the Japanese genius is naturally adapted ; and in all these it has done work already heard of round the world. In war and statecraft it has shown wonderful power ’ but throughout their history the Japanese have been characterised by great military and political capacity. Nothing remarkable has been done, however, in directions foreign to the national genius. In the study, for example, of Western music. Western art. Western literature, time would seem to have been simply wasted. These things make appeal extraordinary to emotional life with us ; they make no such appeal to Japanese emotional life. Every serious thinker knows that emotional transformation of the individual through education is impossible. To imagine that the emotional character of an Oriental race could be transformed in the short space of thirty years by the contact of Occidental ideas is absurd. Emotional life, which is older than intellectual life, and deeper, can no more be altered suddenly by a change of milieu than the surface of a mirror can be changed by passing reflections. All that Japan has been able to do so miraculously well has been done without any self- trans- formation ; and those who imagine her emotionally closer to us to-day than she may have been thirty years ago ignore facts of science which admit of no argument.” ^ This line of thought might lead us into many interest- ing discussions on the relations of European and Asiatic thought and into a consideration of the belief which is often 1 Hearn, Kokoro, pp. 9-1 1. 46 Dai Nippon expressed, but as often forgotten in practical action, that the East is separated from the West by a chasm that nothing Eastern people bridge and is altogether impervious to and Western influences from without, but meantime these thought. must be postponed. The quotations which we have given indicate the lines on which an Eastern people may be influenced by Western thought and the limitations to that influence. The forces acting on Japan from without have been co-operating with those which acted from within and have merely changed their direction ; they have created little that is new. If we compare her case with that of China, we at once see the cause of the differences of results. It is customary to speak of China as having stood still for centuries, but if we examine her history we find that she developed on her own individual lines from age to age up to the time of the coming of Europeans, and since then she has slowly but surely retrograded ; because, as an experienced Eastern official in the British service has put it, “ the external influence brought to bear upon her has been one essentially Results of antagonistic to her whole spirit and genius, and European action, served to make development of a kind which was natural to her, and which was something wholly unlike, and far more subtle than the progress of modern Europe, an impossibility.” The same writer points out that in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and later the Chinese were remarkable among all the nations for the extraordinary care which was taken by high and low to secure the safety of the persons and property of strangers, travellers, and foreign merchants, and religions of all kinds were tolerated. What has wrought this complete change in China, the reputedly unchanging and unchangeable } The writer from whom I have quoted says : “ The answer, let us blind ourselves to it if we can, does not admit of a doubt. It is due solely and entirely to the influence of Europe, to the aggressive spirit which animated, and to a certain extent still animates, the white men in Asia ; the spirit which, coming into rude contact with that of the East, threw the 47 The Japanese Mind latter violently back upon itself, stayed the tide of its 7iatural development, and since the civilisations of Asia were thus prevented from advancing in their own fashion, and the law of Nature forbade that they should stand still, compelled them to retrogression.”^ The present con- dition of China is a disgrace to the Western Powers and a complete justification of the independent position which the Japanese have always taken in matters affecting the internal development of their country. My own experience with Japanese students has always been, in every way, most pleasant. Eager and persevering in their studies, and with abilities which compare 11*11 r 1 • r Personal favourably with those of students m any part of experience of the world, they retained a great part of their native politeness and gave no trouble to teachers in the course of their work. If occasionally one of the more boisterous spirits forgot himself, a word reminding him of the behaviour which was expected of a Japanese gentleman was sufficient to recall him to a sense of his duty, and during all the time I was in Japan no question of College discipline ever arose. The only change made in the Calendar of the Engineering College as I drafted it was the addition, on the suggestion of the Japanese authorities, of certain regulations with regard to discipline, but these were found to be un- necessary, and they appeared only in the first edition of that publication. In recent years, however, it is evident that a turbulent spirit has shown itself among certain classes of students, but this no doubt arises from the disorganisation of Japanese ideals and methods and the want of anything better to take their place, and indicates the necessity for the cultivation of “ Bushido ” suitable to modern conditions. The charge of want of originality on the part of the Japanese is, as I have said, superficial and charge of want unfair. How could originality be expected of originality, under a feudal system which penalised it in every form ? I 1 Hugh Clifford, C.M.G., “The East and West,” T/ie Monthly Review, April 1903, p. 133. Dai Nippon 48 remember my apprentice master, Alexander C. Kirk, LL.D., writing to me when in Japan warning me not to expect too much in the way of science and engineering from the present generation of Japanese, for, as he said, “such things had to be bred in the bone.” In the course of little more than a generation the Japanese have shown that they are not only able to adapt Western science to Japanese conditions, but to advance its borders by original investigation. The memoirs and papers published by Japanese students, both on scientific and literary subjects, will bear very favourable comparison with those of any other country, and while no Japanese Newton, Darwin, or Kelvin has yet arisen, there are men connected with Japanese universities and colleges of whom any learned institution in the world would have no reason to be ashamed. In the course of our investigations we shall have an opportunity of noting the practical work which has been done in engineering, industry, and commerce, and a mere outline will be sufficient to show that the Japanese are not simply book students, but are able to apply their knowledge to the practical affairs of life. As conditions develop, the opportunities for originality will increase, but we must remember that what we call originality is only another name for the resultant of the experience and spirit of the age ; genius simply translates that into language which can be understood. It is too late in the day to continue to repeat what was a very common saying thirty years ago ; namely, that the Disproved by Japanese were very clever imitators but that recent history, neither Originality nor perseverance to accomplish anything great. Their whole history in the interval has disproved the charge. Their ardent patriotism, their high sense of personal and national honour, their keen intelligence have enabled them to work what is admitted to be the political miracle of the latter part of the nineteenth century. Early in their new career they formed very clear ideas of what they wished to attain. They made their plans with deliberation, they carried them out with 49 The Japanese Mind skill, and by their adaptations of Western methods to their national institutions they have created a new Power which will influence conditions in all parts of the world and especially in those countries bounded by the Paciflc area. To show how they accomplished this will be our task in the following chapters. A complete study of the mental and moral qualities of the Japanese — which have influenced the Revolution that has taken place in their country — would take The spirit of us into many psychological and metaphysical Revolution, problems. Enough has been said to show that the spirit which dominated that Revolution is of a very complex nature. What has been called “the Soul of Japan” has been a very important factor in it ; but, unlike other Easterns, the Japanese have brought the soul under the control of the brain, and each successive step in their evolution has been guided by an appeal to reason, which has enabled them to combine many of the qualities of the East and the West. What these qualities really were will be best understood, not by abstract discussions, but by a study of the results which have followed from their efforts. The advent of Christianity in its various forms in Japan has had the result of imparting new life to Buddhism and in many respects causing it to approach still more nearly to some of the Christian ideals. On the other hand, Christian missionaries now understand much better than they did the conditions of the Japanese mind and are not so disdainfully aggressive as they were, and, consciously or unconsciously, they are imbibing Eastern ideas which are causing them to modify the forms of pre- senting some of their Western theological doctrines. How far this process will go on is one of the problems of the future. If I were attempting to sum up briefly the qualities of the Japanese which have enabled them to make such wonderful developments in such a short time, I would mention as the most important factor the intense loyalty of the people, which compels them to make any sacrifice — even (b 207) ^ 50 Dai Nippon life itself — when they consider it necessary for the honour of their country. This, combined with their great intellectual ability, enables them to take full advantage of the modern science and organisation necessary for the attainment of the objects of their ambition. Their great power of foresight prepares them for all their enterprises, both of peace and war, with an exact and scientific prevision not excelled by any other nation. While they are permeated by Eastern ideas they have been able to appropriate much that is best in Western thought, and thus they unite many of the best qualities of the East and the West. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The Japanese mind is not to be understood from books alone. A lengthened residence in Japan and a careful and sympathetic study of the subject are necessary even for its approximate under- standing. Still some books which have been written will be found useful, such as Dr. Nitobe’s Bitshido^ The Soul of Japan^ Lafcadio Hearn’s Kokoro and other works, some of the chapters in Captain Brinkley’s large work, and Professor Chamberlain’s Things Japanese. Gulick’s Evolution of the Japanese.^ Social and Psychic^ contains a great deal of interesting but some of it debatable matter. Probably such books as Mitford’s Tales of Old Japan or Viscount Hayashi’s story For his People are more useful to general readers than formal psychological treatises. CHAPTER IV TRANSITION The formal abolition of feudalism in Japan was only the beginning of a long period of transition during which the government and the institutions of the country were fitted to the new conditions, and before entering on a description of the chief developments in the various departments of national life, it will be convenient to give a sketch of the more important events that occurred during the period of rapid change which we may consider to have ended with the war with China in 1894-5- — a war which was the means of causing the strength of Japan to be recognised by the other nations of the world. Changes have, of course, been going on since that date, the more important of which will be noted under their appropriate headings ; but during the period mentioned the foundations of the institutions of modern Japan were laid and their superstructures sufificiently developed to allow us to give an outline which will be of use in co-relating them to each other and to the general course of events in Japan. The task before the country and the people was a difficult one ; and it is problems of the not surprising that mistakes were made, and Revolution, that troubles arose which sometimes threatened serious results to the nation ; but, on the whole, it is admitted even by their most severe critics that the Japanese have per- formed their task in a manner which, in many respects, affords an object lesson to the world. On the publication of the decree abolishing feudalism 51 52 Dai Nippon the ex-Daimyos returned to their provinces and assumed the functions of governors of their clans, and each provincial government received a uniform constitution. It was soon found, however, that the hereditary princes were, as a class, utterly unfit for the chief executive offices of their old provinces, and as vacancies occurred they were replaced by other more competent persons. The actual leaders in the central Government, after the Revolution, did not number among them a single Daimyo, although two or three were Men of the Kugi or Court nobles. Among the men who Revolution, have made modern Japan, the names of Okubo, Kido, Iwakura, Sanjo, Goto, Katsu, Okuma, Ito, Inouye, Soyejima, Oki, Saigo, and Yamagata deserve to be specially recorded, although many others who will be mentioned later on did much in their own departments to consolidate the new regime. Captain Brinkley, a very competent authority, has said : “ Of the fifty-five men whose united efforts had compassed the fall of the Shogunate, five stood conspicuous above their colleagues ; they were Iwakura and Sanjo, Court nobles ; Saigo and Okubo, samurai of Satsuma ; and Kido, a samurai of Choshu. In the second rank came many men of great gifts, whose youth alone disqualified them for prominence — Ito, the constructive statesman of the Meiji era, who inspired nearly all the important measures of the time, though he did not openly figure as their originator ; Inouye, who never lacked a resource or swerved from the dictates of loyalty ; Okuma, a politician of subtle, versatile, and vigorous intellect ; Itagaki, the Rousseau of his era ; and a score of others created by the extraordinary circum- stances with which they had to deal. But the first five mentioned were the captains, the rest only lieutenants.” If we were studying the history of the time we would of course enter into the examination of the share which individuals had in public affairs, but, as already explained, our object is rather to give a broad outline of the national evolution, and therefore we can touch on the careers of individuals only in so far as their work bears directly on the subjects under consideration. Transition 53 The Emperor was the source of all authority, but the actual work of the Government was carried on by the Daijokwan or Privy Council, composed, for the central most part, of the leaders of the Revolution. Government. Under the Daijokwan were the Ministers of the different departments, who were called to take part in the Cabinet Councils of the Government when any questions relating to their department were to be discussed. The composition of the Privy Council from time to time caused serious dis- content among the members of the more powerful clans, who were dissatisfied with the share which they had obtained in the Government. Satsuma especially was troublesome, as the members of that clan looked upon themselves as the principal agents in the Revolution which had been the means of restoring the governing power into the hands of the Emperor, and their discontent came to a head in a very serious rebellion a few years later. The first deliberative assembly having proved a failure, another attempt was made in 1870 but with almost equal want of success. The House was opened with some ceremony on the 26th of June, but it was found Deliberative that the members were so deficient in the informa- Assembly, tion necessary for the transaction of business and so much given to irrelevant discussion that they were eventually sent home, with the object of qualifying themselves for the task they had set to perform. From time to time attacks were made on foreigners by Japanese who thought that their country was going on a wrong course by the adoption of foreign Attitude towards customs, but in many cases these attacks were foreigners, provoked by the imprudence or misconduct of the persons who suffered. On the whole, however, the anti -foreign policy was being abandoned, especially by the high officials of the clans, and by 1871 it was evident that a very important change was coming over the spirit of Japan. The people recognised that any attempt to return to the old system of isolation was impracticable, and they 54 Dai Nippon agreed with the Government in its resolve to respect the treaties and to encourage friendly relations with foreign Powers. Public opinion changed very rapidly. On the one hand there were those who wished to adopt all kinds of foreign arts and inventions at once and to plunge into Western civilisation, and on the other those who, while recognising the necessity for an approximation to the methods of European countries, were anxious to retain what was good in Japanese customs and methods and to preserve the old institutions of the country. When opportunity arose I always took the side of the latter, and impressed on those with whom I came in contact that a nation which forgot its past was not likely to have a great future. While anxious that the Japanese should be assisted in every way to become a strong nation, I felt that if too great haste were dis- played disastrous results would follow. For some years it was difficult to prevent the beginning of schemes which were doomed to failure, but as experience was gained more caution was shown, and gradually there occurred what many foreigners called a reaction against things European, but which, in reality, was only a recognition of the claims of things Japanese, and a clearer recognition of the conditions of real national progress. Many young men and a considerable number of young women were sent to foreign countries in order that they Lines of might obtain a knowledge of foreign methods and progress, instructed in Western arts and sciences, but as they were quite unprepared to take full advantage of what they saw and heard, the results were, in the majority of cases, very unsatisfactory. Those, however, who settled down to a systematic course of study, as a rule, did well, and on their return to Japan were able to do very efficient work. It was, however, felt that it was absolutely necessary that arrangements should be made for a sound preliminary training being given in Japan to those who were likely to go abroad, so that they might be fitted to take full advantage of the Transition 55 opportunities which they had for the study of Western arts and sciences. Frequent changes and developments took place both in the central and local Government with the object of meeting the new conditions which were arising. The most important of these we will note in subsequent chapters. The administration of the law was improved, the Department of Education was established and a beginning was made with the organisation of national education and of public works which have been the means of changing to a large extent the general conditions of Japan. The various public works were united in one department, the Kobusho, under which a few years later was placed the Imperial College of Engineering. A telegraph was soon in working order between Yokohama and Tokyo, and the construction of a railway between these two points was begun. In order that navigation might be rendered safer, lighthouses were con- structed at different parts of the coast under the super- intendence of Mr. Brunton, a British engineer, and in short a beginning was made in a great many departments of national activity, all of which have had very important developments, to be noticed later on. Those in power, however, felt that more complete informa- tion was required before a systematic attempt was made to reorganise thoroughly the national institutions, gj^bassyto and accordingly it was determined by the Cabinet United states that an embassy should be sent to the United Europe. States and Europe on a tour of observation, for the purpose of learning the nature of the institutions of other countries and for gaining a more precise knowledge of their laws, commerce, and education as well as their naval and military systems. In addition to these reasons, however, there was another which probably had more direct effect in causing the appointment of the embassy. The Japanese Government and the people generally had all along felt that in the treaties with the foreign Powers the clauses which placed those 56 Dai Nippon of their nationality who were resident in Japan under the direct jurisdiction of the representatives of these Powers, were derogatory to the dignity of Japan, and that they should be altered as soon as possible. The date fixed for the revision of the treaties was ist of July 1872, and it was recognised that an important epoch was approaching. The members of the Cabinet felt that it was their duty to make the Governments of the Treaty Powers acquainted with the changes which had taken place in the country since the treaties were signed, and explain the existing conditions and the policy which it was intended to carry out. The chief of the embassy was Iwakura, the Junior Prime Minister, and with him with the title of Associate Ambassadors were Kido, Sangi ; Okubo, Minister of Finance ; Ito, Vice-Minister of Public Works; and Yamaguchi, Assistant Minister for Foreign Affairs. There were in addition a number of secretaries, commissioners, and other officials ; so that the embassy attained considerable dimensions, as was becoming, considering the importance and variety of the functions which it was expected to perform. The embassy did not succeed in bringing about the revision of the treaties, but it collected a great deal of information on many points relating to government and national institutions which no doubt has been largely used in shaping the policy which has since been followed. Personally I am interested in the embassy and its work, because, as I have mentioned, when it visited Britain Mr. Ito, one of its members (now Marquis Ito) arranged for the institution of the Imperial College of Engineering, of which I became Principal. On my arrival in Japan in June 1873 I collected, with difficulty, about fifty students from the small schools and classes which had been started in con- nection with various departments, and we made a beginning with the College, using as temporary premises the yashiki or residence of an ex-Daimyo. In order to provide properly prepared candidates for entrance to the College I started a large preparatory school, which was carried on with success Transition 57 for some years until the work of the Education Department was more fully organised, when it was discontinued. What ultimately became the University of Tokyo was also being rapidly developed, and a national system of education was being organised, but these and other matters connected with education will be noticed more fully in the next chapter. Beneath the surface of the apparent calm in the country there was still a large amount of latent discontent, especially among the members of the Satsuma clan. As trouble has already been explained, that clan took a leading part in the Revolution which brought the Emperor back to power, but its members were, as a rule, animated by a great dislike to foreign customs and methods, and indeed they made the action of the Shogun in favouring foreigners and making treaties with them the main reason for working for his overthrow. The Satsuma leaders were therefore justified in thinking that under the new order of things their services would be remembered, and that they would have a large share in the Government. Probably they were dis- appointed that they did not get as much as they expected in this respect, but subsequent events seemed to prove that some of them aimed at acquiring for themselves the executive authority of the extinct Shogunate, without its name, rather than at making the Emperor the real and effective depositary of supreme power. It is very difficult, if not impossible, to estimate men’s motives, but there can be little doubt that these reasons and the contempt which they had for foreigners and their methods explained the action of many members of the Satsuma clan during the years which immediately followed the Revolution. The story is a long one, and we can notice only those points in it which bear on the national evolution. Among the Satsuma men who had rendered good service at the time of the restoration of the Emperor was Saigo Takamori, and on the formation of the new Government he was appointed to an important post in the Ministry of War. Other members of the Satsuma clan had also received 58 Dai Nippon influential appointments, and amongst those was Okubo Toshimitsu, whose name is associated with all the more important changes carried out by the Mikado’s Government in its early years. In November 1870 the members of the Satsuma clan who were then in Tokyo began to show signs of discontent ; Shimadzu Saburo, the acting head of the clan, and Saigo presented a petition to the Emperor asking to be relieved from their service in Tokyo as part of the guard for the central Government. Okubo and Terashima, the two other members of the clan in the Government, did not support the petition, and there can be little doubt that the real grounds of the request which it contained were the discontent and disappointment of the two former statesmen at finding that the part in the government of the country allotted to them was infinitely less than what they considered they had a right to expect. These feelings were shared by the troops and the majority of the clan. Various unsuccessful efforts were made to appease them. Shimadzu and Saigo returned to their province, and under the name of a “ private school ” they carried on an establishment which was essentially a military training institution ; all their resources were employed in the maintenance of armed forces, and as many as 30,000 men were being constantly drilled and exercised. They had a large arsenal, and connected with it were a cannon foundry and powder mills which were able to turn out considerable amounts of the munitions of war. They also held the fortifications which commanded the harbour of Kagoshima. In short, Satsuma was practically as feudal as ever, and all Satsuma men obeyed the orders of Shimadzu and not of the central Government. An open breach, however, did not occur for some time, and in April 1873 the Government, after much negotiation, prevailed on Shimadzu to visit Tokyo, and he was offered high official position if he would modify his opposition to the projected changes. Shimadzu arrived in the capital about the end of April, accompanied by several hundred Transition 59 armed retainers, all wearing the old costume of the country and carrying their two swords, and their appearance in Tokyo caused no little sensation, where the samurai had already availed themselves of the permission granted them to lay aside their weapons. I arrived in Japan in the beginning of June of that year, and I can recall the Satsuma men with their swaggering gait and sometimes scowling aspect, and one was thankful when one got safely past them in the streets ; for there was no saying what an angry samurai might do on the spur of the moment. In order to conciliate him, Saigo was named commander-in-chief of the Emperor’s land forces, but neither he nor Shimadzu modified their opposition to the progressive measures of the Government, and the latter, finding his advice unheeded, asked leave to return home. The Emperor refused his request and ordered him to remain in the capital until the return from Europe of Iwakura and the members of his mission. This took place in September of the same year, and shortly after a split took place in the Cabinet ; the reason which was given being a question arising out of the state of Japanese relations with the Kingdom of Korea. These relations go back to the almost prehistoric times of the Empress Jingo (A.D. 201-269), but it is not till 1592 that we have exact historical records. In that Relations with year a Japanese army under the Regent Korea. Hideyoshi, a man with great warlike ambitions, landed in Korea and conquered it, and although the Japanese army was withdrawn after the death of Hideyoshi, the Koreans for more than two centuries sent tribute to the Tokugawa Shoguns. After the Restoration, however, they had refused to acknowledge the Mikado as Emperor of Japan or to have any official relations with his Government, which had given so much encouragement to Western barbarians. This caused great irritation to some sections of the Japanese, who held that the conduct of the Koreans deserved severe chastisement. On the other hand, Iwakura, the head of the embassy which had just returned from Europe, became the chief of the 6o Dai Nippon peace party which declared that the country was unprepared for war and that financial ruin would be the result of attempting it, and the counsels of that party prevailed. The relations between Japan and Russia are at the present time the most important political questions in the Japan and Far East, but a glance at history shows that Russia. are of very long standing. The present policy of Russia is only a continuation of the policy she has carried on for generations. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, Russia made several attempts to open up communications with Japan, but in vain. In the early years of the nineteenth century several raids were made by Russians on the northern parts of Japan, and their actions in burning, pillaging, and taking prisoners raised Japanese feeling very strongly against them. One of the prisoners was entrusted with a letter ending with the sentence : “ If you comply with our wishes [to make a treaty of commerce] we shall always be good friends with you ; if not, we will come again with more ships and chase you about” — a communica- tion which was not calculated to increase the friendship between the parties. Among the students who about this time tried to obtain a knowledge of Western countries through the Dutch who were settled at Deshima was one Ono Kinshihei, and he, like all others who infringed the laws on these matters, soon had to make a difficult choice. He had collected information regarding the manners and customs as well as the military and naval organisations of Western States, and he had to choose between concealing information which seemed essential to his country’s safety and revealing it at the certain cost of his own safety. He chose the latter, and published a book in which he not only gave all the information he thought would be useful, but warned the authorities that the Russians would one day show themselves in the north of Japan, and urged the advisability of building a fleet and constructing coast defences. His patriotism was rewarded by imprisonment and the confiscation of his publication. Transition 6i Before he was five months in prison, events vindicated his wisdom ; the Russians appeared and attempted to carry out their objects by force, and their depredations impressed themselves in bloody letters on the memory of the Japanese. The great struggle which was going on in Europe at the time diverted the attention of Russia from the Far East, except for an occasional visit. In i8ii the Russian ship Diana was sent to survey the Kurile Islands, and by a stratagem the captain and a number of his officers were seized and kept prisoners by the Japanese for two years and treated with considerable cruelty. An interesting account of the experiences of the Russians was written by Golovnin, the captain, which gives some insight into Japanese ways and thoughts. Gradually as the colonisation of Saghalin by the Russians from the north and that of the Japanese from the south came into contact, friction arose, and in 1854 Count Pontiatine endeavoured to arrange a boundary line, but without success. Then, as now, however, Russia combined silent but aggres- sive action with her diplomacy, and in 1857 she attempted to include the island of Tsushima among her colonies^ — Tsushima, which lies within sight of Japan on one side, of Korea on the other, and commands the principal entrance to the Sea of Japan. In 1864 the Government of the Bakufu (Shogun) sent a special envoy to St. Petersburg to discuss the questions at issue, and a sort of joint occupation was agreed to, which, however, was found to be unsatis- factory, and in 1869 trouble again arose. In one of his letters ^ Sir Harry Parkes thus alludes to the subject : “ What a day I have had ! A very important question has occurred in Saghalin to the north of Yezo, which if not carefully treated by the Japanese Government may occasion a rupture between them and the Russians, in which case the former would go to the wall. The Russians are reported to be concentrating 1200 men at the extreme south of Saghalin, with the object, I think, of taking Yezo if the 1 Life^ vol. ii. p. 239. 62 Dai Nippon Japanese give them the chance. Yezo would be a most serious loss to the Japanese and a great gain to the Russians. I have advised the Japanese to throw force into Yezo, and not to quarrel about Saghalin, to which they have only a questionable right. In a weak moment, some years ago, they agreed with the Russians to a joint occupancy, which means of course that the whole island will be appropriated by the Russians. This cannot be helped, I fear, but Yezo may be saved.” In a recent letter to the Times^ Sir Robert K. Douglas says : “ It is interesting to observe the identity of the methods by which Russian diplomatists work out their political ends. Some years ago Russia began to cast longing eyes on the island of Saghalin, the most northerly island of the Japanese group, and, taking advantage of its detached position, utilised it as a convict station. The Japanese very naturally raised objections to this appro- priation of their territory, and in reply Russia brought forward a proposal that the two empires should enjoy a common possession of the island, just as she now proposes that they should enjoy a common possession of Korea, only, in this instance, she substitutes ‘ spheres of influence ’ for ‘ common possession.’ They mean the same thing in the Russian sense. When Russia made this proposal Japan was in her callow days and yielded the point, only to find shortly after that ‘ common possession ’ meant ‘ full possession by Russia.’ Again, in 1867, Japan had occasion to protest against the continued encroachments of her northern neigh- bour in the administration of the disputed island and Russia answered her protest by the suggestion that in exchange for the full possession of Saghalin — an island containing 47,500 square miles — she should accept four insignificant islets in the Kurile group. This suggestion Japan refused to entertain and the two Powers returned to the pre-existing arrangement. Matters, however, did not work smoothly, and in 1875 Russia came forward with a 1 February 3, 1904. Transition more liberal offer. She proposed to yield to Japan, in exchange for Saghalin, the eighteen islands which form the Kurile group, stretching between Kamtchatka and the Japanese island of Yezo. To this transfer Japan deemed it wise, in the existing circumstances, to consent, and Russia thus became legally possessed of Saghalin, just as she would surely become the owner of Korea if Japan were weak enough to fall in with her present proposal. But Japan has learnt her lesson.” In the interval, however, she has had to pay dearly for her experience. The outcome of the negotiations was that Saghalin was surrendered to the Russians and the Japanese received, as compensation, the Kurile Islands. The shame saghalin of the cession, unavoidable though it was, was exchanged for the deeply felt by the samurai, and it has sunk islands, deeply into the hearts of the Japanese. One of the last instances of harakiri - — ^exclusive of the wholesale harakiri that followed the suppression of the Satsuma rebellion — was that of Ohara, a Yezo militia lieutenant, who dis- embowelled himself in 1889 before the tombs of his ancestors in Tokyo, driven to suicide by brooding over Russian encroachments. The surrender of Saghalin added to the discontent of the samurai, who thought that the Government had already made too many concessions to the demands of foreigners. All these events had very important results on the national evolution of Japan. The decision that Japan would not go to war with Korea did not simply involve a question of peace or war, but the much wider Japanese question whether the country should halt or advance on its newly adopted path of progress. It was recognised that Japan must be made strong, not only that she might be able to resist foreign aggression, but also that she should be united. A conscription law was therefore passed making service in the army or navy obligatory on the adult males of all classes of the population. The object of this was not only the formation of a strong national 64 Dai Nippon army and navy ; it was also intended to destroy all clannish feeling, cohesion and power, and to result eventually in the disarmament of all the samurai. This was another cause of offence to Shimadzu and Saigo, who saw that it would be the means of decreasing the influence of the samurai in the affairs of the Government. Saigo and other officers left Tokyo and returned to their respective provinces. About the same time disorders broke out in Hizen, and shortly afterwards, in January 1874, attempt was made to assassinate Iwakura, but which was unsuccessful. As soon as peace was restored in Hizen the Government became anxious to have Shimadzu and Saigo back in the capital, as it was felt that their presence would be a guarantee for the good behaviour of their clan. Saigo refused the invitation, but Shimadzu, after parleying for three weeks with the Imperial envoy, obeyed the summons. He was given the title of Sai-daijin, the second in point of rank in the Government, although his opinions with regard* to the policy which ought to be followed by the Government do not seem to have been much modified. The Liu-Kiu (Loo-Choo) Islands had a shadowy con- nection with Japan, and received an annual visit of one junk Liu-Kiu and from Satsuma to obtain the marks of nominal Formosa. vassalage, while the island of Formosa was to the Japanese a far-off land of fairy tales and adventure, in which, centuries before, Japanese buccaneers had won fame and glory. Indeed, in earlier historical times Japanese .. pirates had made themselves unpleasantly known in the Chinese seas generally. It was therefore not to be won- dered at that a proposal to send a warlike expedition to Formosa should not only raise the enthusiasm of the fiery samurai, but also that the Government should take the opportunity of using it as a safety-valve for the purpose of cooling their warlike ardour. On more than one occasion shipwrecked Japanese and Liu-Kiuns who had been cast on the shores of Formosa had been murdered by the wild aboriginal tribes, and in 1874 an expedition was sent to Transition 65 Formosa for the purpose of chastising these tribes and acquiring guarantees for the future security of Japanese ships and seamen. No doubt it was also intended as a means of outlet for the discontent of the samurai, especially those of the Satsuma clan, and of directing their attention away from home politics. The central Government also saw in it an opportunity for increasing the regular army, and thus of strengthening their position and controlling the samurai class. The expedition was placed under the command of a younger brother of Saigo, who had distinguished himself during the war of the Restoration, and it was completely successful in its object. The Formosan tribes were defeated, the Japanese troops returned in triumph in December 1874, and an indemnity was obtained from the Chinese Govern- ment for the expense incurred by Japan. As has been mentioned, the decree of September 1871 made the custom of wearing two swords optional, and its effect was soon obser\*ed by the numbers which gave up the custom. In March 1876 the Government thought that the time was ripe for prohibiting the practice of wearing swords and limiting to the regular forces the right of bearing arms. This caused further irritation among the samurai, especially those of the Satsuma clan, which went on steadily increasing its military preparations. Meantime, however, the central Government was also consolidating its position and augment- ing its army and navy. The postal and telegraph services were extended, and as they were of great use in directing the operations of the military and naval forces, they added to the strength of the Government. At last, in the beginning of 1877, matters came to a crisis, and civil war broke out between the forces of the Emperor and those of Satsuma, the first overt act satsuma being by pupils of the “ private schools ” breaking Rebellion, into the arsenal at Kagoshima and carr\dng off as many rifles and as much powder as they could remove. On the 5 th of February the Emperor had gone south for the official open- ing of the railway recently constructed between Osaka (b 207) ^ 66 Dai Nippon and Kyoto, the representatives of the foreign Powers had accepted invitations to be present and the former capital was in festive garb for the occasion, when the news of the outbreak at Kagoshima arrived. Although these were con- sidered grave, the ceremony was carried out as originally arranged, but, immediately after, a Cabinet Council was held and Admiral Kawamura despatched to Kagoshima to en- deavour to arrange matters. The leaders of the Satsuma men, however, had decided that the time for action had arrived, and civil war was carried on in real earnest. The struggle was long and severe, and for some time the issue was doubtful. Both parties exerted themselves to the utmost. Among other things which were done, the engineer- ing workshops which we had organised in connection with the Imperial College of Engineering were utilised for the provision of the munitions of war. Ultimately the resources of the Government told, and the Satsuma men were totally defeated. The final act was very characteristic of the Japanese nature. Saigo wounded by a bullet in the thigh, one of his lieutenants performed what samurai consider a friendly act. By one blow of his heavy sword he severed his chiefs head from his body in order to spare him the disgrace of falling alive into his enemy’s hands, and after handing the head to one of Saigo’s servants for concealment, he committed suicide. The rest of the rebels who took part in that fight were either very severely wounded or killed. Admiral Kawamura, in the spirit of a true samurai, rever- ently washed Saigo’s head with his own hands as a mark of respect for his former friend and companion in arms. An Imperial Notification was issued on 25th September that the rebels had been overcome and peace restored. The news was received without much demonstration, but with a feeling of relief mingled with admiration and regret. The rebellion had the effect of causing the strength of the Government to be greatly increased. Fully 65,000 troops were employed in its suppression, and the naval forces and ships of transport were considerably increased in number ; so Transition 67 that the troubles in Satsuma had the effect of consolidating the power of the Government, which immediately applied itself to various developments in administration and to the rearrangement of financial affairs, such as the land tax, pensions, etc. Satsuma was placed under the same system of government as the other provinces, and the “ private school ” system was replaced by a garrison of Imperial troops at Kagoshima. The civil administration was placed in the hands of Imperial officials, selected without regard to the place of their birth, and the taxation was put on the same footing as elsewhere in the country. A final act in the tragedy must not be forgotten. On the 14th of May 1878, Okubo Toshimitsu, the Minister of the Interior, was assassinated as he was driving to attend a Cabinet Council in the Emperor’s palace, being cut down by two men who thought him a traitor to his country and who were deter- mined to revenge the death of Saigo. I can well recall the place where the event occurred, as it was one of my favourite walks. It has been described as “ a sylvan dell, bounded on each side by grassy slopes, crested with grotesque old pine- trees, and studded here and there with bamboo groves — a dell where the philosopher might think undisturbed, and the painter find worthy studies for his canvas.” As if to com- plete the tragedy, the remains of the murdered man were found by General Saigo (a brother of the Satsuma leader), who happened to drive past shortly afterwards, and were by him conveyed to Okubo’s house. Now that the troubles with the samurai were largely got rid of, the attention of the people was directed to political affairs, and a demand arose for the establishment of Ac^itation for representative institutions. The agitation was representative led by Itagaki Taisuki, the chief man of the Tosa clan, and to this day an active worker in the fields of philanthropy and social politics. In July 1877 a memorial was addressed to the Emperor giving reasons for the proposals, and reminding him that in 1868, before the assembled Court and Daimyos, he had promised that a 68 Dai Nippon deliberative assembly should be formed and that all measures should be decided by public opinion. We will trace the history of representative government in Japan later on, but meantime note that on July 22, 1878, a notification was issued by the Prime Minister stating that the Emperor had decided on the establishment of elective assemblies in all the provinces of the Empire. This, however, was only the beginning ot a movement which led in 1881 to the promul- gation of an edict announcing that a national assembly would be convened in 1891, and that a Constitution would be framed which would give the people a direct voice in the government of the country. In the interval, however, great developments took place in education, administration, public works, industry, and com- Deveiopments on merce, and for some time there raged what Western lines. been Called the great “foreign fever,’' when Japanese society was literally submerged in the flood of European influence. Speculative companies of all kinds were formed for the purpose of carrying on public works and industrial undertakings, many of which came to grief through the inexperience of the promoters and the insufficiency of financial resources. The rude lessons of experience brought a reaction, and greater care was exercised in attempting to carry out new proposals. The methods of administration of the Government were reformed, and the excessive number of officials reduced. The laws were codified, and the ad- ministration of justice brought into harmony with Western ideas, with the result that in 1894 the long attempt at treaty revision was successfully carried out by the conclusion of a new treaty with Great Britain and a few months later with the United States of America. These, and other developments we will consider more at length in the special chapters devoted to them. Among all the developments which had taken place in Japan, the most important, from the point of view of national evolution, was the growth of an army drilled and equipped in foreign style and a navy of considerable size and of great Transition 69 efficiency. In the summer of 1894 these were employed in a manner which showed that the Japanese had profited by the instruction they had received, and, moreover, that they had realised the nature of the arguments which had the greatest weight with the foreign Powers. The early relations of Japan and Korea have already been mentioned. The irritation caused by the conduct of the Koreans after the Restoration was never Difficulties with allayed in Japan, although for some years Korea. Korea was left in her hermit-like seclusion. The Japanese maintained a small settlement at Fusan, the most southern port, but they knew little of what was being done in the interior of the country. Rumours, however, were current that the Russians were attempting to establish themselves in Korea. In 1875 an incident occurred which was the immediate cause of the opening of Korea to the world. A gunboat belonging to the Japanese, while surveying the coasts, was fired on by a small fort. The fire was promptly returned, the fort destroyed, the arms, banners, and other trophies were brought to Tokyo and exhibited in the military museum. The punishment which had been meted out to the Koreans did not satisfy the national pride of the Japanese, who now felt that they were in a position to impress their will on such a Power as Korea. An expedition was sent out to Korea, but fortunately matters were arranged without having recourse to war, and a treaty was concluded by the terms of which two ports were opened to the trade and residence of Japanese subjects. The other foreign Powers were not slow in following the example of Japan, and Korea was at length open to the world. In the negotiations which were carried out Korea was treated by Japan and the other Powers as an independent nation, with which diplomacy was to be conducted on terms of perfect international equality. But although Korea had broken off the slight bonds of her vassalage to Japan, she still clung to China’s suzerainty, and China retained a con- 70 Dai Nippon trolling influence in her affairs, both foreign and domestic, and this was always exercised in the direction of obstruction to improvements and of conservatism generally. The Japanese, on the other hand, wished to see developments in commerce and industrial undertakings and in all that was necessary to make them successful. They were not always fortunate in their methods or in those who represented them. Unscrupulous men in search of fortunes, without regard to the means they employed, treated the natives in a very offensive manner, with the consequence that the traditional hatred of the Japanese was revived, and in 1882 the Japanese Legation at the capital was attacked and burned by a mob ; the Minister and his staff escaped with diffi- culty to the coast, twenty miles distant, where they were rescued by a British man-of-war which happened to be surveying in the neighbourhood. The Legation was very soon rebuilt, but from that time Japan claimed and exer- cised the right of maintaining a force of troops in the capital. This right was recognised by China, and in 1885 a convention was arranged between the two countries by which it was agreed that both should have the privilege of stationing troops in Korea, but that due notice should be given by each to the other of any intention to exercise it whenever it became necessary. For nine years there were constant difficulties between Japan and China, for which it is impossible to apportion the responsibility. Matters were brought to a crisis in 1894, when a serious insurrection broke out in Korea, and the Government was unable to cope with it. The Japanese Government saw that it was necessary to put an end to the misrule and corruption which rendered Korea a scene of constant disturbance, and offered invitations to foreign aggression, which, if carried out, would be a source of danger to Japan. Russia especially was to be feared, and the Japanese recognised that if that Power got possession of Korea, the narrow straits which divided their country from Korea would not be sufficient protection from the further Transition 71 aggression of the great northern Power, of which they had already reason to be afraid. I do not propose to enter into all the political or other questions involved, or even to attempt to defend the Japanese on all points from an ethical point of view, war with European Powers are not in a position to criticise China, their action, as nearly all they do in the Far East is dictated by pure selfishness — national or personal — which is gener- ally prompted by the ambition of their representatives, who recognise that an active policy, if successful, leads to official promotion. Even the autocracy of the Czar is powerless before the influence of the Russian bureaucracy. The Imperial Rescript issued by the Emperor of Japan on declaring war with China intimated that while Korea was an independent State she was first introduced into the family of nations by the advice and under the guidance of Japan, but that it had been China’s habit to designate Korea as her dependency, and both openly and secretly to interfere with her domestic affairs. On account of disturbances in Korea, China despatched troops thither, alleging that her purpose was to afford succour to her dependent State, and in virtue of a treaty concluded with Korea in 1882 and looking to possible contingencies, the Japanese sent a military force to that country. The Japanese Government invited that of China to co-operate with them in the maintenance of peace, not only in Korea but in the East generally, but China, advancing various reasons, declined Japan’s proposals. We need not follow the details of the negotiations or even inquire into the sufficiency of the reasons given by Japan for her action, for, as Professor Chamberlain remarks, “though Japan evidently lacked moral justification for her proceeding, the science of statecraft, as understood in the present imperfect stage of human culture, must approve her action.” No doubt the Japanese saw that it was necessary that they should show their strength, and their quarrel with China afforded the opportunity. On this subject Captain Brinkley says : “ The approximate cause of the war is 72 Dai Nippon readily discernible. China’s attitude towards Korea, her fitful interference in the little kingdom’s affairs, her exercise of suzerain rights while uniformly disclaiming suzerain responsibilities, created a situation intolerable to Japan, who had concluded a treaty with Korea on the avowed basis of the latter’s independence. A consenting party to that treaty, China nevertheless ignored it in practice, partly because she despised the Japanese and resented their apostasy from Oriental traditions, but chiefly because her ineffable faith in her own superiority to outside nations absolved her from any obligation to respect their conventions, and the struggle was therefore between Japanese progress and Chinese stagnation. At the same time, Japan’s material and political interests in Korea outweighed those of all other States put together. In asserting her commercial rights she could not possibly avoid collision with a Power behaving as China behaved. But there was another force pushing the two States into the arena ; they had to do battle for the supremacy of the Far East. China, of course, did not regard the issue in that light. It was part of her immemorial faith in her own transcendence that the possibility of being chal- lenged should never occur to her. But Japan’s case was different. Her position might be compared to that of a lad who had to win a standing for himself in a new school by beating the head boy of his form. China was the head boy of the East-Asian form. Her huge dimensions, her vast resources, her apparently inexhaustible staying power,” entitled her to that position, and outside nations accorded it to her. To worst her meant to leap, at one bound, to the hegemony of the Far East. That was the quickest exit from the shadow of Orientalism and Japan took it. This is not a suggestion that she forced a fight upon her neighbour merely for the purpose of establishing her own superiority. What it means is that the causes which led to the fight had their remote origin in the different attitudes of the two countries towards Western civilisation. Having cordially embraced that civilisation, Japan could not consent to be Transition 73 included in the contempt with which China regarded it ; and, having set out to climb to the level of Occidental nations, she had to begin by emerging from the ranks of Oriental nations.” We cannot enter into details of the war which followed. Both the Japanese army and navy did splendid work. The skill of the generals, the bravery of the soldiers, and the per- fection of all the arrangements for the supply of materials, combined, no doubt, with the unprepared state of the Chinese, led to easy victories by the Japanese, in which the navy took a prominent part. Within a year the Chinese saw that it was useless to continue the struggle, and on April 17, 1895, a treaty of peace was signed by Li Hung Chang and Li Ching Fong on behalf of China, and by Marquis Ito, the Premier, and Count Mutsu, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, representing Japan, at Shimonoseki. By this Treaty of treaty, among other things, the complete Shimonoseki. independence of Korea was declared, the province of Liao-tung and the islands of Formosa and the Pescadores were ceded to Japan, and it was arranged that a war indemnity of 200,000,000 Kuping taels should be paid by China. Further additional commercial privileges were provided for, as well as a commercial treaty similar to those concluded by China with European Powers. While it was the sound of the Japanese cannons at the mouth of the Yalu River which awoke the nations of the world to a sense of the military and naval power of Japan, it was the terms of this treaty which impressed them with the political signi- ficance of that Power. Russia was busy constructing her Trans-Continental railway and was intent on obtaining a free opening on the Pacific, and both France and Germany had their own plans of aggrandisement. These three Powers lost no time in presenting a joint Note to Japan, suggesting that she should forgo her claim to the territory ceded to her on the mainland, since its retention would not make for the lasting peace of the Far East. Although this Note was quite polite, there could be no mistaking its meaning, and the 74 Dai Nippon suggestion was meant to have the force of a command. It says a great deal for the self-restraint of the Japanese that they received the Note as they did, but it must have been a severe blow to their national pride. An Imperial Rescript was published, simultaneously with the ratified treaty, in which the Emperor, proclaiming his desire to do all that in him lay to serve the cause of peace, “ yielded to the dictates of magnanimity, and accepted the advice of the three Powers.” Subsequent events threw a lurid light on the disinterested- ness of these Powers, and are illustrations of the morality which guides them in their dealings with Eastern peoples. Their actions, however, reacted on themselves, and had a pro- found influence on Eastern opinion ; for while Japan was denied a large part of the results of her conquests, the action of the European Powers was the cause of raising in her the larger ambition to become the champion of the down-trodden countries of the East, and by her counsel and, if necessary, her assistance enable them to obtain the same measure of independence and power as herself. Under a pretext of “ leasing,” Germany seized Kiao- chow and asserted her claim over the greater part of the Aggression of Shantung province, and Russia practically Russia and annexed the Liao-tung peninsula; so that Germany in China, yg^rs from the time of her expulsion from the territories belonging to her by right of conquest, Japan saw those territories appropriated by the very Powers that expelled her. The immediate result of the arbitrary conduct of Russia, France, and Germany in China was an Results on increase in the belligerent force of Japan and a Japanese determination to make the army and navy strong enough to assert the rights of the country. The indemnity received from China as well as the revenue from increased taxation was spent on what was called the post-bellum programme, which provided alike for warlike and peaceful developments. The principal features in that programme were — [a) the expansion of military and naval armaments ; {U) the establishment of an Imperial Transition 75 University at Kioto ; {c) the improvement of rivers for purposes of internal navigation ; {d^ the colonisation of Hokkaido ; {e) the improvement of railway lines and the extension of the telephone service ; (/*) the establishment of experimental farms and institutes for training in all branches of the silk industry ; (^) the encouragement of foreign trade ; and (Ji) the establishment of a Government work for the production of iron and steel. We shall note some of the chief results of this programme in the sequel. The Japanese recognised that something more than peaceful progress in Western industries and methods of administration was necessary to win respect . Results in China. from the nations of Hurope and America, and a large part of their energy and their money was devoted to the development of their army and navy. Even the spirit of the Chinese Court was roused when they saw their territories being filched from them, piece by piece, but the great body of the people were apathetic. Steps, however, were taken to form volunteer associations for the purpose of resisting foreign aggression. From the want of proper control, these rapidly assumed the form of an anti-foreign rebellion, which led, in 1900, to cruel excesses in the provinces of Shantung and Chili, and placed the foreign communities in Tientsin and Peking in positions of extreme peril. During the troubles which ensued, the Japanese won increased respect among the nations of the world and proved that they were able to bear themselves under very trying circumstances in a manner which compared favourably with that of the representatives of other nations. When the foreign Legations in Peking were defending themselves against overwhelming odds, the Japanese contingent of the foreign troops in China came to their rescue and won the admiration of the world by their bravery, skill, and good con- duct. It has been truly said that “ when all alike were tried in the same fire, the peoples of Europe learned to their humilia- tion that the largest measure of restraint was exercised, not by white men, but by the soldiers of an Oriental Power.” 76 Dai Nippon All who have made themselves acquainted with the history of events in Japan during the past half-century will Alliance with agree with Professor Chamberlain that “ what- Great Britain, gygj. troubles Japan may have in store for her, — troubles financial perhaps, complications with foreign Powers, troubles arising from the constant yearning of small but influential sections of her people for radical changes in government, — one thing is certain ; — the whole trend of recent events has made for stability and for safety, for increased commerce, increased influence, and national self- respect. New Japan has come of age.” Her coming of age has been fitly recognised, not only by her admission as a member of the comity of nations on terms of perfect equality, but also by a political alliance with the Britain of the West. During what we have called the transition period territorial expansion has been a feature in the history of the Extent Japanese Empire, and it now includes the long of Japanese chain of islands extending from Kamtchatka Empire. north to and including Formosa in the south. In that chain there are five large islands and about six hundred small ones. The most northerly latitude is 50° 56', and the most southerly 21° 48', so that the variety of climate is considerable. Its position has enabled it to become a focus of navigation routes in the Pacific and a great market in the Far East, as well as a naval power which will have a dominating influence in the whole of the Pacific area. In 1872 the registered population of Japan consisted of 16,796,143 males and 16,314,650 females, or a total of 33,1 10,793 ; while in 1900 it was 22,608,1 50 males and 22,197,806 females, or a total of 44,805,937. In addition the population of Formosa, which was ceded by China to Japan in 1895, was, at the latter date, 2,621,158. During recent years the population of Japan proper has increased at the rate of nearly half-a-million a year ; a fact which must be kept in mind when the foreign policy of Japan is being considered. Transition 11 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE A standard history of Japan for the period covered by this chapter has still to be written. The students of the subject must consult Government Reports and Blue Books, the files of the daily newspapers, and other contemporary publications. General readers may obtain a fairly good idea of the history of what I have called the Transition Period from some of the books which have been written, although these are usually of a somewhat superficial and one-sided nature. The following will be found useful Black, Young Japan ; Adams, History of Japan ; Grifiis, The Mikadds Empire \ Murray, The Story of Japan ; Mounsey, The Satsunia Rebellion ; Yamawaki, Japan in the Beginning of the Twentieth Century ; Norman, The Real Japan \ Stea.d, Japan, our New Ally \ Diosy, The New Far East; as well as others mentioned in the Appendix. The best condensed account of the history of modern Japan is that given by Captain Brinkley in his articles on Japan in the supplementary volumes of the EncyclopcBdia Britannica, His large work, especially volumes v. and vi., should be carefully studied. CHAPTER V EDUCATION “ Knowledge and learning shall be sought after through- out the whole world, in order that the status of the Empire of Japan may be raised ever higher and higher.” In these words, the Emperor, soon after his accession to the throne, when announcing the principles of the progressive policy which would in future guide the Government, not only stated the object which would be kept in view, but also indicated the means which were to be adopted for its attainment. That object was the raising of the status of the Empire of Japan among the nations of the world, and the chief means by which that was to be attained was by taking advantage of Western knowledge and experience. At first, no doubt, the ideas of those in power were very limited, as regards the nature and extent of the knowledge required, but, as is the case in all national movements, these ideas developed as the work progressed, until it was recognised that Japan could rise to her true position only through a system of national education conducted on the most approved methods. The development of education in Japan during the last quarter of the nineteenth century is, without doubt, the most striking example in the history of the world of the influence of education in changing the economic, industrial and social conditions of a country. We can only note its most important features ; details of organisa- tion and of the work of special institutions may be studied in the publications mentioned at the end of this chapter. 78 Education 79 Under the old regime, education in Japan was carried on strictly on Chinese lines. As has already been indicated, the samurai, consisting of about one-fifteenth of Education in the population, were highly cultured according Old japan, to the ideas of the country and were characterised both by uprightness and by devotion to duty. The most important part of knightly pedagogics was the building up of character, and the subtler faculties of prudence, intelligence, and dialectics were left in the shade. Intellectual superiority was, of course, esteemed ; but the word Chi, which was employed to denote intellectuality, meant wisdom in the first instance and placed knowledge only in a very subordinate position. The tripod that supported the frame- work of Bushido was said to be Chi, Jin, Yu, respectively Wisdom, Benevolence, and Courage. A samurai was essentially a man of action. Science was out of the pale of his activity. He took advantage of it in so far as it concerned his profession of arms. Religion and theology were relegated to the priests ; he concerned himself with them in so far as they helped to nourish courage. Philosophy and literature formed the chief part of his intellectual training ; but even in the pursuit of these, it was not objective truth that he strove after — literature was pursued mainly as a pastime, and philosophy as a practical aid in the formation of character, if not for the exposition of some military or political problem. The curriculum of studies according to the pedagogics of Bushido consisted mainly of fencing, archery, a knowledge of anatomy required for purposes of offence or defence, horsemanship, the use of the spear, tactics, caligraphy, ethics, literature and history. Finance and commerce and every- thing connected with them were regarded as low pursuits compared with moral and intellectual vocations. Money and the love of it being thus diligently ignored, Bushido itself could long remain free from a thousand -and -one evils of which money is the root. People whose minds were simply stored with information found no great admirers. 8o Dai Nippon Of the three great services of studies that Bacon gives, — for delight, ornament, and ability, — Bushido had decided pre- ference for the last, where their use was “in judgment and the disposition of business.” Whether it was for the disposition of public business or for the exercise of self- control, it was with a practical end in view that education was conducted. “ Learning without thought,” said Confucius, “ is labour lost ; thought without learning is perilous.” In the matter of science and of the outside world the higher- class Japanese were in a state of almost absolute ignorance, while the education of the common people, for the most part, consisted of varying degrees of know- ledge of the Chinese classics, got up by mere force of memory, and of Japanese history and Government edicts, together with the ability to write and to reckon on the abacus. It was curious to note how much the people w'ere the slaves of mechanical methods in their mental training. The abacus, for instance, was used for the most simple calculations which any fairly well-educated person could perform mentally or with a pencil and a slip of paper. Still, intelligence was very widely diffused, and few were unable to read and write, at least in the ordinary Japanese characters, although their knowledge of Chinese might be very limited or altogether nil. Learning by heart and copying constituted the greater part of the education of the Japanese youth, and the teacher did nothing to stimulate original thought. The schools were small and the scholars in each class seldom exceeded six ; so that the personal character of the teacher was a very important factor. There were three grades of schools — Sho, Oiin^ and Dai-Gakko ; or small, middle, and great schools. The latter, however, were found only in a few localities. The chief centres of learning were at Kyoto and Yedo (now Tokyo), where the highest educational institutions had something like university rank. Kyoto was the seat of ecclesiastical and aesthetic learning, while Yedo was the highest seat of Chinese learning in the land. In nearly every daimyo’s provincial capital there was Education 8i a school for the instruction of the sens of the samurai. Etiquette and good manners, for which the Japanese in olden times were so marked, were taught with special care. Under the forms of politeness, however, there were concealed many of the results of Eastern philosophy. As a well-known exponent of the best-known school put it : “ The end of all etiquette is to cultivate your mind that even when you are quietly seated, not the roughest ruffian can dare make an attack on your person.” Or as Dr. Nitobe has said : “ It means, in other words, that by constant exercise in correct manners, one brings all the parts and faculties of his body into perfect order and into such harmony with itself and its environment as to express the mastery of spirit over the flesh.” Japanese politeness was therefore not the superficial matter foreigners usually took it to be. During the long peace which prevailed under the Tokugawa Shoguns considerable encouragement was given to literature and arts. There was a good deal of specula- tion and several systems of philosophy were produced ; sciences and arts began to emerge from the narrow sphere of Chinese philosophy, and to be gradually permeated with the influences of Western civilisation. As I have already indicated, there slowly filtered throughout the country, from Nagasaki, where the Dutch had their settlement before foreigners were generally admitted to the country, a certain amount of European science and literature ; but nothing of a systematic nature was done until the representatives of the Foreign Powers were forcing themselves on Japan and demanding treaties of commerce, when the Government of the Shogun recognised the necessity of training men in European languages and methods ; and in order that they might more successfully carry on negotiations, they instituted a school in Yedo with an English and a French depart- ment, which ultimately developed into the University of Tokyo. The missionaries who had arrived in Beginning of Japan in considerable numbers did excellent schools, pioneer work in education, and among them the name (b 207) p 82 Dai Nippon of the Rev. Guido Verbeck deserves to be specially mentioned. He began his work in Nagasaki early in the sixties, and there he influenced men who afterwards took a leading part in the government of the country. After the Restoration he was invited to Tokyo to take charge of the school which had been instituted by the Shogun, and for some years he acted as its Principal. Thereafter he became adviser in general matters to the central Government, and during his later years he returned to purely missionary work, at which he continued till his death, in 1898. His name deserves to be held in remembrance by the Japanese, as he rendered good service to their country at a very critical period of its history. After the Restoration, in 1867, as we have already seen, great changes took place in the administration, and the Government soon turned its attention to the improvement of education. In 1869 regulations relating to universities, middle schools and elementary schools were promulgated by Imperial decree. In July 1871 the Department of Educa- tion was established, and all affairs relating to general education were brought under its control. In August 1872 the Code of Education was promulgated. An Imperial Rescript was then issued indicating the course to be pursued by the people in general. The purport of the said Imperial Rescript was briefly as follows : — “ The acquirement of knowledge is essential to a successful life. All knowledge, from that necessary for daily life to that higher knowledge required to prepare officials, farmers, merchants, artisans, physicians, etc,, for their respective vocations, is acquired by learning. A long time has elapsed since schools were first established. But for farmers, artisans, and merchants, and also for women, learning was regarded as beyond their sphere, owing to some misapprehension in the way of school administration. Even among the higher classes much time was spent in the useless occupation of writing poetry and composing maxims, instead of learning what would be for their own benefit or that of Education 83 the State. Now an educational system has been established and the schedules of study remodelled. It is designed, henceforth, that education shall be so diffused that there may not be a village with an ignorant family, nor a family with an ignorant member. Persons who have hitherto applied themselves to study have almost always looked to the Government for their support. This is an erroneous notion, proceeding from long abuse, and every person should henceforth acquire knowledge by his own exertion.” In the Code of Education above mentioned various regulations were prescribed in regard to the grand, middle, and elementary school districts, school district committees, bureaux of inspection, the appointment of special school officials in the local Government offices, the subjects of study to be pursued in universities, middle schools, and elementary schools, school teachers and normal schools, pupils and examinations, students in foreign countries, school funds, tuition fees, etc. Rapid progress was made in carrying out the objects of the Education Code. For some years Dr. David Murray, a Scotsman by birth, but an American by education and experience, was engaged as adviser to the Department of Education, and he introduced some features of the American system into the elementary and secondary schools of Japan. The colleges were to a large extent staffed by men of different nationalities, and they of course caused them to be moulded, to a certain extent, on lines to which they had been accustomed. The staff of what has now become the Literature and Science Colleges of the Universities had representatives of almost all Western countries ; that of the Engineering College was British, and largely Scottish ; the Naval College was British ; the Medical College, German ; the Military College, French ; the Agri- cultural College, British ; the School of Art, Italian. In education, as in other departments, however, the Japanese have not been content to copy any system ; they have observed what they believed to be the good points in all systems, and they have now evolved an organisation of their 84 Dai Nipp07i own, which is very complete and well suited to the require- ments of the country. It begins with the common school course, comprising a primary department covering four years, to which children at the age of six are admitted, and a secondary or higher grade covering another four years. Above this there is the middle-school course of five years for boys, and the high-school course of four years for girls, to both of which those who have been two years in the higher department of the common school are admitted. Above the middle school stand the higher schools, of which there are six in the country, and which provide three years’ preparatory course for the Imperial University, mostly in languages and mathematics, as well as, in the case of some of them, four years’ special training in medicine, law, or engineering, instruction being given in the vernacular. Only the graduates of the middle school are admitted to the higher middle school, through competitive examination. Lastly, at the head of all stand the two Imperial Universities of Tokyo and Kyoto — the former consisting of the colleges of law, medicine, engineering, literature, science, and agricul- ture ; the latter of the colleges of science, and engineering, medicine, law, and literature. There is a provision made for the post-graduate studies, called Daigaku — to which only graduates of superior scholarship are eligible. The system as tabulated stands as follows : — Common School — 8 years Primary department — 4 years Higher department — 4 years Girls’ High School — 4 years Normal School — 4 years Higher Normal School — 4 years Middle School —5 years Higher School — 3 years Imperial University — either 3 or 4 years Education 85 Supposing a scholar enters the elementary school at six years of age, and follows this complete course, he will be twenty-two when he enters the university. The object of the elementary schools, as defined in the Imperial Ordinance, is as follows : — “ Elementary schools are designed to give children the rudiments of moral Primary education, and of education specially adapted to education, make of them good members of the community, together with such general knowledge and skill as are necessary for practical life — due attention being paid to their bodily development” This object is explained more fully in the regulations relating to the elementary school course, in which the principles of teaching are defined and the chief points to be attended to in education are indicated, (i) In teaching any subject of study, special attention should be paid to those topics which are connected with moral education and with education specially adapted to make of the children good members of the community. (2) As regards the knowledge and skill to be imparted to children, those facts the know- ledge of which is most necessary in daily life should be selected and taught, so as to enable them, by repeated exer- cises and study, to apply intelligently and practically what they have learned. (3) In order to ensure the sound and healthy development of the body, instruction in any subject shall be so regulated as to conform to the degree of growth, both mental and physical. (4) In teaching children, careful discrimination shall be made as to their sexes, so that educa- tion thus imparted might be best adapted to their respective characteristics as well as to their future life. (5) The instruction in different subjects of study shall be so conducted that they may be beneficially influenced by one another, the true object and the best methods of instruction being steadily kept in view at the same time. It is quite evident from these sentences that the Japanese do not make the mistake, which is so common in this country, of confounding instruc- tion with education, and that the training in character is the chief object kept in view. 86 Dai Nippon The number of ordinary elementary schools in Japan is 18,871, and of higher elementary schools, 8238, or a total of 27,109, showing a proportion of one elementary school for 1685 heads of population. Supplementary courses extend- ing over two years are provided in 2136 ordinary elementary schools, and in 224 higher elementary schools for those who carry their education beyond the ordinary course. The local administration of the schools is almost entirely in the hands of the local authorities, a general supervision being exercised by the central Education Department. In city, town or village elementary schools tuition fees have hitherto been levied as a rule, but, according to the revised Imperial Ordinance relating to elementary schools, no tuition fees are to be levied in ordinary elementary schools. In special cases the local governor may allow fees to be charged, not to exceed 20 sen a month in cities, and 10 sen in towns or villages and in town and village unions. Almost the whole expenditure on elementary schools is borne by the city, town or village in which they are situated ; but as the expense of education is increasing from year to year, the difficulty of obtaining the requisite funds is becoming greater, and grants are given by the Central Department for the purpose of lessening the local burdens. All the indemnity received from China on the conclusion of the war of 1894-5 was not spent on the army and navy or other warlike purposes : a considerable part was devoted to industry and education. The sum of 10,000,000 yen was reserved as an educational fund, the interest of which is distributed among the schools in proportion to the attendance. I must refer to special publications for details of the courses of study and of the organisation of elementary schools. These will be found to cover every part of elementary educa- tion, and to contain much information which is worthy of the attention of educationists in any country in the world. The same remark applies to secondary education in all its aspects. It has been arranged that there shall be, at least, one secondary school in every town and province. Since Education 87 the Japan-China war the desire for learning has become so great that the increase and extension of secondary secondary schools has during the last ten years been education, remarkable. In 1893 there were 53 public and 15 private secondary schools, with 5 branches ; while at the end of 1902-3 there were 207 public and 35 private secondary schools, with 22 branches; which shows an increase of four times in the aggregate. As to the size of the schools, the expenditure, the number of pupils, etc., the increase has been even more rapid. The subjects of study are — morals, Japanese, Chinese classics, foreign languages, history, geography, mathematics, natural history, physics, chemistry, law and economics, drawing, singing, and gym- nastics. In some cases a few of these subjects are optional. The establishment and closing of schools of this class require the approval of the Minister of State for Education, but the expenses are borne by those who establish them. In public secondary schools tuition fees are charged, except in particular cases, but with private schools this matter is left to the will of the proprietor. The greater number of the private schools are supported by the tuition fees, which are usually higher than in public schools, and vary from one to three yen per month. Special schools have been instituted for the purpose of affording the higher general education necessary for girls. In Japan, however, the women are in the minority, and the consequence is that almost all of them get married at about twenty years of age, and the demand for higher women’s education has not arisen to any great degree. The objects kept in view in the girls’ high schools is therefore the forma- tion of character in women and the imparting of knowledge well calculated to make good wives and wise mothers, able to contribute to the peace and happiness of the family into which they wed. Very complete arrangements have been made for the training of teachers for the various classes of schools, in the higher normal schools, the Higher Normal School for 88 Dai Nippon Girls, the Teachers’ Training Institute, the Tokyo Fine Art Training of School, and the Tokyo Academy of Music, teachers. These schools are all Government establish- ments, and the expenditure for their maintenance is kept distinct from the general items of expenditure of the National Treasury. By the accumulation of their yearly balances it is hoped that, in time, those schools may become independent and self-supporting. In addition to the ordinary secondary schools there are others called Kotogakko, or higher schools, which prepare Higher secondary students for entrance to the universities. schools. There are now eight such schools, and they are situated in Tokyo, Sendai, Kyoto, Kanazawa, Kumamoto, Okayama, Kagoshima, and Yamaguchi. They are all Government institutions and are supported in the same way as the higher normal schools, with the exception of the one at Yamaguchi, which is supported by donations. The courses of study are divided into three sections, each ex- tending over three years. In the first section are taught those who wish to enter the College of Law or the College of Literature ; in the second, those wishing to enter the College of Science, the College of Engineering, the course of pharmacy in the College of Medicine, or the College of Agri- culture ; and in the third section, those intending to enter the course of medicine or the course of pharmacy in the College of Medicine, — and they each give a very complete preparation for the work of the universities. The Imperial universities of Japan are stated to have for their object the teaching of such arts and sciences as are University required for the purpose of the State, and the education. prosecution of Original researches in such arts and sciences. Each Imperial university consists of a university hall and colleges ; the university hall being established for the purpose of original research, and the colleges for that of instruction, theoretical and practical. At present there are two universities, namely, the Imperial University of Tokyo and the Imperial University of Kyoto. Education 89 The latter is of very recent origin, having been established in 1897, while the former dates almost from the Restoration. After that important event the Imperial Government revived an institution known in the Tokugawa period as Kaiseijo, and in the following year it was designated Daigaku Nanko ; and from this originated the present University of Tokyo. In 1873 the name was changed and the institution was called Kaise'i Gakko. In 1877 it was combined with the Tokyo Igakko, or Medical School, to form the Tokyo Daigaku, or Tokyo University, with the four departments of law, medicine, literature, and science. In so far as the Kobu-Daigakko, or Imperial College of Engineering, is concerned, I shall quote verbatim from the last edition of the Calendar of the Imperial University of Tokyo, which says : “ As at present organised, the Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku, or Imperial University of Tokyo, is of no very great antiquity, for it came practically into existence in March i, 1886, when an Imperial Ordinance fused the two independent institutions of the Tokyo Daigaku and the Kobu - Daigakko into one, under the title of Teikoku Daigaku, or Imperial University.” After giving a some- what detailed account of the various developments of the first named of these institutions, the account proceeds : “ The history of the Kobu-Daigakko (Imperial College of Engineering), the second component factor in the Imperial University of Tokyo, is much shorter and much less com- plicated than that of the Tokyo Daigaku (Tokyo University). Originally known as the Kogakko, it was established at Toranomon-uchi, in connection with the Bureau of Engineer- ing in the Public Works Department of the Imperial Government. In 1872 it was divided into the College ptoper and the Preparatory School (which latter opened in Yamato-Yashiki, Tameike, in 1874), and in 1876 an Art School was established in connection with the College. [This Art School was discontinued in 1877.] In 1877 the Bureau of Engineering was abolished, and the College, now established in its new buildings at Toranomon, was 90 Dai Nippon officially named the Kobu-Daigakko (Imperial College of Engineering). The abolition of the Department of Public Works in 1885 caused the Kobu-Daigakko to be trans- ferred to the control of the Department of Education. And on March i, 1886, Imperial Ordinance No. 3 was pro- mulgated for the organisation of the Teikoku Daigaku or Imperial University, and the Kobu - Daigakko and the Tokyo Daigaku were merged in the new institution. Two years later (July 1888), the College of Engineering was removed from Toranomon to the new brick building then completed for it in the Kaga Yashiki grounds at Hongo.” The professors and students of the Kobu-Daigakko were transferred to the new buildings, and the work of the Engineering College has been carried on with success, although there are not now the same opportunities for practical work as when it was in the Department of Public Works. The students have now, for the most part, to depend on private undertakings and on visits to Govern- ment establishments. In the interests of the students and indeed of Japan more complete arrangements are required for practical training. In June 1890 another college, that of Agriculture, was added to the Imperial University as the result of two Imperial Ordinances. That college had been instituted in 1874 by the Agricultural Bureau of the Department of Agriculture and Commerce, and the buildings are still on the original site at Komaba, at a considerable distance from the other university buildings ; a fact which, of course, does not prevent it from being an integral part of the university, which now consists of the six Colleges of Law, Medicine, Engineering, Literature, Science, and Agriculture. The build- ings of the first five of these institutions stand within the grounds of the old Kaga Yashiki, on the north-eastern slope of the Kongo plateau. The following figures from the latest published Report of the Minister of Education give the numbers of professors, instructors, and students in the different colleges : — Education 91 No. of Professors and Assistant Professors. Students and Pupils. Graduates. Professors. Assistant Professors. Shokutaku. Foreign Professors. Total. Students. Pupils. Total. Students. Pupils. Total. University Hall . 467 467 *44 44 College of Law 17 3 9 4 33 969 26 995 106 2 108 College of Medicine 23 7 4 I 35 398 124 522 97 133 230 College of Engineering . 20 14 23 2 59 421 6 427 98 5 103 College of Literature 12 4 22 7 45 285 17 302 71 3 74 College of Science 18 5 5 28 65 3 68 19 20 College of Agriculture . 14 18 9 4 45 65 275 340 15 37 52 Total 104 51 72 18 245 2670 451 3121 406 44 181 631 * Students whose term of study in University Hall had expired. The Calendar of the University gives very complete information regarding the courses of study in the various colleges ; that publication must be referred to for details, and its perusal will show that the youth of Japan have now opportunities for higher education which will compare very favourably with those of almost any other country in Europe or America. Besides the colleges, there are several other organisations which add to the completeness of the arrange- ments, such as the Library, the Institute for Natural History, the Hospital, the Institute of Botany, the Astronomical Observatory, the Seismological Observatory, experimental farms, etc. Each of the colleges is well equipped with laboratories for experimental work, so that the teaching is made thoroughly practical and encourages original thought and not mere book-learning. The courses of study extend over three years, with the exception of those of law and medicine, which extend over four years, and on satisfying the examiners, the graduates receive titles indicating the courses which they have followed. The total number of graduates of all classes up till September 1903 was 5459, and of these 391 had died. The Imperial University of Kyoto, though of very recent 92 Dai Nippon establishment, being scarcely seven years old and conse- quently far from complete in its equipment, seems to be satisfying the expectations of the students belonging to the various colleges. It is developing rapidly, and thus laying a foundation for larger usefulness in the future. At present it consists of the University Hall and the Colleges of Law, Medicine and Science and Engineering. The following table shows the number of professors, instructors, and students for the year 190 1-2, and is taken from the last published Report of the Minister of Education : — No. of Professors and Instructors. Students and Pupils. Graduates. Professors. Assistant Professors. Shokutaku. Foreign Professors. Total. Students. Pupils. Total. Students. Pupils. Total. University Hall 30 30 College of Law 10 2 4 16 157 15 172 College of Medicine 12 4 2 18 71 9 80 College of Science and Engineering 21 14 12 I 48 202 7 209 39 I 40 Total . 43 20 18 82 460 31 491 39 ■ 40 Not only are the teaching arrangements becoming more complete, but the external organisations which are connected with the University of Kyoto are developing, and there can be little doubt that she will emulate the example of her elder sister in Tokyo. The Government proposes to estab- lish another university in some other part of Japan as soon as circumstances permit, with a view of realising more fully the aspirations of those numerous students who are eager to pursue the highest course of study in Japan. All the expenses of university students are defrayed by themselves. Each student is required to pay a fee of 2 yen for admission, and 25 yen annually for tuition fees. An incidental fee of 10 yen for each academic year, to cover the cost of materials used, is also required of each student in the Colleges of Engineering and Science. To help those Education 93 who have not the means of meeting the necessary expenses, a system of Loan Scholarships has been established in the University of Tokyo, and these have been of considerable advantage to the class of students for whom they were intended. The higher branches of technical education are of course important in the colleges of the Imperial universities, but in order to give a fairly good training in both Technical theory and practice to those who will be in charge education, of the more practical aspects of industry and who cannot proceed to the universities, numerous technical schools have been established. Since the Japan-China War the Japanese Government has put much weight upon technical education, and during the past ten years it has made very rapid progress. There are at present the three higher Technical Schools of Tokyo, Osaka, and Kyoto, and a large number of others of a more elementary and practical nature. The following table shows the increase in the number of technical schools, public and private, since 1892 : — Kind of Schools. Industrial Schools. Agricultural Schools. Commercial Schools. Nautical | .Schools, j Apprentices’ Schools. Supplementary Schools. Total. Vn Os ^ J r Number of schools 5 12 II ? ? 28 ' 2-5 1 cA ,, ,, scholars 714 I9I 1629 ? ? 2934 fg,. f Number of schools 18 56 3S 4 22 150 288 1 CO CO t ,, ,, scholars 1605 5040 8269 319 1642 8850 25,725 0 f Number of schools 21 79 41 5 25 221 392 S'” — ' ^ CO >.1 t ,, ,, scholars 1993 7778 9842 533 1528 12,992 34,666 gS,. /'Number of schools 25 102 50 7 32 629 845 S ' -5 lo CO t ,, ,, scholars 2590 9847 11,370 715 2192 30,882 57,596 94 Dai Nippon An adequate description of the different kinds of schools and of the work done in them would require a large volume, but the following statistics for last year give an approximate idea of the extent of the movement for technical education in Japan : — Kind of Schools. Number of Schools. Number of Pupils. Number of Graduates. Expenditure. Aid of the National Treasury. Public. Private. Total. Yen. Yen. Industrial Schools 23 2 25 2590 417 508,700 62,330 Apprentices’ Schools . 31 I 32 2192 469 125,799 29,230 A-class Agricultural Schools 55 2 57 7146 1919 1,031,697 ] B-class Agricultural b 1 10,090 Schools 47 2 49 2701 572 154,435 J A-class Commercial Schools 34 7 41 9882 1021 611,300 B-class Commercial V 53,210 Schools 16 I 17 1488 573 48,395 A-class Nautical Schools 7 0 7 715 93 ^ 83,407 13,820 b8 Industrial . 42 I 43 3042 479 Agricultural 482 21 503 22,933 1804 17,564 16,573 n> . ’ll Commercial 69 13 82 4880 501 03 ^ Nautical . I 0 I 26 6^ Sum . 807 50 857 57,596 7854 2,739,297 285,253 The courses in these schools include the subjects which are indispensable to artisans and others engaged in industrial and commercial occupations. The programme includes morals, arithmetic, geometry, chemistry, and drawing, to- gether with those subjects directly connected with handicrafts and practical work. When convenience requires it, any subject except morals may be left out or taught simply as an elective subject. The length of the course is from six Education 95 months to four years ; the season for teaching may be fixed according to the convenience of the locality, and lessons may be given on Sundays or at nights. Very complete arrangements have been made for the training of teachers for technical schools. Special institutes for this purpose are attached to some of the colleges of Tokyo University, and various independent training institutions have been established. The events at the Restoration upset all the arrangements for the teaching and practice of art ; for some years purely Japanese art suffered a check and many of Art and music those who practised it were reduced to very education, great straits. What was formerly done from love of art and in conformity with Japanese ideals had now, very often, to be done to obtain a bare living, and to conform to what were supposed to be the tastes of the foreign purchasers. Gradually, however, a revival took place, and facilities were given for the culture of art by various educational institutions and societies. In a future chapter the subject of art industries will be considered ; so that meantime a few notes on existing institutions are all that is necessary. After various attempts had been made to re-establish art training on a proper basis, none of which turned out very successful, a commission was sent in 1886 to Europe and America to study the methods and organisation of art education ; on its return to Japan in 1888 a new institution was founded under the name of the Tokyo Fine Art School. Several changes and improvements have since been introduced into the constitu- tion of the school, and it has now reached a remarkable stage of development and progress and is the chief centre of art education in the empire. The school gives instruction in painting, designing, sculpture, architecture (omitted for the present) and industrial arts, with the object of training youths as professional artists or teachers of drawing. Each course of study extends over four years, besides one year of preparatory work. For details of which, however, reference must be made to special publications. 96 Dai Nippon There is a considerable number of private institutions connected with artistic education, the most important of which is the Bijitsuin, of which the leading spirit is Mr. Kakasu Okakura, to whom frequent reference will be made in subsequent chapters. The object of this institution is to endeavour to keep art more closely in touch with Japanese ideals than is done in the Government institution, while at the same time allowing it to develop to a considerable extent on Western lines. This is a very difficult task, and we need not be surprised to learn that it has not been altogether successful. There are now many private studios in which pupils are taken ; and as regards painting, we find the original Japanese school, the European school, and a mixture of both, so that a most interesting development is now going on, and it is probably in art that we will first see a combination of the ideals of the East and the West. Instruction is now given in many institutions, both public and private, in the applications of fine arts to industry. Art in Japan enjoys the enlightened patronage and power- ful support of the Court, and the official recognition of distinguished artists by the Imperial Household has greatly stimulated progress. Music in Japan goes back to the remotest antiquity and has taken its development from various sources. In 1879 the Department of Education began to take an interest in musical education, and sent a Commission to Europe and America for the purpose of investigating the subject. A school was established in 1883, ^.nd the curriculum was constituted as follows : — Morals, Singing, Pianoforte, Organ, Koto, Kokyu, Special Instruments, Harmonics, Theory of Music, History of Music and the Methods of Teaching Music. After undergoing various modifications the Tokyo Academy of Music took its present form. The school provides five courses — the Preparatory, Principal, Post- Graduate, Normal, and Elective Courses. The principal course is not by any means confined to music in the narrow sense of that term, but gives a very complete education. Education 97 through music and its allied subjects and the other courses allow a considerable choice for special study in any depart- ment. Outside the Tokyo Academy of Music there is no school, either public or private, for systematic musical education. There are, however, many musical societies and associations with different objects, with which the fellows of the Tokyo Academy of Music are mostly connected, so that there are opportunities for musical education apart from the formal training of the Academy. There are, besides, special institutes of musicians, such as the Board of Musicians which takes charge of affairs relating to music in the Imperial Court, and to that of the army and navy. In recent years much more attention has been paid to musical education in the higher circles of society, and in almost all the schools singing and music are taught as a part of general education. There are many schools in various parts of Japan for special purposes, which cannot be strictly classified under any of the preceding headings ; such as schools the Tokyo Foreign Language School, the Nautical College, the Higher Commercial School, and the institutions connected with the army and navy, some of which will be mentioned later on. Considerable attention has been paid to the education of the blind and of the deaf and dumb, and the Institution in Tokyo which was started so far back as 1874 has rendered very effective service to an afflicted part of the community. The subjects of study in the ordinary course for the blind are Japanese, Arithmetic, Conversation, and Gymnastics ; and those in the industrial course, Music, Acupuncture, and Massage. The ordinary course for the dumb includes Reading, Writing, Composition, Arithmetic, Written Conversation, and Gymnastics ; and the industrial course, Drawing, Carving, Joinery, and Sewing. A similar institution has been in existence in Kyoto since 1878, and the subsequent careers of those who have passed through these two schools show that they have been fitted to earn their living in an honourable manner. (b 207) H On cn M CO O VO •SJBAIJJ •ojiqnj •AOO O VO H O VO VA •Fjox lO o o CO H N •31t:aU(J •ojiqnj •AOO NO VO 00 ON M 00 O VO CO ON •I^iox •31T3AU(J •ojiqnx •AOO tv CO CO Cv M NO H Ni- ON CO 0) OO 00 N CO M « •Flox •O^BAIJX •oiiqncj •AOO o o o c/3 >> a :3 Q 05 O Tl .a c/3 m ^ CAJ S ffi K h s Education 99 A very imperfect outline has been given of the educa- tional organisation of Japan ; to do it justice much more space would be required than can be given to summary of it in this chapter. The preceding summary, educational however, gives a good idea of the extent of the work which is done. The figures refer to the year 1 900- 1 90 1, the latest published. The Government schools are those directly under the control of the Education Department ; the public schools are those which are managed by the local authorities, subject to the general supervision of the Department ; while the private schools are those which are instituted and carried on by private persons with the authority of the Education Department. Space will not allow a detailed account of all the financial arrangements in connection with the organisation of education, but the following figures showing the main items of expenditure for the year mentioned will be found interesting — Regular Expenses. Special Expenses. Total. The Department Proper Earthquake Investigation Committee . International Geodetic Committee Central Meteorological Observatory . Observatory for measuring Latitudes . Dependent Institutions Salaries for the Directors of Fu and Ken Normal Schools Local School Inspection Grant for Technical Education . Grant for Elementary Education Yen. 392,813 28,094 14,333 36,910 4,898 2,027,398 53.167 161,469 249,984 1,487,637 Yen. 1,377,612 Yen. 1,770,425 28,094 14,333 36,910 4,898 2,027,398 53.167 161,469 249,984 1.487,637 Total .... 4,456,703 1.377.612 5.834.315 The following table shows the expenditure for the same year on the institutions named : — lOO Dai Nippon Regular Expenses. Special Expenses. Total. Imperial University of Tokyo .... Yen. 882,167 Yen. 67,062 Yen. 949,229 Imperial University of Kyoto .... 326,342 101,253 427,595 Higher Normal School ..... 157,287 157,287 Higher Normal School for Females 83,824 4,932 88,756 Supporo Agricultural School .... 58,737 2,500 61,237 Higher Commercial School .... 54,346 54,346 First Higher School 127,581 127,581 Second Higher School ..... 83,721 2,659 86,380 Third Higher School 103,473 103,473 Fourth Higher School ..... 78,673 78,673' Fifth Higher School ..... 122,768 13,713 136,481 Sixth Higher School 20,041 10,000 3,083 30,041 Yamaguchi Higher School .... 37,830 40,913 Tokyo Technical School ..... 85,286 36,392 121,678 Tokyo Foreign Languages School . 55.574 55,574 Tokyo Fine Arts School ..... 57,704 57,704 Tokyo Academy of Music .... 29,010 29,010 Osaka Technical School ..... 50,377 7,000 57,377 Tokyo Blind and Dumb School 12,255 1,498 13,753 Imperial Library ...... 23,577 23,577 Total .... 2,450,573 250,092 2,700,665 1 These figures prove that the Japanese believe that money spent on education is a good national investment. There are many organisations in Japan which, although not directly educational, all help the progress of education. Miscellaneous Educational societies exist in almost every organisations, locality for the purpose of diffusing and develop- ing education and interesting the people in it. They organise discussions and lectures on educational subjects ; their pro- ceedings are published in journals and thus they are able to make their opinions known. They are also engaged in the compilation of school books, the establishment of teachers’ institutes and the organisation of educational exhibitions. There are now numerous scientific and technical societies (the most important of which will be mentioned in a sub- sequent chapter) which are devoted to the interests of special departments of science and industry and the transactions of which testify to the ability of the members. The scientific memoirs issued by the members of the universities will bear Education lOI favourable comparison with those issued by European and American universities. Libraries of considerable extent are now to be found in many parts of the country, and new books published in Europe and America are eagerly purchased. The Tokyo Academy, somewhat on the lines of the French Academy, was established, under the control of the Minister of State for Education, for the promotion of science and arts, with the view of exercising a beneficial influence on education in general, and is composed of members selected from among old and venerable men of learning ; the number of members is limited to twenty- five. One was selected by His Majesty the Emperor, while the others were elected on the recommendation of the members. Addresses are delivered by the members of the departments of learning in which they are interested, and these are published in a magazine. Among the contribu- tions made to the Academy during the last year for which a report has been issued were lo volumes of books, 378 copies of magazines and 40 copies of catalogues or reports. The figures which have been quoted show that there is, in Japan, a considerable number of private educational institutions of all grades. The demand for private education in recent years has been so great that educational the capacity of the Government and public institutions is too limited to meet it, and consequently part of the educational work has been undertaken by private individuals. Some of the more important private institu- tions have been started by men who wished to have greater freedom in the choice of subjects and methods than was possible in the official institutions, and in my opinion such a line of development ought to be encouraged, not only to give variety in the educational arrangements and methods, but also to induce a healthy rivalry in the training of men and women of high character and ability. The most important of these private institutions are the Keio Gijiku, the Waseda University in Tokyo, and the Kyoto Doshisha, each having its characteristics derived from its founder, its origin or its 102 Dai Nippon methods of instruction ; and these institutions are entitled, side by side with the Government special schools of various descriptions, to the credit of having been pioneers in the advancement of civilisation of the country. The Keio Gijiku, as its name shows, was established during the Keio Era (previous to the Restoration of Meiji), and is consequently the oldest establishment of all the special schools, public or private, now in existence. Its founder, Yukichi Fukuzawa, was one of the most prominent characters modern Japan has yet produced, and his name will be long remembered not only as an educationist, but also as a writer and philosopher, who did more than any other man to promote the introduction of Western ideas into Japan. His life and his writings should be carefully studied by all who wish to understand the current of events in modern Japan. The institution which he founded has trained a great many of the politicians and public men who now occupy very important positions, and it has thus been a most important factor in the national evolution. It is now provided with a university course, an ordinary course of the standing of a middle school and a primary school course. The university comprises four departments ; namely, those of Political Economy, Law, Politics, and Literature. At present the number of students and pupils is over 2000, and it has sent out 3318 graduates. The Waseda University was established in 1882 by Count Okuma, one of the most distinguished statesmen in the country, and some of his followers. It consists of a university course, a special course, and a higher pre- paratory course. The university course embraces three departments ; namely, those of Political Economy, Law, and Literature ; while the special course consists of six depart- ments, namely, those of Politics and Economics, Law, Administrative Law, Japanese Language and Chinese Classics, History and Geography, Law and Economics, and English. In addition, it is provided with a post-graduate course. The number of graduates of the special course Education 103 has already exceeded 2000, and the number of students and pupils is at present over 3000. The Doshisha, in Kyoto, was established in 1875 by Jo Niijima, who had received a Christian education in America. At first it was called the Doshisha English School. Later on, a theological seminary, a girls’ school, and a preparatory school were added to it. In 1883 the courses were much enlarged and the institution was about to become the Doshisha University — a scheme, however, which was not realised owing to the lamented death of its founder. At present the Higher School Course of the Doshisha is treated as a Special School. It consists of the Harris Science School, the department of politics and law, and the depart- ment of literature. In addition, this institution is provided with a theological seminary, an ordinary school, and a girls’ school of the standing of a middle school, together with a library, a school of nursing, and a hospital. The graduates of the departments number about 1000, some of whom have become exemplary Christians, having no doubt been inspired by the noble and self-sacrificing spirit of its founder, while others have made themselves conspicuous in other fields, such as politics and literature. Besides the foregoing Special Schools, there are others which provide courses in Law, Political Economy, and Politics ; such as the Meiji University, the Hogakuin University, the Hosei University, the Nihon University, the Senshu Gakko, etc., as well as special schools of medicine, science, and pharmacy. Among the institutions devoted to instruction in literature and pedagogics may be mentioned the Kokugakuin and the Tetsugakkwan. Two universities have been established by the Buddhists, the East Honganji and the West Honganji, and they are noteworthy, not only as regards their design and equipment, but also because they are indicative of the religious and intellectual revival which has taken place in Buddhism. No notice of the educational developments which have 104 Dai Nippon taken place in Japan would be even approximately com- plete unless due praise was given to the work of Christian missionaries. The Doshisha in Kyoto has already been mentioned, but in the early days of foreign intercourse many of the missionaries devoted a great part of their time to the work of teaching. Now that the educational work of the country has been organised, this is not necessary to the same extent, but still there are a good many who are engaged in teaching, and their influence over numbers of the students has been considerable. Some of these have become profess- ing Christians, but many others have had their ideals of life and conduct moulded by Christian principles. In educational institutions of every grade in Japan the teaching of “ morals ” has a place in the curriculum, but except in those which are conducted Moral education. i- • • • by religious organisations, nothing is taught in the shape of religious dogma. The subject, however, is very much discussed both in newspapers and in books, and a very great variety of opinions is expressed. The following paragraphs from an article on the subject by Mr. Tokiwo Yokoi, one of the most thoughtful men in Japan, indicate its present position and are sufficient for our purpose : — “ The ethical teaching in the schools remains still the most important unsolved problem with the educators of the country. The various methods that have been tried during the past fifteen or more years, such as the use of Confucian classics, or the worshipping of the letter of the Emperor’s Rescript on morals, have all proved inadequate to solve the great problem with which the nation is confronted. The greatest difficulty in the way of its solution is probably caused by the presence of two factors which must be taken into consideration. These two factors are the relation of religion to education, and the bearing of the changed social conditions of the country on the kind of ethics to be taught in the schools.” “ Secular education in its barest form is the system that has been in vogue ; but it is a question which, I believe, is Education 105 now beginning to engage the serious attention of many of our leading educational thinkers whether education in order to be secular must necessarily be so completely detached from religion — or anti-religious — as has been the case hitherto. To Viscount Mori is attributed, whether rightly or wrongly I know not, the dictum which has ruled the educational world of Japan for past years, that the minds of the pupils must be kept completely blank as far as religious ideas are concerned, until they attain to years of discretion. It is questionable, however, whether young minds can be kept entirely blank and free from religious bias for many years. Weeds grow and fill up gardens if useful plants are not cultivated. The actual result of this policy seems to be that the gain in the form of freedom from bigotry or superstition is counterbalanced by a lack of ethical ideals and intellectual depth among the educated people. Secularism in education, as emphasised by the Japanese authorities, seems to go hand in hand with shallowness and worldliness. When there is no sense of the eternal that maketh for righteousness, when no great and ennobling ideal pervades the thought, when martial glory and national splendour are all that call forth the ambition of youth in a country, who can expect great results from the teaching given in the schools ? I am far from thinking that education in Japan should be given over entirely to Buddhist priests or Christian missionaries, or that endless disputations should be brought into the lecture-room. I believe in secular education in the sense of its separation from sectarian religious systems or bodies. But secularism does not necessarily imply anti-religion, or hostility towards any one form of religion.” These opinions and the discussions which take place in the newspapers and elsewhere prove that the exclusion of religious teaching from the schools has not by any means settled the question, and its future development will be watched by many educationists in all parts of the world. How far Eastern and Western religious thought will approximate to the same ideals is one of the most interesting and important problems of the future. io6 Dai Nippon The outline which has been given of the educational organisation in Japan shows that the recent developments Results of which have taken place in that country have been education. qj^ solid basis of national education. The Government has taken the lead in encouraging and support- ing educational institutions of all kinds, and the people have eagerly responded to the facilities which have been offered to them. All classes were quick in perceiving that from a personal and national point of view it was their duty to equip themselves in such a manner that they might be able efficiently to discharge the duties which the new con- ditions would place upon them. Moreover, higher education in Japan, as in Germany, is encouraged by the fact that the graduation certificate of a common middle school not only carries considerable weight as a general qualification, but it also entitles a young man to volunteer for one year’s service with the colours, thus escaping two of the three years he would have to serve as an ordinary recruit. The results of the educational arrangements which have been made in Japan will be evident from a perusal of the following chapters, dealing with the most important national developments. The Japanese have not been content merely to absorb Western learning, but they have also, by original researches, extended its boundaries and have engaged in scientific, historical, and philosophical investigations of great interest and value. During a stage of such rapid transition, however, as has taken place in Japan, it was only natural that at first the new learning should be sought for chiefly for its practical applications in national affairs, and especially in the development of the natural resources of the country. At the Southport meeting of the British Association last year, the President, taking as his subject “The Influence of Brain-Power on History,” traced convincingly and conclusively the intimate relation that exists between the provision made by a nation for the higher education of its people and the position taken by that nation in the ceaseless competition between the great Education 107 countries of the world. After a searching comparison between the facilities for university education in this country on one hand and in the United States and in Germany on the other, Sir Norman Lockyer said : “ But even more wonderful than these examples is the ‘ intellectual effort ’ made by Japan, not after a war, but to prepare for one. The question is. Shall we wait for a disaster and then imitate Prussia and France ; or shall we follow Japan and thoroughly prepare by ‘ intellectual effort ’ for the industrial struggle which lies before us ? ” I have given an outline of the earnest and thorough attempt which the Japanese have made to establish a complete system of education, and in succeeding chapters evidence will be given of the profound and comparatively immediate effect which a well-considered scheme of education can have on national prospects. The study of law, economics, and politics has had great attractions to large numbers of Japanese, no doubt in order that they might fit themselves to take part in the govern- ment of the country. In a recent official report it is stated that “ the prevalence of a desire for such abstract forms of learning as law and politics in this country is no doubt due to the fact that people have become aware of the importance and necessity of pursuing these studies, since they live under a Constitutional Government ; but for this state of things another reason is assignable at least, as powerful as the one just given. Great importance is attached by our country- men to what is called governing a country and saving its people — an idea which has been implanted in the mind of the nation by the study of Chinese literature. So deeply rooted is this idea in their minds that it has come to be almost a hereditary trait of Japanese character. This senti- ment it is which impels the most promising young men to give themselves to the study of law, politics, and the like.” It is now, however, being recognised that any attempt to govern a country and save a people by too close attention to technical education and material ends only sharpens the tools which may possibly drive them to destruction, while the io8 Dai Nippon training of an official class which is content with the machinery of government altogether overlooks the higher elements necessary for real national welfare. As a dis- tinguished Japanese author put it a short time ago: “No system of education which is not based on sociological con- ditions can ever be thoroughly successful, and therefore a study of ethnology, sociology, and of evolution generally is absolutely essential to a thorough understanding of the educational questions awaiting solution.” The Japanese are now face to face with many of the problems which confront all industrial nations, and it is to be hoped that, having organised their education generally and in some respects given an example to Western nations, they will go a step farther and show that it is possible to combine industrial development with the welfare of all classes of the community. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The subject of education in Japan is touched upon in almost all the recent books on Japan, but usually in a very imperfect and superficial manner. A very complete official account of it has recently been published by the Education Department for the St. Louis Exhibition. The annual Reports of the Minister of Education should be studied in order that the progress made from year to year may be known. Details of the various institutions must be got from the Calendars, Prospectuses, etc., which they publish. The Life and writings of Yukichi Fukuzawa, the speeches and writings of Count Okuma and others who take a special interest in education, and the discussions which appear in the newspapers and journals must be studied in order that the opinions of the Japanese on the national aspects of education may be understood. CHAPTER VI ARMY AND NAVY For our present purpose it is sufficient to consider the Japanese army and navy as factors in the national evolution, and it is not necessary to enter into details of . . . r -1 Army and navv their organisation, although a few particulars as factors in ' will be given regarding them. As in other departments, the ideas of the Government on the subject of national defence developed with the changes of conditions, both internal and external. The existence of the samurai had accustomed the people to the idea of a class whose chief object in life was to do the fighting which was required, and after the Restoration the problem that presented itself was to consolidate, under the control of the central Government, all the fighting material Reorganisation in the country. At that time foreign politics of fighting did not to any great extent affect the action of "material, the Government ; therefore the army received the greatest attention ; and it was not until the relations with other Powers became considerable that a powerful navy was considered essential. Even at the outbreak of the war with China the Japanese had no battleships, but the action of some of the European Powers after that war showed them very clearly that if they were to receive the respect which was their due they must be strong enough to command it. They soon recognised that a complete system of national education by itself would not do this, and that if their country was to obtain a position of equality with the foreign 109 I lO Dai Nippon Powers, the most effective arguments were a strong army and navy, which could be depended upon to enforce their claims, if that were necessary. This, in great part, accounts for the developments which have taken place, especially in recent years, in the military Causes of recent ^nd naval resources of the Japanese. They developments. were not animated by any desire for territorial expansion, or even for warlike glory, but they were deter- mined to claim their full independence and the position which was due to them among the nations of the world, while at the same time they took full advantage of Western arts, sciences, and industrial arrangements. It is a sad commentary on Western civilisation when we find that an Eastern Power could not qualify itself for entrance to the comity of nations without, in the first place, spending a large part of its revenue on the appliances of destruction, and which could have been used to far greater advantage in improving the general conditions of the people. Recent events in the Far East have clearly proved that if the developments in national strength which have taken place in Japan during the past quarter of a century had been neglected, the national existence of the country would have been in danger. Moreover, Japanese statesmen have re- cognised that not only is the centre of importance of the commerce of the world moving in the direction of the Pacific area, but also that that area is destined to be the scene of great political events in the not very distant future, and therefore that Japan must be prepared to take her due share in the working out of the great changes which will pro- foundly affect conditions in all the countries bounded by that area. Under the feudal system each daimyo had his own fighting men — the samurai — and although peace reigned in The Army two and a half centuries before the underthe Restoration of 1868, all the military forms of ^ an earlier period were kept up. T he events accompanying the Restoration caused these to be shattered. 1 1 1 A rmy and Navy and made a new military system a national necessity. The Emperor’s Government rested chiefly on the reverence inspired by his sacred name. This moral force had been assisted by the actual support of the three great clans of Satsuma, Choshu, and Tosa, whose chiefs had taken the lead in surrendering their possessions and men to His Majesty, but under the changed conditions it became absolutely necessary that an Imperial army should be formed, which would give stability to the new Govern- New system ment. It was therefore arranged that the introduced, three clans named, who were the most powerful from a fighting point of view, should furnish the central Govern- ment with a certain proportion of troops who were to be transferred to Tokyo and entirely handed over to the Sovereign for the purpose of forming the nucleus of an Imperial army. Contingents from the other clans were to be added subsequently. Foreign officers were engaged to teach the Western methods of drill and tactics, and before long the Imperial Government had a considerable number of troops who were armed and drilled in foreign style. It was, however, soon perceived that something more complete was necessary to consolidate the Government and to do away with the feeling that it was to a large extent the creation of the three most powerful clans and mainly supported by them. In 1873 the conscription system was therefore introduced. This, indeed, was only a return to what existed in the early days of Japan, when every man was a soldier and when civil duty was not differentiated from military. This measure practically put an end to the dominance of the samurai class, and no doubt it was one of the causes of dissatisfaction which arose among the samurai, and which came to a point in the Satsuma rebellion, noticed in a previous chapter. That rebellion, although it was the means of causing great hardships — financial and warlike — on the country, had the effect of strengthening the Imperial army and making it a truly national institution including all classes of the people. I 12 Dai Nippon It was thought that the farmers, artisans, and tradespeople, after centuries of exclusion from the military pale, would be found to be deficient in the military spirit, but subsequent events dispelled this fear. At twenty years of age every male Japanese becomes liable for conscription, and the con- duct of the Japanese troops in the war with China and in ,the more recent disturbances in that country showed that they may be trusted to fight their country’s battles both at home and abroad. When the new system was introduced French officers were engaged to assist in organising the army and elaborat- ing its system of tactics and strategy, and they rendered most valuable aid to the Japanese. A few British officers were employed in special departments and latterly some German officers, but ultimately all foreign services were dispensed with, and now Japan sends her picked men to Europe to complete their studies ; on their return they are appointed to positions in which they are able to intro- duce the latest improvements, and it cannot be doubted that in organisation and efficiency the Japanese army will compare favourably with any other army in the world, while the spirit which animates it makes it a weapon, both for offence and defence, which is far more formidable than its numbers would seem to indicate. As I have already stated, for our present purpose it is not necessary to enter into details of the organisation of all departments of the Japanese army ; our object is not to look at it as an end in itself, but simply as one of the factors in the evolution which has taken place in Japan. Still, a few particulars may be given. There are four principal kinds of service ; namely, service with the colours {^genyeki) for three years ; service with the first reserves (yodz) for 4^ years ; service with the second reserves (gobz) for five years ; and service with the territorial troops {JzokuminJiei) up to the age of forty. There are also two bodies of supernumeraries {hoju\ The first consists of men who, though liable for conscription and medically qualified. Army and Navy 1 1 3 have escaped the lot for service with the colours. The second consists of those similarly liable and qualified, who have escaped not only the lot for service with the colours but also the lot for service with the first supernumeraries. The period for the first supernumeraries is years, and that for the second I-J- years ; after which both pass into the territorial army. Their purpose is to fill vacancies in the troops with the colours, but in time of peace that liability devolves upon the first supernumeraries alone, and during the first year after conscription only. After reaching the territorial army a man is relieved from all further training. The total number of youths eligible for conscription each year is over 430,000, and over 60,000 are taken for service with the colours, and fully 130,000 are drafted into the supernumeraries. When the scheme of army organisation adopted in 1896 after the war with China is completed in 1905, the strength of the army on a peace footing will be 150,000 of all ranks, with 30,000 horses, and the strength on a war footing, 500,000 men, with 100,000 horses. The Emperor is the Commander-in-Chief of the army, and theoretically the sole source of military authority, which he exercises through a general staff and a war department, with the assistance of a board of field -marshals. The officers of all ranks are kept in a high state of efficiency, and there are several schools for their education. The most important of these institutions is the Rikugun Daigakko, or Army College, where officers are prepared for service in the upper ranks and for staff appointments, and there are other schools for special departments of training. Captain Brinkley, a very competent authority, says: “The Japanese officer is one of the strongest features of the army. His pay is small, according to European standards, but his mode of life is frugal. Quarters are not assigned to him in barracks. He lives outside, frequently with his own family, and when duty requires him to take his meals in barracks, food is brought to him in a luncheon-box. His uniform is plain and inexpensive, and he has no desire to change it for (b 207) j 1 1 4 Dai Nippon * mufti/ as so many Occidental officers have. Being thus without mess expenses, contribution to a band, or luxuries of any kind, and nearly always without private means to supplement his pay, his habits are thoroughly economical, and a campaign involves comparatively few privations for him. He devotes himself absolutely to his profession, living for nothing else, and since he is strongly imbued with an effective conception of the honour of his cloth, instances of his incurring disgrace by debts or dissipation are exceptional.” At the beginning of 1902 the following were the figures for the strength of the commanding staff on peace footing: — Kind of Service. Active Service. First Reserve. Land- wehr. Total. Generals and non-combatants of no 27 10 147 equivalent rank Gendarmes .... 91 54 27 172 Infantry ..... 4427 1654 873 6954 Cavalry ..... 421 95 28 544 Artillery 1519 239 98 1856 Engineering .... 474 98 42 614 Commissariat .... 252 73 34 359 Paymaster .... 712 307 168 1187 Surgeon ..... 932 526 128 1586 Veterinary Surgeons 148 45 27 220 Band 7 7 9093 3118 1435 13,646 Large and very completely equipped arsenals, for the manufacture of small arms, cartridges, and the implements and tools pertaining to small arms, are situated in Factories. i o > Tokyo and Osaka, and turn out highly efficient work. There are powder factories at Meguro, Itabashi, and Iwahana, and the powder manufactured has very special qualities. The Osaka arsenal undertakes the manufacture of guns, cannon-balls, and other munitions of a like nature, and it maintains the powder factory at Uji and the arms workshop at Moji. Attached to the War Department there A rmy and Navy 1 1 5 is a large factory at Senju, near to Tokyo, which manufac- tures woollen goods for the clothing of the army. The Japanese army under its new organisation had its baptism of fire in the suppression of the Satsuma rebellion (which we have mentioned in a previous First fighting chapter), and its behaviour showed that a con- script army could overcome the e'lde of the samurai. It however proved its efficiency still more strikingly in the three over-sea wars in which Japan has been engaged since the abolition of feudalism. In each of these the naval forces were also engaged, and therefore before noticing them briefly, it will be advisable to give a few particulars regarding the Japanese navy. Although the modern navy of Japan only dates from the last days of the Shogunate, the Japanese are not without a long naval history which proves that in the early Foundation of days they were bold and adventurous seamen, modem Japanese For more than 200 years the policy of national seclusion enforced by the Shoguns of the Tokugawa dynasty stifled all maritime enterprise. As far back as 1185 there are records of naval battles between the rival factions in Japan for national supremacy, and later on, in the Middle Ages, battles at sea more than once decided the final issue. The Japanese made many piratical descents on China and Korea, culminating, in 1594, in the great invasion of Korea under the Shogun Hideyoshi, by, according to the native annals, a military force of 500,000 men. Even when rigidly confined to their own shores by the most drastic penal sanctions, the fishermen and coasters were bold and adventurous sailors, and showed that they were capable of furnishing material which required opportunity only and training to develop into ocean seamen of the best type of efficiency. The advent of foreigners was the immediate cause of the foundation of the modern Japanese navy. When the Shogun was carrying on the negotiations in connection with the first treaties, he soon recognised the necessity for the possession 1 1 6 Dai Nippon of a navy, if Japan was to hold her own with the foreign Powers, and, as a preliminary, he despatched a few young men to Holland for instruction, and among them was one who afterwards became well known as Admiral Enomoto. At the same time the foundations of the present great Naval Arsenal at Yokosuka were laid by French engineers, and the services of British naval officers were obtained for the organisation of a naval school. The chief of these officers was Commander, now Admiral Sir R. Tracey. The troubles at the time of the Restoration prevented this school from being organised, and after a short time the officers returned home. The first steamship owned by Japan was a small yacht of 400 tons, named the Emperor, which was presented by Lord Elgin to the Shogun, on behalf of Queen Victoria, when he negotiated the first treaty in 1858. When the Japanese students were in Holland, a wooden frigate of 2000 tons and 26 guns, with engines of 400 horse-power, which was named the Kayo Maru, was ordered in Holland, and in it the students returned to Japan. On his return from Holland Enomoto was appointed to the command of the ships belonging to Japan ; which besides the vessels I have named consisted only of one obsolete vessel of war (a wooden paddle-ship, which had been originally known as the Eagle in the British Navy and had fought in the Crimean War), and of some half-dozen equally obsolete merchant steamers. Enomoto being an adherent of the Shogun, made a stand for his master in the struggles of the Restoration, and in this he was ably assisted by two men who afterwards became my colleagues in the Imperial College of Engineering, and who since that time have rendered high service in many ways to the Government of the Emperor ; namely Viscount Hayashi, now Japanese Minister in London, and Baron Otori, formerly Japanese Minister in Korea. My first lessons in Japanese history were from Viscount Hayashi when he was my fellow-passenger to Japan in 1873, and his accounts were most interesting. Into these, however, we cannot at present enter ; it is sufficient to say that he and his friends A rmy and Navy 1 1 7 fought for the Shogun, not because they were opposed to the Emperor becoming the head of the actual Government, but because they believed that those who were fighting against them were animated by selfish motives and wished to displace the Shogun in order that they themselves might assume the executive power. The issue is well known ; the Imperialists had purchased from the United States Govern- ment the Stonewall Jackson, an ironclad ram, which though only of 1200 tons burden, carrying one ten-inch and other guns, was in those days a powerful ship, and were thus able to overpower Enomoto and his colleagues and bring the struggles of the revolution to a close. On the restoration of peace the Government directed its attention to the creation of a national navy, and the first step was the establishment, on a large scale, of a Naval College and barracks, in Tokyo. A College in few months after my arrival in Japan, Com- Tokyo, mander (now Admiral Sir Archibald) Douglas, assisted by a staff of British naval officers, took charge of the instruction in the College, and for some years did excellent work in the training of officers and men, and their students are the admirals and senior officers in the Japanese navy at the present time, many of whom have distinguished them- selves in active service. A few years later Commander L. P. Willan and Lieut. T. H. James (now of the Nippon Yusen Kaisha, London) joined the staff of the college, and these officers first took charge of Japanese ships of war on distant cruises to Australia and India ; their work gave the Japanese confidence in their own powers, and now Japanese ships of war have no difficulty in finding their way to any port in the world. Another name which must be mentioned in this connection is that of Lieut. Hawes, who organised a corps of marines whose smart appearance won for them good opinions wherever they were seen, and who initiated that state of efficiency which has made the men in the Japanese Navy the acknowledged equals of those of the best navies of the world. ii8 Dai Nippon For some years the development of the Japanese navy was slow, as those in authority recognised that their first Development of duty was the training of officers to take charge Japanese navy. Qf ships and men to work them, and it was not till 1877 that the Government seriously entered on the acquisition of modern fighting ships. In that year the first ship specially built for them in England, a broadside central battery ship of 3700 tons, designed by Sir Edward Reed, was launched on the Thames, and she was soon followed by several small but powerfully armed ironclads. Still, when the war with China broke out, the navy of Japan was by no means strong, as it did not contain a single battleship. It had, however, a considerable number of fast and heavily armed cruisers, and it was with these that she won the great naval battle of the Yalu, though fighting against armoured battleships ; thus proving the high efficiency of the officers and men and the skilful manner in which they conducted their operations. The three over -sea wars in which Japan has been engaged since the abolition of feudalism have already been mentioned in Chapter IV., when we were con- Over-sea wars. . , . - Sidering the most important events in recent Japanese history. The first of these was the expedition in 1874 to Formosa, the second the war with China in 1894, and the third was on the occasion of the anti-foreign and anti-dynastic rebellion, which broke out in China in 1900. On each of these occasions the arms of Japan were dis- tinguished for bravery, efficiency, and skill. We must refer to special histories for detailed accounts of these expeditions ; all that we can do meantime is to note some of their results on the national evolution, and the effect they had in causing the other nations in the world to recognise the advance which had been made by Japan, not only in western methods of war, but also in all those departments of national life which were necessary to enable her to claim a position of equality in the comity of nations. The expedition to Formosa was undertaken at a time A rmy and Navy 1 1 9 when, as we have seen, the affairs of the nation were in a very critical condition. The steps which were taken had the effect of consolidating the army, and of adding to the strength of the navy. Moreover, they gave a great impetus to the Japanese mercantile marine, which rapidly became important in itself, and a very necessary adjunct to the navy for purposes of transport. The success which attended the expedition to Formosa should have taught the Chinese authorities that Japan was not to be despised ; but that she was able and determined to take any measures which were necessary to maintain her national dignity. Fortunately, through the good offices of the British Minister in Peking, the war which was threatened between the two empires was avoided, and the matter was settled by Japan agreeing to withdraw from Formosa, and by China indemnifying her to the extent of half a million dollars (about 100,000) on account of the expenses of the expedition. The war with China in 1894-5 marked a most important epoch in the history of Japan and gave a great impetus to every department of its national life. The war with China circumstances under which that war broke results, out have already been noted, and reference must be made to special books for its details. Even Japan’s best friends had doubts as to the ultimate issue when they considered the immense numbers and resources of the Chinese ; but in modern warfare mere numbers are powerless before efficient equipment with the most improved appliances and methods. The Chinese cannot be accused of want of bravery, or rather of the fear of death. If they were properly armed and led, they could face any troops in the world ; a fact which has been certified by such an eminent authority as Lord Wolseley. On land the war was a succession of triumphs for Japan, and the great naval battle which took place on September 17th, 1894, near the mouth of the Yalu river, that forms the northern boundary of Korea, not only showed that the Japanese could make good use of their navy, but it also awoke the nations of the world to the fact 120 Dai Nippon that a new Power had arisen in the Far East, which in future would require to be taken into account when any political problems arose. The Yalu victory practically gave Japan the control of northern China, and before long the Chinese authorities recognised the hopelessness of the struggle and agreed to the terms of the treaty already mentioned. Besides a large addition to the “ ordinary ” expenditure on the army and navy the post-bellum programme included the following items for “ extraordinary ” expenditure : — A. Military Expansion Scheme : — Construction of coast batteries Furnishing arms, repairs, etc. Manufacture of arms Extension of arsenals Buildings Yen. 14,071,893 17.334,890 8,486,766 2 , 949^05 479,577 B. Naval Expansion Scheme : — Construction of war-vessels Manufacture of arms Buildings 43,322,231 Yen. 47,154,576 33 , 751,162 13 , 870,506 94,776,244 The spending of these sums was spread over five years, but before the first programme was completed, the “ Second Period Expansion Programme” was initiated, and again the chief features were concerned with the expansion of the army and navy. The following were the military and naval parts of the second programme : — A. Military Expansion : — Coast batteries Barracks, etc. . Manufacture of firearms Making up deficits . Yen. 6,460,520 19 , 363,746 9 , 854,538 2,679,790 38,358,594 I2I A rmy and Navy B. Naval Expansion : — Yen Construction of war-vessels . . . 78,893,399 Manufacture of arms . . . . 33,176,329 Various building purposes . . . 6,254,990 118,324,718 Adding together the amounts for military and naval expansion included in the two programmes, and including the addition to the ordinar}^ expenditure, we arrive at a total expenditure for naval expansion of 360,000,000 yen. In some cases, however, the estimates were exceeded, and the total amount of expenditure for army and navy expansion by Japan, consequent upon and subsequent to the war with China, has been estimated at 400,000,000 yen, or ;£’40,000,000. Both programmes have practically been carried out, and Japan has now a navy which is, in offensive and defensive armament, in steaming capacity, both in speed Present and distance, and in homogeneousness, equal conditions of to any in the world of the same size. The majority of the ships have been built in Britain — on the Thames, the Clyde, the Tyne, and at Barrow-on-Furness — and the construction of the most of them has been superintended by my former students of the Imperial College of Engineering, and whom I had often the pleasure of meeting when they were in this country. The following figures give the personnel of the Navy at the beginning of the year 1902 : — Kind of Servnce. Active Service. First Reserve. Second Reserve. Total. Admirals and non-combatants of equivalent rank .... 47 22 14 83 Senior OflScers .... 639 22 60 721 Junior Officers .... 1,060 23 70 C-I53 Cadets 330 330 Special Warrant Officers . 631 10 54 69s Warrant Officers .... 5,802 163 5.965 Seamen ...... 22,036 834 4036 1793 27,865 Students 834 31^379 4276 1991 37.646 122 Dai Nippon The latest published returns, those for 1902, give the total tonnage of ships in commission or reserve as 252,180 tons, with an indicated horse-power of 459,599, distributed as follows : — Tons. 6 First-class battleships 86,399 2 Second-class battleships . 11,112 58,778 6 Armoured cruisers . 9 Second-class cruisers 38,518 5 Third-class cruisers . 14,078 10 Coast-defence vessels 18,215 2 First-class gunboats 3,557 14 Second-class gunboats 8,013 13 Destroyers .... 3,957 The remainder is made up of despatch vessels, tenders, etc. In addition there were over sixty torpedo-boats of various sizes, with a tonnage of 4675, and this number has been considerably increased since the returns were published. The Japanese navy is well supplied with dockyards and arsenals, there being four first-class naval stations. The oldest is that at Yokosuka near Yokohama, which was started over forty years ago by French engineers and naval architects, but has since been greatly extended. The most important station is Kure on the Inland Sea, which, in addition to a well-equipped dockyard and a magnificent harbour, possesses a fine arsenal for the manufacture of large modern breech-loading steel guns, and also of large-calibre steel shell. Sasebo (or Saseho), in Kyushu, is rapidly becoming of great importance, and its position, in the south of Japan and near to the coast of China, would make it of great use in case of hostilities. The fourth station at Maizuru, on the Sea of Japan, was opened only in 1901, but it is also being developed. There is also a very complete arsenal in Tokyo for the manufacture of appliances required in the Navy, and the Shimose powder factory supplies ammunition of very high explosive power. 123 A rjny and Navy A survey of the resources of the Japanese navy shows that, for its size, it is the most thoroughly equipped navy in the world ; while the bravery and efficiency of its officers and men will enable it to give a very good account of itself should it be required to defend the rights of Japan. As an illustration of the thoroughness with which the Japanese make their plans, of the completeness with which they carry them out, and also of their draining of power of adapting arrangements to their own Japanese naval conditions, a sketch may be given of the officers, training of Japanese naval officers. That training was, as we have seen, founded on the British system, but in some respects they have improved on that system. It may be divided into the following sections: — (i) Entrance of cadets and their education in the Imperial Naval College at Yetajima ; (2) education of midshipmen ; (3) education of sub-lieutenants and lieutenants in their respective duties afloat and ashore ; (4) education of officers in the Imperial and Higher Naval College at Tokyo ; and (5) education of officers in the torpedo and gunnery schools at Yokosuka. In each of these sections the course is very complete. The whole expense of training, food, and cloth- ing is provided out of Government funds. The cadets are selected after a physical examination of the candidates, as well as one testing the state of their education in those pre- liminary subjects which are necessary for naval officers. The course extends over three years, and the instruction is given partly in college and partly in the tenders attached to the college. It includes the physical sciences and their applica- tions to engineering, navigation, gunnery, and the other departments of the duties of naval officers. In addition, elementary courses of international and civil law and naval history are provided. When the cadets pass the final examination they are promoted to midshipmen. The education of midshipmen is divided into training in the special training ships and training in the ships of the standing fleet, the object being to show them how to apply 124 Dai Nippon practically what they had been taught in the college and to give them the foundation of the experience necessary to per- form their duties as junior officers. After the completion of the course the midshipmen are distributed among the ships in commission — almost invariably to the ships of the stand- ing fleet, where there is no regular course. They perform junior officers’ duty under the supervision of the superior officers, but it is, as a rule, the custom for the captain of the ship to choose a very competent officer to take charge of them, besides giving orders to the gunnery, torpedo, and navigating officers to instruct them in their own special branches. As sub-lieutenants and lieutenants their studies are continued, although not according to any flxed pro- gramme, but it is the practice of the captains to set each officer a subject for a “ yearly essay ” on either theoretical or practical questions of naval interest. The subject varies according to the officer’s rank, special duty, and capacity. After being criticised by the superior officers, these essays are printed in book form and distributed throughout the fleet and naval barracks. Special lectures are from time to time given on recent developments of naval science and practice. The courses in the Higher Naval College in Tokyo are provided for those who have shown special ability ; their nature and extent depend on the object in view, and they are very similar to the special courses given at the Royal Naval College at Greenwich. Besides all this, there are special schools for instruction in gunnery and torpedo practice ; moreover, when some new weapons had been introduced, or some new scientific discovery had been made, or drills had undergone changes, a number of officers were summoned from various parts to bring themselves up to date in such matters and to teach their comrades or those under their command what they had themselves just acquired. The success of the Japanese navy is evidently not of a haphazard nature, but is the result of a long, systematic training, combined, of course, with the fear- less bravery of the officers and men. 125 A rmy and Navy The share which the Japanese forces took in the opera- tions which were carried on in China in 1900 by the Foreign Powers was the means of still further directing attention to the efficiency of the in the Japanese army. On account of the troubles with the Boxers, the foreign communities of Tientsin and Peking were placed in situations of extreme danger, and it was impossible for any European Power or the United States of America to organise efficient and prompt measures of relief. On the other hand, Japan was near, with a well- equipped army and a powerful navy ; but, knowing the suspicion of the Foreign Powers in such matters, she hesitated to intervene, and it was not until Europe and America made it quite plain that they needed and desired her help that she sent a division (21,000 men) to Pechili, and it was admitted by all competent observers that they practically saved the situation. Their coolness and bravery under very trying circumstances won the admiration of all who saw them, and, fighting side by side with European and American soldiers and under the eyes of competent critics, they acquitted them- selves in such a manner as to establish a high military reputation. Probably most important of all, the conduct of the Japanese soldiers was in every respect worthy of com- mendation and in some ways worthy of emulation by their foreign comrades. The Government of Japan acted in har- mony with all the other Governments, and sought no special advantages, on account either of the part their troops had taken in the operations in China, or of the special interests which they had because of their proximity to that empire; thus showing that there were no grounds of any kind for the sus- picion with which they had been regarded in some quarters. A mere statement of the facts connected with the Japanese army and navy is sufficient to show their importance as factors not only in the develop- Japanese power ment of Japan, but also in that of the Far as factors in East generally. In many respects Japan closely resembles Great Britain. Both countries consist of 126 Dai Nippon a group of islands, with almost similar area and population, and the one has the same geographical position relatively to Asia that the other has to Europe. The Pacific area is destined to become the most important commercial area in the world, and Japan is nearer that centre than Britain. The Japanese were not slow to recognise that the circumstances which had led Great Britain to rely for trade on a great mercantile marine, and for defence mainly on her fleet, applied in her own case with almost equal urgency, and for some years they have been rapidly building up their commercial power by means of a great mercantile marine, which now trades with all the chief countries of the world ; at the same time they have been adding to their fighting strength by means of a navy which is now a very important factor in the political forces in the Far East. Their army is relatively large, well equipped, well organised, and capable of doing very effective work if required. The expenditure on the naval and military forces bears a considerable proportion to the total national income, and one of the problems before Japan is how best to provide for the defence of the country without crippling its financial and industrial resources. It must be recognised that this expenditure is part of the price which Japan is paying for her membership of the comity of nations, and it is very sad that it should be so. Captain Brinkley has truly said that “ no one who should tell the Japanese to-day that the consideration they have won from the West is due solely to their progress in peaceful arts would find serious listeners. They themselves held that belief as a working incentive twenty years ago, but experience has dissipated it, and they now know that the world took no respectful notice of them until they showed themselves capable of winning battles. At first, they imagined that they might efface the Oriental stigma by living up to civilised standards. But the success they attained was scarcely perceptible when suddenly their victorious war with China seemed to win for them more 127 A rmy and Navy esteem in half a year than their peaceful industry had won for them in half a century. The perception of that fact upset their estimate of the qualifications necessary for a place in the ‘ foremost files of time,’ and had much to do with the desire they henceforth developed for expanded armaments.” While the expenditure may be regretted, it is not difficult to give sufficient reasons for the policy which was adopted, and looked at simply from an offensive or defensive point of view even their most severe critics admit that the Japanese army and navy are in a high state of efficiency. Professor Chamberlain gives the opinion of all who have had opportunities of observing the powers of the Japanese army and navy when he says: “We cannot help expressing our admiration of and belief in the Japanese navy, and of Japan altogether as a military power. Though it may not be for us to judge of the technical excellences of ships and docks, it is perhaps given to an old resident who has travelled widely, and read a great deal, and mixed much with all classes, to appreciate the existence of those qualities of intellect and morale which go to make a good fighting man, whether on land or sea. To our thinking, any foreign Power that should venture to attack Japan in her own waters would be strangely ill-advised.” The high state of efficiency to which the Japanese army and navy have been brought has proved not only that the Japanese are able to take advantage of all the applications of Western science to military and naval matters, but also that all classes of the people are now animated by the true samurai spirit which knows no fear and which prefers death to either personal or national dishonour. Modern military and naval appliances are merely the tools which are used ; the “ Soul of Japan” which animates those behind them is the source of the strength of the army and navy. 128 Dai Nippon BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE. An excellent account of the Japanese army and navy is given by Captain Brinkley in his articles on Japan in the supplementary volumes of the Encyclopcedia Britannica, and an interesting sketch of the Growth of the Japanese Navy by Mr. Longford, late of the British Consular Service in Japan, appeared in the Nineteenth Century for September 1903. The Imperial Japanese Navy^ by Fred T. Jane, gives plans, photographs, and full descriptions of all the ships in the navy, of the Japanese dockyards and arsenals, as well as official reports on the Japan-China war. H. Yamawaki’s Japan in the Beginning of the Twentieth Century contains statistics of the army and navy, with an outline of their history and organisation. Heroic Japan^ by Eastlake and Yamada, records the doings of the army and navy in the war with China. Many books and reports on this war have been published, which must be consulted for details. CHAPTER VII MEANS OF COMMUNICATION As soon as the Japanese had determined to introduce Western methods of national life into the country, they recognised that one of the first necessities, not . - .1 -11 1 r 1* • 1 Necessity only from an industrial but also from a political for improved point of view, was improved means of com- means of munication, and that of these the most im- portant was a national system of railways. When I went to Japan in 1873 the only railway in the country was the short one of eighteen miles between Tokyo and Yokohama, which had been opened with considerable ecla^ by the Emperor a few months previously, and the illustrations of that event published in the Illustrated London News were the first things which specially directed my attention to Japan. Little did I think that in a short time after reading the account of the opening of the first railway in the country I would be at the head of an institution which was to be the chief means of developing not only the railways and other means of communication, but also all the other industries of Japan. Students of the Imperial College of Engineering (Kobu Daigakko) are to be found in important positions in almost all the undertakings which have caused so great a change in the economic, industrial, and political conditions of Japan, and it would be interesting to enter into some details regarding their work, but these must be reserved for another occasion. Meantime I can only briefly sketch the developments which have taken place (b 207) 129 K 130 Dai Nippon and which have enabled Japan to rank as an equal in the comity of nations. It may be thought that in some respects she has paid very dearly for this position, but there can be little doubt that if these developments had not taken place, she would have fallen under the domination of one or other of the foreign Powers which are so anxious to extend their influence in the Far East. Under the feudal system the means of communication were very imperfect ; indeed those in authority deliberately Communications ^ept them SO. Each province was to a large under the extent self-contained, both economically and feudal system, poetically, and the central Government did not exercise much control over ordinary affairs. The Tokugawa Shoguns and the feudal nobles took care that the highways leading to the capital should cross deep defiles and bridgeless rivers, where all passage might be barred by a small force. Thus one of the main thoroughfares from Kyoto to Yedo was led over the Hakone pass and the other over the Usui ; and any one taking a circuitous route so as to avoid the guardhouses at either of these precipitous places was liable to be put to death. At the same time the feudal chiefs were required to keep the roads and bridges within their territories in fairly good order and to provide post-horses and ferry boats within the limits of their provinces. There were, indeed, a number of Imperial roads, some- what like the old coach roads in Britain, and those were largely used by the Daimyos and their retainers when they made their visits to Yedo to pay their respects to the Shogun. Of these the two best known are those already mentioned ; namely, the Tokaido, or Eastern Sea Road, running along the sea-shore between Kyoto and Tokyo, and the Nakasendo, or Central Mountain Road — so named in con- tradistinction to the Tokaido and the comparatively unim- portant Hokurokudo, or Northern Land Road, in Kaga and Etchu, between which it occupies a middle position. There were several other main roads of less importance, all provided with honjin or specially fine hostelries, for their lordships and Means of Com^nunication 1 3 1 their retainers to sleep at. The changed conditions have caused the glories of these institutions to depart. About the beginning of the seventeenth century a regular transport service was organised between Yedo and Kyoto, and a scale of charges for coolies and pack-horses was fixed by law ; later on the merchants of Osaka organised a land transport service to Yedo, and gradually the system was extended to other parts of the country for the carriage of both goods and letters. A considerable maritime carrying trade was organised between the most important sea-ports, and this fell into the hands of guilds, which obtained a practical monopoly. At the Restoration, however, the means of communication were still in a comparatively primitive con- dition, and it was determined to improve them not only in order that the country might be welded into one organisa- tion, but also that full advantage might be taken of its economic possibilities. Not only improved roads but also railways, telegraphs, steamships, and other means of com- munication were therefore the natural results of the new conditions brought about by the Restoration, and the demand for them was the immediate cause of the institu- tion of the Imperial College of Engineering. For some years a considerable number of foreign experts were engaged by the Public Works Department, but as the graduates of the College and other Japanese trained in other institutions and in foreign countries gained experience, the work to a large extent fell into their hands, and a very large part of the civil engineering undertakings have been carried out entirely by Japanese. No doubt many mistakes have been made, but no unbiassed critic will deny that the develop- ment which has taken place in Japan in the ways and means of communication has been wonderful. In feudal times the only methods of travelling were on foot, on horseback, or in kago. The latter is a kind of basket made of bamboo, with a light roof atop, and swung on a pole which two men — one in front and one behind — bear on their shoulders, and it is 132 Dai Nippon still used in mountainous districts. The old noriinono of the towns, which was largely used in the Daimyos’ pro- cessions and by rich people, was simply a glorified kago. The jinrikisha, which is now so well known and so much used, rapidly displaced the kago. The origin of this useful little carriage is sometimes attributed to an American missionary, named Goble, although it is also traced to several Japanese sources. After the Restoration the neces- sity for better means of communication between the different parts of the country caused attention to be directed to the roads. The old thoroughfares were repaired and improved in many ways and bridges were built over rivers which formerly had to be forded ; so that the more important roads were made available for carriage and bullock-cart traffic as well as for jinrikishas with passengers. The local authorities being responsible for the cost endeavoured to be as economical as possible. Although improvements and developments have been made during recent years, many of the roads in Japan are still in a very unsatisfactory con- dition. The developments which have taken place in the railways and shipping have probably been the cause of attention being directed from the ordinary roads, as they have now become of secondary importance in the carriage of goods. The advent of the cycle in its various forms and of the motor car for all sorts of purposes will no doubt lead to an improvement in the roads and to their extended use as feeders to the railways. The initiative in the construction of railways in Japan was undertaken by Mr. Horatio Nelson Lay, who in 1869 arrived in Tokyo with proposals to offer a loan Railways. Government on behalf of certain British capitalists to be used for the formation of a railway between Tokyo and Osaka, with a branch to Yokohama. The amount of the loan was one million pounds sterling at twelve per cent interest, the capital being repayable in twelve years. The railway was to form part of the security to the lenders, who were further to have a lien on the Means of Communication 133 customs duties arising from the foreign trade at the open ports. Mr. Lay had stipulated that he was not only to be the chief commissioner of railways, but that he was also to have the appointment of all the engineers and other foreigners whom it would be necessary to employ, and the ordering of everything that had to be imported. Mr. Morel, a gentleman of experience and ability, was engaged as engineer-in-chief, a considerable number of subordinates were appointed and they at once set to work to make the necessary surveys. It was determined to make a start with the line between Yokohama and Tokyo, and before the end of 1870 the work had fairly commenced. It is not necessary to enter into the details of Mr. Lay’s financial arrangements ; it is sufficient to say that they fell through, and that the business was taken in hand by the Oriental Bank, and for some years the financial arrangements of the railways were under the supervision of the Bank — Mr. W. W. Cargill, acting as director of railways on behalf of the Bank, and Mr. R. Vicars Boyle, C.S.L, becoming engineer-in- chief, with Dr. William Pole, F.R.S., as consulting engineer in London. For some time the work of railway con- struction proceeded at a comparatively slow rate, partly on account of financial reasons but also because the Japanese Government had determined to use the construction of railways as a practical training school for Japanese engineers. At first fully two hundred foreigners were employed in rail- way construction, but the services of these were gradually dispensed with as students of the Imperial College of Engineering and others, trained partly at home and partly abroad, were able to undertake the work, and now very few foreigners remain in the railway service. As already mentioned, in 1872 the only line of railway in Japan was that between Tokyo and Yoko- 1 ,. r • 1 -1 rr-i . . Outline of nama, a distance of eighteen miles. The original history of intention of the Government was to construct a railway construction. trunk line from Tokyo to Kobe and Osaka and Kyoto by way of the Nakasendo, or Middle Mountain Road, 134 Dai Nippon but it was found that this would involve great labour and expense, on account of the mountainous district through which it passes ; it was abandoned, and the Tokaido route adopted instead. The part between Kobe and Kyoto was proceeded with slowly, under the superintendence of foreign engineers. The construction was under the control of the Department of Public Works, the railways at first being entirely State undertakings. In 1885 the Department of Public Works was abolished, and the Railway Bureau was then placed under the direct management of the Cabinet. In 1890 the Railway Bureau changed its name to Railway Board, and it was at the same time afifiliated to the Home Office. This connection with the Home Office came to an end in 1892, when the Department of Communications was created, and the Railway Board, which had restored to it its old designation of Railway Bureau, was brought under the control of the new Department. The main line between Tokyo and Kyoto via the Tokaido proceeded slowly. The people of Japan were quickly appreciating the importance of railways in the development of the country, and as Japanese engineers were being found qualified to undertake the work, it became necessary to devise a more rapid means of extension, and permission was given to private companies to undertake the work. The pioneer of private enterprise in Japan was the Nippon Railway Company, which in November 1881 obtained a charter for laying the Tokyo-Aomori line. As it was impossible to form any exact estimates of cost or expenditure, far less to calculate the probable amount of traffic and the consequent return on the capital invested, the Government undertook to guarantee its profit within a certain limit, and moreover gave it every facility for carrying on the work. In a short time the work was begun and carried on with great zeal and activity, and the period of private railway work was ushered in. Since then it has developed at a rapid rate. Indeed, in 1896 and 1897, immediately after the war with China, there was something approaching a Means of Communication 135 railway mania, like that in England during the early days of railways ; numerous schemes were proposed, many of which came to nothing practical, as they issued from the brains of speculators, whose object was not to construct railways but to make money out of the unfortunate investors. Since that time the greater part of railway construction in Japan has been carried out by private enterprise, although the Government completed and has still retained the management of the first lines which were designed. It has also carried out extensive railway developments in the Hokkaido, in order to encourage the promotion of industry and agriculture in that rather inhospitable part of the Japanese Empire. No doubt political and military reasons have also had considerable weight The question of the sale of the Government railways to private companies has often been discussed in Japan, but as yet no definite pro- posals have been made on the subject. So far as can be gathered from the opinions expressed in the newspapers, there is a strong feeling that the railways ought to be directly under Government control, not only for military reasons, but also that they may serve, to the greatest advantage, the general wants of the country. It is not necessary to enter into details of the various railways in the country, but the following figures show their distribution throughout the Empire : — Area sq. miles. Population. Railway Mileage. Mileage per 100 sq. miles. Mileage per 10,000 Inhabitants. Honshu . 86,329 34,196,471 3165 3-67 0.74 Kyushu . 13.771 ^586, 682 425 3-07 0.52 Hokkaido 30.123 1,003,751 2,961,714 360 1. 16 3-48 Shikoku . 6,858 75 1.08 0. 20 Total . 137.081 44,748,618 4026 2.75 0.72 The following table gives the rate of construction for State and private railways since 1872 : — 136 Dai Nippon Year. Mileage open to Traffic. State Railways. Private Railways. Total. Miles. Chains. Miles. Chains. Miles. Chains. 1872 . . 18 0 18 0 1873 • • 18 0 18 0 1874 • . 27 38 27 1875 • • 38 27 38 27 1875-1876 38 27 38 27 1876-1877 65 II 65 II 1877-1878 65 II 65 II 1878-1879 65 II 65 II 1879-1880 73 22 73 22 1880-1881 76 37 76 37 1881-1882 100 38 100 38 1882-1883 114 63 114 63 1883-1884 125 51 63 00 188 51 1884-1885 125 51 80 63 206 34 1885-1886 167 62 129 76 297 58 1886-1887 208 64 165 77 374 61 1 1887-1888 244 40 293 24 537 64 1 1888-1889 445 19 406 38 851 57 1889-1890 550 49 525 22 1075 71 1890-1891 550 49 848 43 1399 12 1891-1892 550 49 1166 40 1717 9 1892-1893 550 49 1320 26 1870 75 1893-1894 557 49 1367 77 1925 46 1894-1895 580 69 1537 33 2118 22 1895-1896 593 22 1679 75 2273 17 1896-1897 631 62 1800 9 2431 71 1897-1898 661 65 2282 37 2944 22 1898-1899 768 37 2642 57 3411 14 1899-1900 833 72 2802 49 3636 41 I 900- I 90 I 949 69 2905 16 3S55 5 I 90 I- I 902 1059 48 2966 48 4026 16 1902-1903 1226 64 3010 64 4237 1 48 We cannot enter into details either of the working of the railways or of their financial arrangements, but a few Working and figures may be given. The financial regulation gauge of the railways is 3 feet returns. ^ inches, but for light railways it is 2 feet 6 inches. The details of rolling stock vary considerably, the capacity naturally advancing with the progress of railway business. The ratio of vehicles to mileage under traffic is, according to the latest returns, 33.5 locomotives, 1 1 2.5 passenger cars, and 492.3 waggons per 100 miles. Means of Cominunication 1 3 7 The actual capital invested at the beginning of 1902 was as follows : — Government Railways Private Railways Yen. . 127,167,852 . 219,709,432 346,877,284 The dividends paid on the capital have, as a rule, been very good, those on the larger railways being from i o to 12 per cent per annum, and very few being below 5 per cent. The net earnings of the Government Railways in 1901 were 8,418,128 yen, and of the private railways 16,547,242 yen, or a total of 24,965,370 yen. Both the passenger and the goods traffic have increased at a rapid rate, but there is still great room for development. The latest statistics show that the number of persons, per head of population, per annum who travelled was only 2.39, and that the distance travelled was only 40.5 miles, while the number of tons of goods carried per head of population was only 0.30 tons and that only for a distance of 16.4 miles. Mr. K. Inuzuka, Director of the Railway Bureau, after an examination of these figures, says ; “ These analyses impress on the mind of one that the benefit taken of the railway by our people is still in a state of infancy ” ; and he adds : “ To afford a more enlightened use of the facilities by railways at the minimum cost of perform- ing the service, it is necessary on the one hand to accomplish a more direct communication, and on the other to adopt all the most important modern improvements in railway appli- ances and methods, so as to induce the public to enjoy the benefit of railway travelling.” It is evident therefore that great as has been the development of railway construction in Japan in the past, we may expect a considerable develop- ment in the future. Various legislative measures relating to railways have from time to time been passed, but it is not necessary to enter into details of these. A few of the main Railway points, however, may be noted. In 1872 the legislation, first measures were published, and they provided general Dai Nippon 138 rules about railway work ; these were amended and ex- tended from time to time. In 1879 and 1883 the general and punitive rules which had been issued for Government railways were made applicable also to private railways. From time to time special regulations relating to loans and the construction of special lines were issued, and in 1900 the laws relating to private railways were codified. The following are the points in these which deserve special notice : — 1. Shares of the capital must not be acquired except by the payment of money. 2. Unless in virtue of a decision arrived at by a general meeting of shareholders and with the sanction of the minister concerned, no railway can be chartered or hired or its management entrusted to others. 3. Unless with the sanction of the minister concerned, and after not less than one-fourth of the share capital has been paid up, a railway company must not issue debenture bonds. 4. With the approval of the minister, a company may contract a loan by mortgaging its railway with accessories, but they must not be used as objects of right of mortgage. 5. The debenture bonds and loans together must not exceed the total sum of the paid-up capital. 6. No company must declare dividends unless after the principal and interest of the bonds and loans payable every year have been subtracted from the proceeds. 7. Except in cases specially approved of, the gauge must measure 3 feet 6 inches. 8. The minister concerned may order an alteration of tariff rate, when such alteration is judged necessary in the public interest. 9. The tariff rate of third-class passengers must not exceed 2 sen per mile. 10. A company shall be held responsible to offer its lines in accordance with the provisions determined by law or ordinance for the use of the army or the navy either in time of war or in time of peace. Means of Commimication 139 1 1. The Government reserve the right of purchasing the line with all its appurtenances after full twenty-five years from the time of granting a permanent charter. The Japanese Government has paid considerable attention to the improvement of the rivers of the country^ and have spent large sums of money on the work. For River instance, in the last Budget, there appeared the improvements, sum of 3,220,000 yen for river engineering works. The rivers of Japan are peculiarly difficult to keep in order, and their beds are subject to sudden changes which often cause floods of a very serious nature. The engineering works are chiefly for the purpose of preventing such floods, but the improvements which have taken place have made many of them much more useful as a means of communication for the transportation of goods and passengers, and the traffic on some of the larger of them is of considerable and increasing importance. The early records of Japan show that a considerable maritime trade was carried on not only between the ports of Japan but also with foreign countries ; but in T r 1 7. . , . . p , Shipping. 1014, on account 01 the political intrigues 01 the foreigners who had settled in Japan and the fanaticism excited by the ill-judged measures of the propagandists of Christianity, lyeyasu, the then Shogun, issued a proclamation ordering the banishment of the propagandists and leaders of Christianity and the destruction of their churches and the compulsory recantation of their doctrines. A period of persecution followed, which culminated in the imprisonment of the Dutch at Deshima in 1641 by the grandson of lyeyasu, the third Tokugawa Shogun. In order to make his edict more effec- tive he ordered that all vessels of sea-going capacity should be destroyed and that no craft should thenceforth be built of sufficient size to venture beyond home waters. Some vessels were built for coast defence, but their design was very crude and they were utterly useless for the purpose for which they were intended, while the trading junk, as modified by official instructions, was as little capable of navigating the 140 Dai Nippon high seas as of fighting, and the Japanese remained without anything that could be called a mercantile marine until after the advent of foreigners and the signing of treaties of trade and commerce with the representatives of the foreign Powers. After the restoration of the Emperor to power, in 1869 and 1870, the Government made repeated announcement to the effect not only that any person might keep ^de^vdopLTt'^ number of ships of foreign type, but also of modern that liberal protection would be afforded to him iamiiTmarire'. ^is undertaking. For some years a con- siderable number of antiquated and in some cases worn-out ships were sold to the Japanese, who, how- ever, soon found that what seemed cheap bargains were, in the end, very expensive, and they determined to build up a mercantile marine on sound business methods. In 1872 the Nihonkoku Yubin Jokisen Kaisha (Japan Mail Steam- ship Company) was organised, which was superseded five years later by the Yubin Kisen Mitsubishi Kaisha (Mit- subishi Mail Steamship Company). Afterwards the Kyodo Unyu Kaisha (United Shipping Company) and the Osaka Shosen Kaisha (Osaka Merchant Steamship Company) were created in 1882 and 1884 respectively, both of them being supported by the subsidies of the Government. In 1885 the Mitsubishi Kisen Kaisha and the Kyodo Unyu Kaisha, after a desperate competition, were united into one company under the title of Nippon Yusen Kaisha (Japan Mail Steam- ship Company), the greatest navigation company in Japan ever since. After the war with China, and in consequence of the encouragement and assistance given by the Govern- ment, shipping and shipbuilding made very rapid progress. In 1896 the Toyo Kisen Kaisha (Oriental Steamship Company) was established. The success which has attended the efforts of the Japanese to build up a mercantile marine is one of the factors which establishes the claim of Japan to the name of the Britain of the East. The following table shows the development of Japanese shipping since 1870: — Means of Comiminication 141 At the Steamers. Sailing Vessels. Total. Japanese Junks. end of— Xo. of Gross Xo. of Gross Xo. of Gross Xo. of Gross Ships. Tonnage. Ships. Tonnage. Ships. Tonnage. Ships. Tonnage. 1S7O 35 ? II ? 46 ? p Koku. ? 1871 71 ? 31 ? 102 p ? p 1872 96 ? 35 p I3I 3 18,640 3,312,281 1873 no ? 36 3 146 3 22,693 3,835,402 1874 II8 } 41 ? 159 ? 22,673 3,766,221 1875 149 p 44 ? 193 p 21,260 3,577,853 1876 159 51 ? 210 3 19,919 3,397,183 1877 183 ■3 75 p 258 P 18,964 3,251,425 1878 195 123 3 31S ? 19,135 3,333,406 1879 199 p 174 p 373 p 19,285 3,254,759 1880 210 3 329 ? 539 3 19,092 3,273,709 1881 298 3 379 p 677 3 17,638 3,032,345 2,930,842 1882 344 P 428 3 772 3 17,331 1883 390 ? 419 ? 809 p 16,149 2,655,763 1884 412 p 402 3 814 3 16,427 2,798,780 1885 461 95,975 509 57,292 970 153,267 17,006 2,854,632 1886 460 100,112 688 60,328 1148 160,440 16,757 2,786,818 1887 4S6 115,395 798 64,416 1284 179^781 17,194 2,851,247 1888 524 129,836 896 67,529 1420 197,365 17,878 2,969,695 1889 563 141,805 843 57,624 1406 199,429 1 8, 796 3,216,158 1890 585 150,058 865 54,989 1450 205,047 19,375 3,302.385 1891 607 154,749 832 53,387 1439 208, 136 18,589 3,153,210 1892 642 165,764 780 49,085 1422 214,849 18,205 3,069,816 1893 680 176,915 746 48,303 1426 225,218 17,209 2,878,462 1894 745 273,419 722 46,959 1467 320,378 17,300 2,876,131 i 1S95 827 341,369 702 44,794 1529 386,163 17,360 2,960,887 1896 899 373,588 1 644 44,055 1543 417,643 17,612 3,066,128 1 1897 1032 438,779 1 715 48,130 1747 ! 486,909 19,097 , 3,320,284 j 1898 1130 477,430 j 1914 170,894 3044 648,324 19,099 : 3,049,035 ! 1899 1221 510,007 ; 3322 286,923 4543 ' 796,930 18,479 : 2,713,646 j 1900 1329 j 543,365 ' 3850 320,571 5179 ! 863,936 18,796 1 2,785,114 1 1901 1395 583,532 : 4020 336,436 : 1 5415 919,968 19,758 2,921,565 1 Statistics relating to the gross tonnage for the years prior to 1SS4 inclusive are inaccessible. Only Japanese junks, the capacity' of which are over 50 koku. are taken into account in this table. A few particulars may be given of the three great steamship companies which now carrj" on the ocean-carrying services of Japan. At the time of the amalgamation which resulted in the formation of the Nippon Yusen Kaisha the foreign trade carried on in Japanese-owned vessels was of a very limited nature, the only foreign services opened being between Yokohama and Shanghai, Nagasaki and Vladivostock, and Kobe and Inch-’yen. The new company 142 Dai Nippon opened regular services to Niuchwang and Tientsin, and in 1892, in order chiefly to bring a supply of Indian cotton for the rapidly developing cotton industry, the line to Bombay was opened. When the war with China broke out in 1894 the company furnished fifty-seven transports with over 130,000 gross tonnage for the use of the Govern- ment for military purposes, and thus helped materially in the victory over China. After the war, a great extension took place in the foreign services of the company, and as a first step its capital was increased to 22,000,000 yen and a considerable number of new ships were constructed in Britain for its trade. In March 1895 one of its ships made its first voyage to Europe, as an experiment, and the result was so satisfactory that a regular service was instituted between Kobe and Europe. In August and October 1896 a similar service was started to America and Australia respectively. The four lines, namely the European, the American, the Australian, and the Bombay lines are the prescribed routes specially ordered by the Government. In the two former the vessels are despatched fortnightly and in the latter monthly. In addition the company has a regular service to all the chief ports of Japan, China, and Korea, the total length of lines on which the company is now running regular steamship services is 44,4 1 8 miles. The necessity of connecting the city of Osaka, the centre of trade of the western part of the Empire, with the most important trading ports such as Kobe and Nagasaki and Shikoku, Kyushiu, and many other islands lying to the west of Osaka, induced a number of large shipowners, in May 1884, to combine and establish the Osaka Shisen Kaisha. At the time of the combination their trade was confined to coast service, but in 1891 and 1892 the Osaka-Fusan and the Osaka-Inch-’yen services were respectively opened. In 1896 the company began a regular service to Taiwan (Formosa), one to the Yangtze in 1898, another to south China in 1899, and others to various ports in Korea in subsequent years ; thus facilitating the means of communica- Means of Communication 143 tion between Japan, China, and Korea, and between Japan proper and Formosa, and at the same time improving the coast services ; so that the company is now considered one of the most important shipping companies in the Far East During the war with China in 1894-5 it furnished the Government with thirty or more transports with a gross tonnage of 12,500 tons. The total length of lines on which the company is now running regular services is 19,727 miles. The Toyo Kisen Kaisha, which came into existence as one of the post-bellum undertakings, was established in 1896 but did not begin actual operations until the end of 1898. The original plan of the company was to open a regular service to New York and Batoum, but changing it sub- sequently, the company selected the route to San Francisco via Shanghai and Hongkong, the steamers being now despatched once or twice a month. The following shows the development of the Japanese mercantile marine in the larger size of ships during the years 1892-1902: — From 1000 to 2000 tons. From 2000 to 3000 tons. From 3000 to 4000 tons. From 4000 to 5000 tons. From 5000 to 6000 tons. 1 No. of 1 j Ships, j Total Tonnage. ! 1 1892 39 10 2 5 - 8,645,912 1893 43 II 2 56 9,574,843 1894 46 29 9 2 I 87 18,367,228 1895 58 40 13 2 I II4 24,291,045 1896 64 45 14 2 I 126 26,569,602 1897 69 47 14 2 I 140 32.197,885 1898 68 44 16 2 I 144 35,708,600 1899 65 47 17 3 I 148 38,239,974 1900 70 52 17 3 I 156 41,053,741 1901 74 56 17 3 2 170 44,372,346 1902 81 60 17 4 2 IS2 46,995,000 A survey of the growth of the Japanese mercantile marine shows that it has been one of the most striking features in the national evolution, and its past history makes it quite clear that Japan means to follow the example of the Britain of the West and become a great maritime nation. 144 Dai Nippon At present there are thirty ports open to foreign trade ; namely, Yokohama, Kobe, Nagasaki, Hakodate, Niigata, Ebisu, Open Ports Osaka, Shimizu, Taketoyo, Yokkaichi, Itozaki, and Harbours. Shimonoseki, Moji, Hakata,Karatsu, Kuchinotsu, Misumi, Izuhara, Sasuna, Shikami, Naba, Hamada, Sakaye, Miyazu, Tsuruga, Nanao (southern basin), Fushiki, Otaru, Kushiro, and Muroran. With the object of maintaining order in these ports having much shipping traffic, in 1898 an Imperial Ordinance was issued containing Harbour Regulations, and the ports of Yokohama, Kobe, and Nagasaki were at once placed under this legislation, which was extended two years later to Moji. In May 1864, while the Shogun’s Government was still in existence, Japan agreed, in accordance with Article XI. of the Tariff Convention concluded with Great Lighthouses. .. Britain, France, United States of America, and Holland, to construct lighthouses and other nautical signals in foreign style and in the vicinity of the open ports. Sir Harry Parkes, the British Minister, took much interest in this matter, and having referred it to his Government, the Board of Trade undertook to procure the lighthouse apparatus required by the Japanese Government ; to appoint and send to Japan suitable persons to erect the lighthouses and to organise an efficient lighthouse system. The Board of Trade engaged the services of Messrs. D. and T. Stevenson, engineers to the Commissioners of Northern Lights, Edinburgh, and these gentlemen designed and superintended the construction of all the apparatus which was sent to Japan. They also selected the chief engineer, Mr. R. H. Brunton, and the artisans and lightkeepers who were sent out, the Board of Trade in each case approving the selection and making the appointment. Mr. Brunton arrived in Japan in August 1868, and a Lighthouse Engineering Department was established at Benten, Yokohama. Mr. Brunton remained in the service of the Japanese Government for eight years, and during that time he superintended the construction of a large number of Means of Co 77 imunication 145 lighthouses and other signals at the most important parts of the Japanese coast, and thus made navigation comparatively safe. Since that time the number has been considerably increased and the Japanese coasts are now well lighted. The nautical signals of Japan are divided according to construction and method of maintenance into three classes ; namely Government, communal, and private. At the end of 1901 there were 162 Government signals of various kinds, 51 communal, and 16 private, or a total of 239. i\mong the Western apparatus presented by Commodore Perry to the Shogun in 1853 were two sets of telegraph instruments, but they were never used for any practical purposes. The Shogunate was, as we have seen, in the midst of very serious troubles, which ended in its disappearance, the officials or people had no time to study telegraphy and the instruments were left to mould and decay in a storehouse. It was not until after the Restoration that Japan had its first line of telegraphs, when in 1869 under the super- intendence of Mr. Brunton, the engineer of the Light- house Department, Tokyo and Yokohama were connected by telegraph wires. For some time the pioneer line suffered from the ignorant masses, who looked upon the telegraph as a species of witchcraft and frequently broke down the line ; so that the guarding of it was no easy matter. The Govern- ment, however, was firm in its determination to maintain the service, and spared no trouble to extend and improve it ; the people were soon convinced of its utility and gave up their attempts to destroy it. The system was slowly extended to other parts of the country, but without any definite plan and with very imperfect construction and appliances, and breakdowns were frequent. Soon after my arrival in Japan I impressed on the Vice-Minister of Public Works the desirability of a more complete organisation, and on my suggestion Mr. Edward Gilbert of the North British Railway Company’s service was engaged, along with a competent staff of assistants, to (b 207) y 146 Dai Nippon organise and develop the system. In a comparatively short time considerable extensions took place and the service was placed on a proper basis. Its importance and utility were fully demonstrated during the civil war in Kyushu, and its use gave the Government troops a great advantage over the rebels. In the following year the Emperor made a tour round Japan and many telegraph offices were opened ; shortly afterwards the country joined the Telegraph Union, and thus both internally and externally the telegraph service was placed on a fair road to satisfactory development That development was hastened by the work of the graduates of the Imperial College of Engineering and by the operators and workmen who were trained under their superintendence. In a recent report it is stated that “ in short, the technical knowledge possessed by Japan in the work of constructing lines and apparatus has been advanced to a state of efficiency, and both in respect of applying the latest developments of science and art and of training the staff of operators and experts, our telegraphic service can well stand comparison with that of Western countries ” ; and there can be no doubt that this claim is well founded. Besides the offices maintained in the interior, the Government also possesses telegraph offices at Fusan, Seoul, and Jinsen, all in Korea. There are now about 2200 telegraph offices throughout Japan, and they are being increased as the demand arises for them as quickly as means will allow, and it is expected that before long all the post offices in Japan will be con- nected by telegraph lines. In the more thickly populated districts of Japan proper, that is in Kyushu and Shikoku, the offices are at the rate of one per nine square ri approxi- mately. The latest developments of electrical science and the most improved appliances have been fully utilised in the telegraph system of Japan. The following table shows the development of telegraphs in Japan since 1869 : — Means of Commnnication 147 Telegraphs. Number of OfSces open to the Public. Length of Lines. Length of Wires. Number of Messages. 1869 . . 2 Ri. 8 Ri. 8 ? 1870 . . 4 19 19 ? 1871 . . 4 19 19 19,448 1872 . . 18 160 185 80,639 1873 . . 28 354 536 186,448 1874 . . 34 433 1,325 356,539 1875 . . 47 637 1,590 525,930 1876 . . 51 6']2 1,626 690,162 1877 . . 68 947 1,946 868,970 1878 . . 97 1310 2,828 1,037,884 1,659,702 1879 . . 112 1518 3.211 1880 . . 155 1722 4,037 2,041,372 1881 . . 169 1871 4,666 2,585,663 1882 . . 185 1990 5,116 2,978,763 1883 . . 195 2056 5,496 2,678,860 1884 . . 213 2216 5,803 2,723,613 1885 . . 216 2243 5,921 2,670,311 1886 . . 219 2265 5,948 2,540,928 1887 . . 231 2346 6,209 2,647,536 I8S8 . . 251 2452 6,723 2,842,331 3,675,802 1889-1890 311 2574 7,275 1890-1891 408 2900 8,2x8 4,316,366 1891-1892 524 3244 9,245 4,728,728 1892-1893 633 3557 10,052 5,466,095 1893-1894 716 3836 10,388 6,556,109 1894-1895 762 3983 11,670 8,359,774 1895-1896 787 4044 12,408 9,410,985 1896-1897 1125 4903 15,659 11,099,150 14,296,378 1897-1898 1259 5872 19,158 1898-1899 1272 6127 21,500 15,188,008 1899-1900 1450 6534 25,302 14,496, 130 I900-I90I 1651 6999 28,606 16,789,543 I90I-I902 1856 7361 31,170 33,584 16,596,806 1902-1903 2198 7628 17,635,461 Some time in 1877 I had a set of telephone instruments sent out from London, which were the first in Japan, and having connected my office in the Engineering College with that of the Public Works Depart- ment, they were shown in operation to a large number of visitors. Other instruments were gradually introduced and used for short distances, but it was not till some years later that telephones became largely used as public means of Dai Nippon 148 communication. The first long line was constructed in 1888 between Tokyo and Atami. The scope of operations was next extended as far as Shizuoka, and then to Osaka, and with success in both cases. During the past ten years especially great progress has been made in telephonic com- munication in Japan, and it is now being used freely, not only for business purposes, but also for social intercourse. Reference must, however, be made to special reports for details. Among the methods of communication which have been the means of causing great changes in Japan, a prominent Postal place must be given to the postal services, that services, have now attained a high standard of efficiency. From an early period a very rudimentary form of postal service existed in Japan. As I have already mentioned, early in the seventeenth century a service was established by the Tokugawa Shoguns. At first this was limited to official uses, but later on it was imitated by business men. The intervals, however, between the despatches were con- siderable, and the methods of delivery crude and uncertain, but for more than two centuries this primitive system of postal service was in vogue. The great changes which took place in the country after the Restoration convinced the Government that the postal services could not be carried on with efficiency and benefit as private enterprises, and it was decided to run them as official undertakings. In January 1871 the new Postal Service System was promulgated, and it was put in force by way of trial between Tokyo, Osaka, and Kyoto in March of the same year, and very soon developments took place all over the country. In June 1877 Japan joined the International Postal Union, and from that date every effort was made to keep the arrangements of the Post Office Department up to the standard of Western countries. On June 20, 1902, on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the admission of Japan into the Union, a great celebration was held to mark Means of Communication 1 49 the occasion and to recount the work done. For some time Japanese letter postage was the cheapest in the world, being based on a silver standard which naturally shared in the universal depreciation of that metal. Inland letters went for 2 sen, that is about a halfpenny ; post-cards for half that sum. In 1899 these rates were raised fifty per cent ; so that domestic letters now cost 3 sen (for ^ oz.), post-cards sen. Foreign postage to all countries included in the Postal Union is 10 sen ( 2 ^d., though originally intended to be equivalent to 5d.). There is an excellent system of postal savings- banks which at the end of the year 1902 had 27,196,802 yen in deposit in the names of 2,363,335 individuals. The money orders and parcel post are largely made use of. The following figures show the increase in ordinary mail matter in ten years : — Year. Letters. Post-cards. Newspapers and Magazines. 1892 1897 1901 74,991,639 148,254,148 190,951,188 133,260,804 287,069,246 436,673,345 50,829,871 88,266,273 139,116,263 The dead-letter office in Japan has very light work, as it is the universal custom for correspondents to put their own name and address on the back of the envelope ; a custom which is now becoming somewhat common in other parts of the world. A detailed study of the work of the Post Office Department of Japan affords a very good index of the national progress in many of its aspects. The sketch which has been given of the development of the means of communication shows most distinctly that they must have been very important factors not only in the formation of Japan into an organic unity instead of a group of isolated feudal clans, but also in the promotion of national and international industry and commerce in all their depart- ments. Some of the most important of these we will now proceed to consider. Dai Nippon 150 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The Reports of the Public Works Department and of the Departments of Communications give statistics of the development of the means of communication in Japan. A very complete resume is to be found in the Financial and Economical Annual issued by the Department of Finance, and in another annual issued by the Imperial Cabinet, namely the Resume Statistique de V Empire du Japan. Chapter vii. of H. Yamawaki’s Japan in the beginning of the Twentieth Century gives the most connected account which has been published. The British and American Consular Reports have noted the pro- gress which has been made from year to year, and several special reports have been issued on the railways and shipping. Almost all the recent foreign books on Japan contain an outline of the arrange- ments and extent of railways, shipping, telegraphs, etc. CHAPTER VIII INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENTS For some time after the fall of feudalism the progress of Western industries in Japan was comparatively slow. The attention of the new Government was too introduction fully occupied with problems of administration of foreign and finance to allow them time to consider the industries, reorganisation of industry, and few among the people had either the capital or the knowledge to enable them to make industrial developments on Western lines. As affairs settled down in the country, however, considerable numbers of foreign experts were engaged to superintend the working of special industries, but the success which attended their operations was not great. Some of these industries were started under the superintendence of the Public Works or some other department of the Government, while others were undertaken by private individuals. In many cases the Japanese had to pay somewhat dearly for their experience. Not infrequently they were unfortunate in the selection which they made of their foreign employees, and occasionally the unsuitable economic conditions of the localities selected for the works brought about failure. Sometimes the want of success was due to an attempt to carry on the works entirely by Japanese before they had gained the requisite experience. Withal, progress was made, and especi- ally when men who had been educated in the colleges in Japan, and who had supplemented their training by experience in Europe and America, returned to their native 151 152 Dai Nippon country. From about 1880 onwards, the progress has been wonderful, and for some years there was quite a boom in industrial undertakings, some of which, however, were of too speculative a nature to be successful financially. The war with China in 1894-5 marked an epoch not only in the political history of Japan, but also in its economic and industrial history, and its successful termination gave an impetus to every department of national activity ; which had a great effect on industrial development. While that development has been very great, especially in the neighbourhood of large towns, it must not be imagined Conditions of that all the industries of old Japan have dis- native industries, appeared or changed their methods to any great extent. Mr. Stafford Ransome has truly said : “ Any one whose business it might be to visit the modern factories in the Japan of to-day, and who afterwards might pick up Rein’s Industries of Japan, thoughtful and excellent in every way as is that work, might well imagine that what he had seen and what he reads in that book had to do with two absolutely different countries. This does not mean that the industrial Japan described so ably by Rein has ceased to exist, but that during the last few years, side by side with the picturesque, effective, and time-honoured native handicrafts, there have sprung up into being the essentially progressive but inartistic factory chimney, and its accompany- ing and still more hideous workshops, built on the most approved-of European and American designs. My advice to the visitor to Japan, who wishes to enjoy himself and improve his mind, is to study the industrial Japan depicted by Rein ; for though less obtrusive, it still remains, and is far more interesting than its modern congener. Let him see the making of cloisonne ware, embroidery, rice-mats, and carving, and admire the curios, toys, hand-weaving, and painting, while those are arts still to be seen as now carried on ; for my conviction is that, if the old Japan is destined to die, as we are so often told is to be the case, mortification will first attack its native industries.” Industrial Developments 153 I shall discuss the probable future of the artistic in- dustries of Japan in a future chapter, but as native industries are still carried on to a considerable extent Methods of and as their products still form a large part industries, of the industrial output of the country, a few notes regard- ing them will meantime be convenient. During the Tokugawa period, extending over two hundred and sixty years, Japan was in a state of perfect tranquillity, and the feudal chiefs did a great deal to encourage and protect manufacturing industry, especially that of an artistic nature. The energy which was formerly spent on internecine war was expended in friendly rivalry in the industrial arts, and the consequence was that a very high standard of excellence was attained. The best work was not made for sale, but for use or presentation ; time was not money, and the artificers and artists threw their personalities and all their skill into their work. Both artists and work- men were free to work when they felt in the mood to do justice to their objects, and equally free to seek repose the instant fatigue notified them of their failing powers. They therefore had real pleasure in their work, and each of the products was a distinct specimen of skill, perfect, novel, and idiosyncratic. Nothing short of what they considered perfection was allowed to pass ; for their honour as craftsmen and artists was at stake. Usually they worked by them- selves in their own cottages, or else with a few sympathetic associates, on such branches of art as had been perfected by many generations of their ancestors through the fostering care of their feudal lords. Skill passed from fathers to sons or adopted sons, and surrounded by their own domestic circle they carried on their work under conditions which were almost perfect from an artistic point of view. Qualified critics and fellow -workers kept up a spirit of healthy emulation, and the worker unconsciously imbibed in a more or less degree some of the purity, poetry, and refinements of the motives which actuated his art. It cannot be wondered that the specimens of Japanese 154 Dai Nippon industry which found their way to Nagasaki, and from there to Europe, when the Dutch were the only people who had inter- course with the Japanese, are still looked upon as the best specimens of Japanese art work, and that the Tokugawa period is considered the golden age of Japanese art. Some of the best products of the period are now better represented in European museums than in Japan. The industries were fairly well diffused over the country, although naturally certain districts became specially noted for their products. Textile fabrics in silk, hemp, and cotton were produced in many parts of the country, and porcelain wares in those districts in which clay of good quality was to be found. The economic and social changes which took place on the fall of the feudal system played havoc with all the Change of Japanese art industries, even with those of a conditions, purely mechanical nature, and great hardships were inflicted on the workers. Many were reduced to poverty, and others were compelled to undertake work of a menial kind. As affairs settled down production for sale and profit took the place of production for use and enjoy- ment, with a consequent debasement of taste and workman- ship, and the art products were made to suit what were believed to be foreign tastes. In recent years, however, great improvements have taken place, and it is now possible to obtain specimens of Japanese art workmanship, which are of a high standard of excellence but with modified ideals of art and under conditions approximating to the factory as distinguished from the domestic system. The modern factory system as applied in all the chief industries is crushing out many of the smaller trades of a domestic nature, although the combination of industries of various kinds with agriculture still prevails to a large extent. The spare time of the farmers and of their wives and families is utilised in those domestic industries, and in this way they do not compete directly with the large factories. They are thus likely to exist for a considerable time, although as industry and commerce are more organised and specialised Industrial Developments 155 they are certain to become of less importance and probably ultimately to disappear. The factory system has made remarkable progress in Japan ; modern industries are now dotting themselves about all over the country, and many of the larger towns have become industrial centres of considerable importance. Even Tokyo is becoming distinguished for its high chimney- stalks and manufacturing establishments, but being spread over a great area they are not so self-evident as in other parts of the country. Osaka is rapidly developing into an industrial city pure and simple, and Englishmen sometimes call it the Manchester, Scotsmen the Glasgow, Frenchmen the Lille, Germans the Hamburg, and Americans the Chicago of Japan ; but, as Mr. Stafford Ransome has truly remarked, while one “ of course sees the idea which gave birth to these respective similes, yet Osaka is not in the least like any one of the cities mentioned, and never will be ; for the individuality of the Japanese will always be strong enough to prevent the possibility of their adopting any of our Western methods in their entirety, even in the carrying out of their modern industries.” The changes which have taken place in the life and industry of Japan have caused a very largely increased demand for wood for manufacturing, engineer- Supply of ing, and other purposes. Moreover, large timber, quantities have been exported to China and Korea. This has caused greater attention to be paid to the forestry industry. Not only has the Government taken steps to prevent the destruction of existing forests, but also to introduce the most improved methods, so that the natural capabilities of the forests may be developed and the demands of the new conditions of the nation more fully met. The Forestry Department has issued very complete reports on the subject, but meantime we can do little more than mention it. According to the Government statistics for 1901 (which are the latest published) the area of the forests of Japan is 23,087,365 cho^ that is over 59 per cent 156 Dai Nippon of the area of the whole country, and of these 13,125,320 cho are State forests, 2,091,755 cho imperial forests, and 7,870,260 cho people’s forests, and the variety of woods is very considerable, depending on the nature of the soil and the climate. The different classes of forests are in the following proportions in the forest areas of Japan . — Conifer forests .... Broad-leaved forests .... Conifer and broad-leaved forests Thinly-stocked or blank areas, etc. 21 per cent • 25 „ „ • 45 » 9 n n 100 „ The great demand for wood which has arisen for purposes of construction and industry caused a large amount of thoughtless deforestation ; in recent years Modern , . improvements the Government has taken steps to prevent this, ^^fSestry^^ definite regulations have been drawn out which are now rigidly enforced, and when they have been in operation for some years they will revolutionise the conditions of the forests, and greatly develop their pro- duction. According to the existing system, the Minister of i\griculture and Commerce has the supreme supervision of all matters relating to State forests and to forests at large, and, subject to his control, the Forestry Bureau takes charge of all matters relating to the administration and scientific treatment of forests. Under this supervision many marked improvements have been made in recent years. These improvements are, to a very considerable extent, the result of the developments which have taken place in arboricultural education. Not only is very complete instruc- tion given in the College of Agriculture of the Imperial University of Tokyo, but higher courses are given in the Sapporo Agricultural College and the High Agricultural and Dendrological School at Iwate. In each of these institutions attention is paid to the training of specialists who are to combine adequate scientific and practical Indtistrial Developments 1 5 7 knowledge of forestry, and who on leaving are qualified to attend with efficiency to the duty of managing and im- proving the forests. The Government is giving special encouragement to the study of this useful science, by offering to the graduates comparatively good posts. For the subordinate posts there are secondary schools where special courses are given in the practical sides of the work. A considerable number of Laws and Ordinances have been issued with regard to the regulation of forestry con- ditions, and altogether the work which has been done in this Department is not the least noteworthy of the national developments which have taken place in Japan. The Japanese have always been distinguished for their love of forests, and many are inclined to think that they owe much of their patriotism and aesthetic sense to the influence the forests have exercised upon them. The people of Japan were not slow to recognise the fact that the Britain of the West in great part owed its predominant position among the nations of the Mining and world to its abundant mineral resources, and metaiiurg\’. especially those of coal and iron, which enabled it to carr}^ on all kinds of manufacturing industries, and they determined to develop the mineral resources of their country as rapidly as possible. In some respects the mineral resources of Japan are limited, but some of the most important harbours are very conveniently situated for trade with China, from which abundance of raw materials can be obtained at a cheap rate. Nothing accurate is known about the origin of the mining industry in Japan, but history records that, as early as the seventh or eighth century, gold, silver, copper, iron, coal, and petroleum were produced in various parts of the country, but the operations were carried on on a small scale. Since the Restoration, however, great progress has been made in almost every department of mining. The following table shows the production in the more important depart- ments since 1886 : — 158 Dai Nippon N VO CO 0 vo vO 0 CO 0 CO vo vo 00 VO VO N N 00 vo vo 00 cys Tj- Tj- x-> CO to vo CO CM CO cx^ •-I vi- D 10 00 ov 0 d; od cT ■vf rC CO 0" cm" CM* V? d "a 0 to VO Ov •vj- •vt vo 00 vo CO 0 VO vo 00 Ov VO VO 00 CM 00 ^ 00 VO^ CM 0^ 0^ vo 0 JT^ H-I ■vi- vd dv i-T vo 0" cm" rC r-^ V? rC "* CO M CO CO CO CO CO CM CM CM CM CM ro CO to HI C7v CO CO vo vo 0 0 CM vo CM C3V B NN 0 r>^ Ov 00 ov ■Vi- 00 OV 0 CM Vi- 0 a\ OV 3 a *-* CO VO 00 CO 00 1 -' ■vi- CM^ vj 0^ 0 0 VO 00 0 >_ VO ■vi- 0 CO 00 Ov () Ov VO 00 0 CO vo OV to CO ov to CO . M M Ov VO cvl 00 _^ MO M 3 t-l V^ 0^ Ov 0 c VO*" 0 ) 00" 00 VO VO dv ocT cm" cd 00 vo" i_r 6 \ vo u H N 00 0 vo 00 OV CM vi- CO 0 CO VO >-1 CO CM 0^ *-< vO^ Tj" OV « M CV) N CO CO CO v^ vo tiO vo" vo" rC 00“ 10 CO VO 0 vo Ov vo CO 0 vo Vi- Ov CO CO CS vo CO vo VO (3V CM vj- CM 00 Hh 0^ 0 CM Vlf CO Vf vo 00 ^ a c f> iC 00'' vd 0 VO vo CO ■Vt CM Ov 0 vo OV 00 CO tr^ CO CO CO t-x CM VO 00 ^ 00 CO c 3 H-l h-t VO 00" vo" cm" 00" cd >0 dv ocT vo" CM CM CM CM CM CM CM CT> VO 00 VO 0 CO vo _ OV vo 00 ov CM t>l N Cl 00 00 00 CO OV vo CM VO CM VO r» VO c Ov OV ov 00 00 00 ^ vo VO^ 0^ 00 ^ vj Vf Vi- g Ov <> Tf 0" vo 00" 00" vo t-C i_r 1 ^ 00" vd 00 CO HH VO 00 0 vi- 0 CO vo vo vO M c Cs VO 0^ ON CO 00 CM^ cr\ 0^ vo < 0 > < CO cT ci of cT CO cf cm" cT cm" cm" cm" rf vO _l VO vo vo CO vo CJV ■^ vo CO CO VO VO CO 00 00 vo 0 vo 0 vo CM S? vi- vi- c 5 0^ VO 00 CO •vi- CO vo CO CM 0 vj 0 c 0 On hT l_p rC CO vo'' l 4 ' vo cm' c d d^ o' 0" rT i_r VO vd vo" vi- cT cd dv rT cm" cu w Ov CO ov OV Ov •vi- CM 00 vo vo 00 CO vo c» vo Ch 0 C^ ■vt O) 0^ vo 0 i-i c» vf qv 0^ Vi- VO u vd 00 cT o' hT vi- o' CO i_r CO CO vo 0" cf vo c^ CO CO co CO vo CO CO CO CO Vj- ■■i- ■^ r'. ■rt- CO vo VO JC^ vi- vO vo CM 0 vo OV Ov ov N VO Industrial Developments 159 Taking the last of these years, the following table gives an approximate estimate of the value of the more important of the mineral products : — Kinds. Units. Quantity. Value. Gold .... Momme 652,356 Yen. 3,261,780 Silver .... 9 9 14,174,489 2,055,301 Copper .... Kin 45,652,927 16,252,442 Lead .... ,, 3,004,983 246,409 Pewter .... ,, 23,422 13,749 Iron .... Kwan 18,680,043 2,947,684 Pig Iron 9 9 14,686,801 2,041,465 Matte ,, 335,551 32,884 Wrought Iron . 9 9 412,246 172,319 Steel .... 99 3,245,445 701,016 Sulphate of Iron 9 9 4,690,270 27,782 Silica Kin 17,187 1,633 Quicksilver 1,250 1,688 Antimony 9 9 911,462 13,814 Refined 9 9 714,276 117,856 Sulphate . 99 197,186 16,958 Manganese Ton 27,115,884 108,464 Coal .... 8 , 945,939 30,592,971 Bituminous ,, 8,811,903 30,207,203 Anthracite . 9 ? 86,554 230,407 Natural Coke 9 9 47,482 155,361 Lignite .... Koku 9,740 16,343 2,278,418 Petroleum 983,799 Sulphur .... Kin 27,580,478 386,127 Black-lead 99 146,495 17,433 Total Value 58,343,038 In feudal times the operations of mining and metallurgy were carried on in very primitive methods, but now full advantage is taken of all the latest appliances. In the latter days of the Shogunate, that is in the year 1867, an Englishman, Erasmus Gower, introduced into the country the use of explosives, which he employed in the silver-gold mine in Sado, and about the same time an American, Raphael Pumpelly, also used an explosive in the Yurap lead mine in Hokkaido. In 1868 the feudal lord of Saga, in conjunction with a Scotsman, Thomas Glover, sank a shaft in European style at Takashima, and this was the beginning of the development of the now celebrated coal i6o Dai Nippon mines of that district, which supply with coal many of the ships that visit Japan. At the Restoration the new Government undertook the mining business itself, and placed the Sado, Ikuno, Muoi, Ani, Kosaka, Kamaishi, and Okuzu metal mines, as well as the Takashima and Miike collieries, under its direct control. Foreign engineers were employed and Western methods adopted in carrying on the work. As the graduates of the Imperial College of Engineering and others who had studied in foreign countries were able to take charge, very rapid developments took place, an example was set to private mining companies and many of these were started. They were not always successful, but on the whole good progress was made. Gradually the Government handed over their model mines to private companies, and mining in Japan is now almost entirely carried on by private enterprise. For details, however, we must refer to special reports. Japanese copper is of high quality and free from impurities, and thus of great value for electrical purposes ; already it has been the cause of a wide application of electrical power for manufactures and to the development of industries connected with electricity. Gold and silver mining, as will be seen from the figures quoted above, is attaining considerable importance. The production of sulphur is large and finds many applications in the chemical industries. The petroleum industry is developing. At first the sinking of wells was done by manual labour, but in 1890 the Japan Petroleum Joint-Stock Company introduced American oil-well boring machines with success, and this, with other improved appliances, is rapidly causing an important industry to be built up. As will be seen from the figures which have been given, the production of coal has increased at a rapid rate, and it is capable of great development — a fact which is of great importance from an industrial point of view. Still more important is the production of iron and steel, as it forms the basis of engineering in all its forms. Industrial Developments i6i Although the deposits of iron ore in Japan are considerable, they are not in themselves sufficient to allow a great development of the iron and steel industries, and the recognition of this fact has already led to arrangements being made for the supply of iron ore from China, where the supplies are very large. In this as in other departments of industry a close connection between Japan and China is necessary, not only for the supply of raw materials, but also for the disposal of the manufactured products. The Government has established large steel works near Wakamatsu, an excellent harbour in the north - western corner of the island of Kyushu, ten miles distant from the important port of Moji. They are connected by a branch of the main line of the Kyushu railway, are in the immediate vicinity of the most abundant and cheapest coal-producing districts of Japan, and have an abundant supply of excellent water conveyed from the river Itabitsu, and amounting at the ordinary water-level to nearly 2,000,000 gallons per diem. They are divided into three principal departments — (i) pig-iron, (2) steel, and (3) rolling mills. The first is fitted with coke ovens and blast-furnace plants, the second has mixed Bessemer and open-hearth plants, and a steel foundry, and the third, blooming rail mill, large, middle, and small bar-mill, sheet-mill, middle and large plate-mill plant. In addition there are a central pumping station, an electric central station, repair shops, iron foundry, pattern and boiler shops, smithy, and chemical and mechanical laboratory. Every one of these is provided with a complete outfit of all the necessary machinery and appliances, all of the most modern and efficient types of German manufacture. The works have evidently been designed on an extremely comprehensive and ambitious scale, but unfortunately due regard has not been paid to the financial conditions necessary for success. Their cost has far exceeded the estimates, and although a beginning has been made in the production of iron and steel, the cost is much greater than that of imported material. The Government would have (B207) ^ i 62 Dai Nippon been well advised to have started the works on a much smaller scale and developed them as experience was gained. Although a mistake has been made in this respect, there can be no doubt that these works will ultimately have a very important influence on the industrial development of Japan. Their excessive cost is part of the price which Japan has had to pay for her experience. The record given in the preceding chapter proves that in all the ordinary branches of what are usually called civil Civil and engineering construction the Japanese are mechanical now able to Carry on the work entirely on engineering, responsibility. They can construct their roads, railways, bridges, docks and harbours all in very good style and at moderate cost. In all these depart- ments they are continually sending their most promising young men to foreign countries to learn the most improved methods, and to make themselves acquainted with the latest design, so that there is little danger of the various works falling behind the times. The Japanese keep a very sharp look-out on all that is done in Europe and America. Considerable progress has been made in the various departments of mechanical engineering. When I went to Japan in 1873 comparatively small mechanical engineering establishments were found in Tokyo, Yokohama, Kobe, and Nagasaki, but they were inadequate for the proper training of students, and large works were started under my management in connection with the Public Works Department at Akabane, Tokyo, in which the majority of the students of the Imperial College of Engineering spent considerable time, and they were of great use in the practical training of the students. I insisted on all the students of the various departments of engineering spending some time in the workshops before they took up their special work, and they found this preliminary training of the greatest value. I wish to record my high opinion of the efficient service rendered by George S. Brindley, the superintending foreman at the Akabane works. Industrial Developments 1 63 There are now in connection with the railways, the shipbuilding and shipping companies, the navy and the army, as well as other departments of the Government, a considerable number of well -equipped workshops, all turning out on the whole fairly good work, while private establishments of all grades of size and efficiency are to be found in many parts of the country. These are now able to turn out all the ordinary machines and mechanical appliances, as well as the land engines and boilers for factories, electric lighting and pumping. Almost all the marine engines and boilers for the home -built boats are made in Japan ; in some cases the designs have been got from abroad, and the work done in the Japanese work- shops ; they also make their own dynamos and electric motors and electric fittings of all kinds. The number of electric tram-roads is increasing steadily throughout the country. Some of the tramcars are imported, some have parts imported and the rest made in Japan. A considerable number of machines and appliances of all kinds are still bought abroad, especially if they are wanted in a hurry, but if not pressed for time, they are usually made in the workshops in Japan. The railway workshops are mostly confined to repairs, but at Kobe several new locomotives have been constructed, and there is a private locomotive building establishment in Osaka which has built a number of locomotives and a considerable quantity of general rolling stock. An Anglo- Japanese Locomotive and Engineering Company has been formed, and plans have been made for the erection of a large establishment in Yokohama which will undertake the manufacture of locomotives and all other kinds of railway rolling stock. The value of the machinery made in Japan in the year 1899 (the latest for which returns have been published) is given as 4,175,144 yen. One of the earliest Western industries to be introduced into Japan was the coinage of money, and it has been one of the most successful. Article VI. of the Convention 164 Dai Nippon signed at Yedo on June 25, 1866, between a Minister of Foreign Affairs in Japan and the representatives of Great The Imperial Britain, France, the United States of America, and Holland stipulated for the establishment of a free mint on certain conditions. The Japanese Govern- ment purchased from the British Government a mint which had been established at Hong-Kong, but which the latter had resolved to discontinue. Major Kinder and a staff of officials were engaged to superintend the operations which were begun in Osaka in 1869, and the establishment was completed and opened with great ceremony on April 4, 1871, the foreign representatives having been invited to be present. Among the members of the staff the best known were Mr. E. Dillon, B.A., F.C.S., technical adviser and assayer, Mr. W. Gowland, F.C.S., Assoc. R.S.M. (now Professor of Metallurgy at the Royal College of Science, London), technical adviser, chemist, and metallurgist, and Mr. R. MacLagan, engineer ; all these gentlemen rendered very efficient service to the establishment. The latest report of the director, that for the year ending March 31, 1903, shows that the work is being carried on in a very satisfactory manner. The coinage during that year consisted of 10 yen gold and 50 sen silver coins, amounting to 5,351,126 pieces of the value of 38,300,563 yen, against 21,354,919 pieces of the preceding year valued at 15,903,726 yen, in six denominations of gold, silver, nickel, and bronze coins. In addition to these, 668,782 pieces of silver yen were struck during the year for the reserve fund of the Taiwan Ginko (Bank of Formosa). On the whole the Imperial Mint has been one of the most useful establishments in Japan. In this connection it may be mentioned that there is a large Government establishment in Tokyo for the printing of bank and other notes, so that Japan is thoroughly well equipped for the provision of all that is necessary for the currency. In Chapter Vll. the rise and progress of the modern Japanese mercantile marine has been sketched, so that Industrial Developments 165 meantime it will be sufficient to give a few details regarding the shipbuilding industries and those otherwise directly connected with shipping. The following returns shipbuilding of the shipbuilding output for last year, as and shipping, supplied by the special correspondent of the Glasgow Herald^ gives a good idea of the present condition of the industry : — Yokosuka Dockyard ..... Steam. Ves. Tons. 5 3,940 1902. Tons. 4,413 Kure Dockyard ...... 8 1,710 3,420 Sasebo Dockyard ...... 3 270 270 The Mitsu Bishi Works ..... 6 14,940 14,561 Kawasaki Dockyard Company 8 5,218 3,280 1,582 Osaka Ironworks ...... 5 3,518 Owaki’s Shipyard ...... I 1,628 1,526 Fuginagata Shipyard ..... 3 1,382 523 Other &ms ....... *20 2,805 5,457 * Includes 1 1 sailers of 640 tons. 59 35,411 35,032 THE IMPERIAL DOCKYARD, YOKOSUKA. Vessel. Type. Displt. I.H.P. Registry. Otowa 3rd cl. cruiser 3000 10,000 6,000 Jap. Govt. Hayatori ..... T.b.d. 380 Jap. Govt. Asagiri T.b.d. 380 6,000 Jap. Govt. Two vessels . . . .T.b.’s 180 2,400 Jap. Govt. 3940 24,400 THE IMPERIAL DOCKYARD, KURE. Vessel. Type. Displt. I.H.P. Registry. Kari 1st class t.b. 152 4,200 Jap. Govt. Uji. . . Gunboat 646 1,000 Jap. Govt. Aotaka . . 1st class t.b. 152 4,200 Jap. Govt. Hato . 1st class t.b. 152 4,200 Jap. Govt. Tsubame . 1st class t.b. 152 4,200 Jap. Govt. Hibari . . 1st class t.b. 152 4,200 Jap. Govt. Kiji . 1st class t.b. 152 4,200 Jap. Govt. Sagi . 1st class t.b. 152 4,200 Jap. Govt. 1710 30,400 THE IMPERIAL DOCKYARD, SASEBO. Vessel. TjTpe. Displt. i.h.p. Registry. Three vessels T.b.’s 270 3600 Jap. Govt. - Also a caisson for new dry dock to take 1st class battleships. i66 Dai Nippon THE MITSU BISHI WORKS, NAGASAKI. Vessel. Type. Tons. I.H.P. Registry. Kojima Maru . . Ferry t.s.s. 220 320 Shimonoseki. Tamamo Maru . Ferry t.s.s. 220 320 Shimonoseki. Niigata Maru . . Cargo s.s. 2100 1200 Tokio. Yeiko Maru . Passenger s.s. 1900 1500 Tokio. Nilcko Maru . Passenger s.s. 5500 6500 Tokio. Ceylon Maru . . Cargo s.s. 5000 14,940 3200 13,040 Tokio. KAWASAKI DOCKYARD COMPANY (LTD.), KOBE. Vessel. Type. Tons. I.H.P. Registry. Heijo Maru . . . Spardeck s.s. 1208 1185 Osaka. Kagawa Maru . . Spardeck s.s. 614 949 Osaka. Yehima Maru . . Spardeck s.s. 614 955 Osaka. Two vessels . . . T.b. (2d class). 178 2400 Jap. Govt. Otori . . . T.b. (ist class). 152 3500 Jap. Govt. Hashitaka . T.b. (ist class). 152 3500 Jap. Govt. Taisei Maru . . . Aux. t.s. barque. 2300 900 Tokio. T.b. ’s are displacement. 5218 13,389 OSAKA IRONWORKS AND DOCKYARD. Vessel. Type. Tons. I.H.P. Registry. Tensho Maru S.s. 528 350 Osaka. Korin Maru S.s. 750 500 Osaka. Siang Kiang Maru T.s.s, 935 750 Tokio. Yuen Kiang Maru T.s.s, • 935 750 Tokio. Reibun M?ru . S.s. 370 300 Otaru. 3518 2650 OWAKI’S SHIPYARD, SHINAGAWA. Vessel. Type. Tons. i.h.p. Registry. Kwannon Maru, No. 26 . . . Wd. s.s. 1628 1500 Shinagawa. FUJINAGATA SHIPBUILDING YARD, OSAKA. Vessel. Type. Tons. I.H.P. Registry’. Nagata Maru, No. 13 . . . W.d. s.s. 580 450 Not Stated. Kaishun Maru . . w.d. s.s. II 2 85 Not stated. Ikuta Maru . S.s. 690 500 Not stated. 1382 1035 ONO’S SHIPYARD, OSAKA. Vessel. Type. Tons. I.H.P. Registry. Kyodo Maru, No. 7 • . . . Wd. S.S. 548 440 Tokushima. Vessel. Uwajima Maru Indiistrial Developments SORA SHIPBUILDING YARD, OSAKA. I.H.P. 482 Type. Wd. S.S. Tons. 464 167 Registry. Not Stated KISHIMOTO SHIPBUILDING YARD. Vessel. Type. Tons. i.h.p. Registry. Shin-Yu-Maru Wd. s.s. 415 330 Kashi wada. Vessel. Juho Maru , Kaitsu Maru CHUJIO’S SHIPBUILDING YARD, TOSA. T3T)e. Wood sailer Wood sailer Tons. 147 159 306 Registry. Kochi. Kochi. THE URAGA DOCK COMPANY (LIMITED). Vessel. Type. Tons. I.H.P. Registry. Uraga Maru, No. 2 . Tug s.s. 173 200 Uraga. One vessel . . . . . Dredger 14 50 Uraga. Two vessels . . . . . Hopper barges 52 Uraga. 239 250 MIYAGAWA SHIPBUILDING YARD, OSAKA. Vessel. Type. Tons. I.H.P. Registry. Teshiogawa Maru . . W.d. S.S. 180 ISO Osaka. THE ISHIKAWAJIMA S. & E. CO. (LTD.), TOKIO. Vessel. One vessel Six vessels TjTe. P.s. . . . . . . Barges. Tons. 52 1 122 / Registry. Not Stated. 174 NAKAMURA’S SHIPYARD, OSAKA. Vessel. Taisei Maru Type. Tons. i.h.p. Wd. s.s. 164 130 Registry. Not stated. OKUBO SHIPBUILDING YARD, OSAKA. Vessel. Shoun Maru Type. . . . . . Wood sailer Tons. 160 Registry. Osaka. FUKUI SHIPBUILDING YARD, OSAKA. Vessel. Kanei Maru T3T)e. Wd. S.S. Tons. I.H.P. 155 200 Registry. Kobe. i68 Dai Nippon YOKOHAMA DOCK CO. (LTD.), have docked and repaired about loo vessels, and repaired a large number out of dock. MARINE ENGINEERING. The following table summarises the Japanese marine engineering of the year, details of which appear in the shipbuilding returns : — Kure Dockyard . Yokosuka Dockyard Sasebo Dockyard . Kawasaki Dockyard Company The Mitsu Bishi Works The Osaka Ironworks . Owaki’s Shipyard. Fuginagata Shipyard . Other firms .... Total 1902. I.H.P. I.H.P. 30,400 10,000 24,400 25,075 3,600 3,600 13,389 4,450 13,040 12,265 2,650 2,688 1,500 1,100 1,035 280 1,982 4,662 91,996 64,120 The most important shipbuilding establishment in Japan is that of the Mitsu Bishi Company at Nagasaki ; it is now able to turn out vessels of 6000 tons, which as regards design and workmanship will bear favourable comparison with those built in Europe. The works are thoroughly well equipped in every respect, and the docks capable of taking in the largest steamers which go to the Far East. The other important private shipyards are the Kawasaki works at Kobe, the yard connected with the Osaka Ironworks, and the establishments belonging to the Ishikawajima Company at Tokyo, and the Uraga Dock Company near the entrance of the Bay of Tokyo, all of which are now turning out good work. The three most important Government dockyards are (i) Yokosuka, in the Bay of Tokyo ; (2) Kure, in the Inland Sea ; and (3) Sasebo, on the west side of the island of Kyushu. They are all equipped for repairs rather than for new work, and in this respect form a contrast with the private yards. Third-class cruisers have been built at Yokosuka and Kure, but all the larger vessels in the Japanese Navy have been built abroad, chiefly in Britain. Industrial Developments 169 All these three Government establishments, on the other hand, have magnificent graving docks and all the appliances necessary for repairs in time of war, and in that contingency they would be able to render very effective service. All these establishments, both private and Government, naturally involve a large number of subsidiary industries of all kinds, but into details of these we cannot enter. After the war with China the Government of Japan resolved to encourage both the shipping and the shipbuild- ing of the country, and in March 1896 the Subsidies for Navigation Encouragement Law was promul- shipping and gated, which provides that any subject of Japan shipbuilding, or any commercial company, the partners or shareholders of which are Japanese subjects, engaging themselves in the conveyance of passengers or goods between the empire and foreign countries or between foreign ports, with their own vessels of 1000 tons or more, registered in the shipping list of the empire, shall be granted subsidies in proportion to the distances traversed and the tonnage of the vessels used for the lines concerned, as is prescribed in the law. At the same time the Shipbuilding Encouragement Law was enacted, by which bounties were granted for the construction of vessels above 700 tons to any subject of the empire or any trade company engaged in shipbuilding, the partners and shareholders of which are Japanese subjects. Since these laws were passed the shipping and shipbuilding industries have made rapid progress. In a paper read by Mr. K. Uchida (Director of the Marine Bureau), before the Institution of Naval Architects in Japan, it was stated that under the shipbuilding law there had been built, up till the end of 1902, a total tonnage of 86,000 (gross) and 71,000 indicated horse power. The following are the amounts paid to the steamship companies mentioned in Chapter VII. for their most important lines. The routes run by the Nippon Yusen Kaisha, and the respective subsidies, are as follow Yokohama to Melbourne, employing three steamers of 3500 tons 170 Dai Nippon and above : speed, i6 knots and above. A monthly service. Subsidy 5 3, 600. Contract runs from April 1901 to March 1906. Yokohama to Bombay, employing three steamers of 3000 tons and above; 10 knots and above. A monthly service. Subsidy, 18,200. Contract runs from April 1901 to March 1906. European line, employing twelve steamers of 6000 tons and above ; 14 knots and above. A fortnightly service. Subsidy £ 272 ^^ 00 . Contract runs from January 1900 to December 1909. Hong-Kong to Seattle, employing three steamers of 6000 tons and above ; 1 5 knots and above. A four weeks’ service. Subsidy, ;i^66,7oo. Contract runs from November 1901 to December 1909. Also mail routes : — 1. Yokohama to Shanghai, employing three steamers of 2500 tons and above ; 14 knots and above. A weekly service. 2. Kobe to North China, employing three steamers of 1400 tons and above ; 1 2 knots and above. A weekly service, except in winter. 3. Kobe, Korea, and North China, employing one steamer of over 1400 tons : speed, over 12 knots. A four weeks’ service. 4. Kobe to Vladivostock, employing one steamer of over 1400 tons and 12 knots. A four weeks’ service. 5. Kobe to Otaru, employing twelve steamers of 1400 tons and above ; 14 knots and above. Two routes : eastern, ten times a month ; western, weekly. 6. Aomori to Mororan, employing three steamers of 700 tons and above, 10 knots and above. A daily service. The joint subsidy for the foregoing six mail routes is ;^56, 100. Contract runs from October 1900 to September 1905. The Toyo Kisen Kaisha have the following route and subsidy : — Hong-Kong to San Francisco, employing three vessels of 6000 tons and above, and 17 knots and above. A four weeks’ service. Subsidy, 1 03,400. Contract runs from January 1900 to December 1909. The Osaka Shosen Kaisha have the following : — Shanghai to Hankow, employing three steamers of 2000 tons and above ; 1 1 knots and above. A bi-weekly service ; in winter, three times a fortnight. Subsidy, ^25,000. Contract runs from January 1898 to December 1907. Hankow to Ichang, employing two vessels of 1500 tons and above; 10 knots and above. Service, six times a month; in winter four times. Subsidy, 1,200. Contract runs from January 1899 to December 1907. Kobe to Korea, employing two steamers of 700 tons and above ; 10 knots and above. A three weeks’ service. Subsidy, ^3100. Contract runs from October 1900 to September 1905. The first two of the other companies mentioned run services on Industrial Developments 1 7 1 Chinese rivers and on the Japanese sea respectively, and receive subsidies, the one of £^^ 00 ^ the other of 4,000. The total annual payments on account of the special services above detailed amount to ;^63o,ooo. The cotton-spinning industry is the one which has made the most rapid development, and which appeals cotton- most directly to British manufacturers, as its pro- spinning, ducts compete with them. The following table shows its growth and extent : — Year. N umber of Cotton Mills. Gross Amount of Capital invested. Average Number of Spindles used daily. Quantity of Raw and Ginned Cotton demanded. Total Production of Cotton Yarn. Waste Cotton. Waste Cotton Yarn. Yen. Kwan. Kwan. Kwan. Kwan. 1888 24 ? 113,856 1,807,066 1,593^103 140,986 16,025 1889 28 ? 215,190 3,859,464 3,358,042 311,971 51,971 1890 30 ? 277,895 5,962,484 5,132,588 598,651 88,565 1891 36 8,715,510 353,980 8,995,293 7,689,938 823,003 232,371 1892 39 9,103,237 403,314 12,240,788 9,997,208 906,116 304.851 1893 40 11,271,005 381,781 11,531,307 10,666,744 1,178,059 1,816,333 298,466 1894 45 13,308,030 476,123 17,179,774 14,620,008 191,017 1895 47 16,392,058 518,736 21,771,346 18,437,011 2,423,361 251,879 1896 61 22,860,709 692,384 24,803,618 20,585,485 2,915,950 328,159 1897 74 36,414,728 768,328 32,068,243 26,134,120 3,706,510 1,177,099 558,409 1898 77 42,342,080 1,027,817 42,544,656 32,163,239 4,980,687 1899 83 33,023,317 1,170,327 42,962,406 43,052,402 4,923,207 587,343 I 9 (X) 80 35,908,512 1,144,027 1,181,762 38,323,770 32,419,641 3,889,848 786,457 1901 81 36,690,567 38,681,886 33,115,829 4,092,460 477,364 The distribution of the cotton -spinning industry in different parts of the country is shown by the following figures, which give the latest published returns of the value for the year of the yam produced in the various districts : — Tokyo Yen. • 2,278,953 Okayama Yen. • 3*743,899 Kyoto 821,880 Hiroshima 912,591 Osaka . 12,264,578 Wakayama 791,763 Hyogo . . 4,954,766 Kagawa . 363,557 Nara . 1,114,763 Ehime 704,740 Miye . 2,380,858 Fukuoka . . 1,681,073 Aichi . 2,242,658 Cotton-spinning in Japan was started by the Daimyo of Satsuma at Kagoshima in 1865. The machinery came 72 Dai Nippon from England and consisted of 6000 spindles. A few years later another factory was opened in Sakai, Idzumi province. In 1870 Mr. Kajuna Manbei started a similar factory, near Oji in the vicinity of Tokyo, and these were the only establishments of the kind in the country when I went to Japan. After some of the graduates of the Imperial College of Engineering, who had been to Britain and studied the construction and working of cotton-spinning machinery, had returned to Japan there was quite a boom in the erection of cotton mills ; the progress made was most remarkable, and many of the cotton mills in Japan will now bear favourable comparison with the best of those of England in organisation, equipment, and extent. They have as a rule been successful financially, many of them paying from 10 to 20 per cent per annum. On the other hand, some have not been so successful, partly on account of extravagant financial arrangements and partly because of excessive production before the markets were prepared. The latest published returns give the average rate of dividend of each company at 6.2 per cent for the first half of the year, and 3.5 for the second half ; but averages in such cases do not give much information, as so much depends on management and on local and other conditions. The question of the supply of raw cotton for Japan is one of great importance and is receiving considerable atten- tion from those who are interested in the industry. It is a somewhat remarkable fact that the cultivation of cotton in Japan has gradually but steadily declined. The principal cause seems to be found in the fact that the native cotton is of much shorter fibre than the imported, and consequently not nearly so well adapted for spinning purposes. The chief supply of raw and ginned cotton comes from British India, China, Dutch India, Egypt, and the United States, with small quantities from other Eastern countries. The variations in the price brought about by the action of speculators and other causes are very troublesome, and have directed attention to the necessity of improving the cultivation of cotton in IndzLstrial Developments 173 Japan. In recent years Japanese farmers have been devoting their attention to the introduction and cultivation of American upland cotton, with considerable success. The area available for this purpose is not great, and it is not improbable that the Japanese may turn their eyes to various parts of the world in order that they may have a more secure supply of the raw material for what has proved to be their most important manufacturing industry. A full discussion of the economic conditions and the future prospects of that industry would require much more space that can at present be spared, but sufficient has been said to show the rapid progress which has been made and the important place which it has taken in the national economy. Sericulture, or the art of rearing silk-worms, in Japan is said to date from the “ Age of the Gods ” ; since then it has always been of importance, and has shared The silk in the modern developments consequent on the industries, introduction of Western science and appliances, and a great deal might be written about it, if space allowed. The following is a resume of the industry in 1901 Silk-worm raisers (families engaged) Egg-cards (number manufactured) . Cocoons (in koku ) . . . . Egg-card manufacturers (families) . Raw Silk manufacturers (number of) Raw Silk output (in km) Raw Silk exported (in ki?i) . 2,475,819 . 3,856,683 . 2,526,181 18,138 421,941 . 10,972,981 . 8,697,706 Thus it will be seen that silk-producing forms one of the most important industries of Japan. Indeed, silk comes close after rice in importance as an article of domestic production, while as an article of export it has no compeer. It may even be said that silk holds the balance of Japan’s foreign trade. Under feudalism the reeling of raw silk was carried on in the domestic system as subsidiary to agriculture, and the appliances were of a somewhat elementary nature, but in 1870 the Government erected a model filature at Tomioka, Joshu, and engaged a French expert as superintendent. 174 Dai Nippon Since that time numerous other establishments of a similar kind have been started which have brought about a large increase in the production. The industry is not, however, by any means confined to large factories, as even those who were formerly contented with hand-reeling now took up frame- reeling, and adopted the practice of selling their product jointly by unifying its quality. According to the official returns for 1900, the output by machine-reeling was 6,193,869 kin, as against 4,779)575 ki^^ by frame-reeling. The number of machine -reeling factories was 2072, employing 122,1 16 pans, and of frame-reeling establishments 597, employing 55,022 pans, the figures being in each case for factories which employ ten workers or more. The following table gives the value of the out- value of output of put in the principal textile industries for the textile industries, yg^r 1900, and it is sufficient to give an idea of their relative importance : — Yen. Silk, raw Silk Yarn . Cotton Yarn Silk Fabrics, etc. Silk Handkerchiefs Cotton Fabrics, etc. Silk-cotton Fabrics Hempen Fabrics . Woollen Fabrics . Various (about) . .\llied Industries — Straw Plaits . Hats and Caps Umbrellas (European) Matting for Floor • 86,233,957 4,296,883 • 73)619,589 . 166,936,604 4 ) 3 ^ 8,553 . 122,652,764 . 20,275,823 2,851,981 5,034,720 . 20,000,000 2,926,127 424,321 2,918,085 3,039,795 The printing press has been one of the most powerful factors in the evolution of modern Japan ; for it has been the The printing means not only of spreading useful knowledge industry. educating public opinion on all matters affecting the national welfare and uniting the country for purposes of education, industry, and commerce, as well as Industrial Developments 175 of defence. Printing is now one of the most important modern industries in Japan, the latest returns showing that there were 108 companies engaged in it, with a capital of 2,121,956 yen, and the number of newspapers, journals, and books which are printed is now very large. The rapid growth of journalism is one of the facts that forces itself on the attention of every one observing Japan’s modern career. When it is remembered that little over thirty years ago it was practically non-existent, and that now there are probably more than 1000 newspapers, magazines, etc., published in the empire, we can form an idea, not only of the extent of the printing industry but also of the influence of the press. The daily papers cost from 25 to 50 sen per month. Many of the journals are of a high standard, both as regards the quality of their matter and their tone, but others pander to tastes that are demoralising, and indulge in language which is far from creditable. In Japan, as in other countries, newspapers are made to sell, rather than to instruct and elevate. Captain Brinkley says : “ Already the press occupies a very low place in the estima- tion of educated Japanese. They recognise its political capabilities, but regard journalism, on the whole, as a low calling. Public opinion does not help ; its restraints are practically inoperative in Japan. People uncomplainingly endure many things besides journalism.” Still, after every- thing has been discounted, there can be little doubt that modern Japan would not have been in its present condition if it had not been for the press. In the early days of the open ports the foreign journals which were there published were often marked by a narrow, selfish spirit, and were very unfriendly to the Japanese, although there were some honourable exceptions. Examples might be given of writing which appeared in them at very critical times in the history of Japan which in any other country would have caused the suppression of the paper and the expulsion of those responsible for it. Now, a more reasonable spirit prevails, much of the captious 176 Dai Nippon criticism no longer appears, and while not hesitating to criticise when that is necessary, they are sympathetic to the Japanese and appreciative of the progress which they have made. Not only are many journals and books written and published in Japan, but many of the best books of Europe and America are translated into Japanese, and the book- sellers freely import books of all kinds ; so that the Japanese have now every opportunity of making themselves acquainted with the latest developments in every department of thought and action. Japanese engineers and scientific men are often found better informed regarding the contents of British journals than are many in this country. The number of chemical and miscellaneous industries now carried on in Japan is very large, and the majority of j them have, on the whole, been very successful, miscellaneous Among those of a chemical nature may be industries. mentioned the manufacture of sulphuric acid, sulphate of potash, phosphate of soda, soap, matches, brewing and distilling, tanning, sugar-refining, tobacco-manufacture, glass, cement, and brick-making. Those of a mechanical nature, in addition to what is usually included under mechanical engineering, are very numerous, including clock- making, the appliances connected with electric-lighting and motor work, telephony and telegraphy, and the numerous appliances connected with the larger industries which have been mentioned. The manufacture of foreign clothing, boots and shoes and furniture, has now assumed considerable im- portance. In short, it would be difficult to name any department of foreign manufacture in which something has not been done with more or less success, the ambition of the Japanese evidently being not only to supply their own wants but also to become a manufacturing nation like the Britain of the West, and thus not only provide for its rapidly increasing population but also claim its share in the markets of the world, especially in those of the Far East. Mean- time space will allow only the following figures from the Industrial Developments 177 latest returns showing the value of the annual output of some of the more important industries : — Sulphuric acid Soap . Matches Sulphate of potash Phosphate of soda . Paper (European) . Paper (Japanese) . Leather or Hide . Yen. I 559,492 I Glass ware . 794,823 j Cement (Portland) 5,886,388 Bronze and Copper 260,968 ware 867,910 Porcelain and 7,001,111 I Earthenware \^tiippoki 2,592,412 I Glass ware . Yen. 1 , 493^044 2,372,266 1,106,907 6,873,693 315.676 1,493.044 Manufactured articles used for food will be mentioned in Chapter XI. The changes which have taken place in every depart- ment of national life have naturally caused great develop- ments in the building industry, as applied not The building only to engineering and industrial purposes but industry, also to public institutions, commercial houses, and domestic residences ; and as is always the case in transition periods there has been a great mixture of styles. In fact, it has been remarked that what is termed the “ foreign style ” of building is so named because it is foreign to all the known styles of architecture. Some of the public buildings are handsome and do credit to their designers ; some of the industrial establishments are substantial and well adapted to the purposes for which they are intended, and a few of the main streets of the larger towns have been Europeanised, with, however, a considerable number of Japanese modifica- tions. A comparatively small number of rich men have houses in foreign style (although always with Japanese annexes), but the greater number of the buildings are still of an unsubstantial nature ; a fact which is explained partly by the frequency of earthquakes and partly by the want of means to erect them in a more substantial manner. The following list of Government factories gives a convenient resume of the most important Government manufacturing establishments directly under the Government: — (b 207) N 78 Dai Nippon S a; S ^ ^ ^ CJ Iv ^ ^ H cj r^ nri ^ ^ c ^ 5 ii ?, CQ C ri 0 2^ ^ o '^ *"* c H S — '^ C XI rrt a c u t/3 I/T t/5 c3 >-< 1; (U o .Sx.S^ s W rt W c /3 ^ G O a, CJ X G G to ci^ G O I S '• ^ s «r C CJ ;_ • •n CJ W ° ^ 8 ■3 « § ^ ^ ^ §c^ O O G G 5 <1 o cS O « UO< in in ^ a G CU xcS ^ I •G G ^ G X X .X G ^ 'I . 2 G rt 'll s| yj G ^ CJ , r^ /-« TO QJ ocg-.^ I CO -T K ^ C P.2 o fa > Gi! O H G -2 'g . G . — t/D <" ^ £ P ^ .fa 2 « o - ■“ i S '2 tfi in a o 5 X CO S H X SI So tJoH ii ^ rt ^ G a G >^ GsJ o O Q G H G rS .-x •*-* X CO CJ ^ -a . 2 ^ .2>' rt G O t/3 Ui C G ^'o c ■'"■ O G 3 GP O . X X P X o t« '2 G ;> 'So ^ c ^ .2 > -fa ’g >> o c P G G a bjO 2

fa O G X 2 a 2 3 sl-Spq CO .X G Industrial Developments 179 • * S S i! ^ ^ y txi o :: -c dj •pH s-i B 3 OJ ■g i -in r\ o ^ .2 p ^ o C 'So .2 g ^ g y c OJ O 5 'fOpq tjO .2 ^ (11 O H-. . (U ^ 2^2* • 3-2 S > OC /3 p? in .0 u l^> c 3 u Td o C 2 h c s O 6 Q o o Q P £ P 6 .£« o o > '~~' in p B g g "o C (^ o-| cf ^h|0:£; rt O PO •td o k> >> 2 .-H o (U s o • in >^ C ^ o O c H • o pC 2 ^ ^ e c c G e s -s o ?J ^ ^ a; tJD^ 2 2 12 5 2 ‘ C JH >3, rt 2 ^ G 2 <£ S'^ g G „ fcjO O cS S 3-5 2 ^ H-J Ti dJ G g-c^« oy c (u ^ G . c 3 |o- -- fcjC^ rt fcJD b.£ P.£ £^y 2 -g o > dJ c .G o q;?^o tjs 7 rt a ; .£ G tj ;3 — ' 5 2.360 3-310 4.880 4.070 Soja-beans .... ) 5 4.070 5.060 7.920 7-430 Table-salt .... 3 3 I.I90 1.460 3.170 2.010 Soy J 3 8.290 9.380 13.330 18.120 Sal'C 33 13-930 1 4. 240 24. 200 31.480 Tea ..... Per 100 kin 26.090 28.660 35-520 38.650 Leaf- tobacco .... 35 8.480 10.910 17.880 35.080 Japanese white sugar ,, 8.770 9.260 12.550 12.470 Foreign „ . . 53 7.750 8.070 10.000 10.760 Japanese brown sugar 53 6.180 6.470 9. no 9.370 Foreign „ „ 5 3 5.020 5.570 6.670 8. 120 Japanese ginned cotton . 33 18.520 18.890 23.870 27.550 Foreign ,, j, • 55 16.640 17.750 21.460 25.740 Japanese cotton yarn 33 31.040 26.950 31.080 57-000 Foreign „ . • 5 5 30.830 28.580 37-510 54.480 White cotton cloth . Per I tan * .310 .310 -370 .380 Foreign grey shirtings 1 Per I kamaf ? 2.480 3.100 4-030 C Superior quality Per 100 kin ? ? ? ? Raw silk-! Average . 3 5 ? ? 682.000 706.000 [inferior . 3 3 ? ? ? ? Kaiki (silk tissues) . Per I tan 2.580 2.800 4.460 4.500 Hemp ..... Per 100 kin 20.450 19.660 27.990 30.270 Japanese pig-iron . Per I kwan .230 .260 .420 .500 Foreign . 55 ? ? .330 .320 Kerosene or petroleum oil | Per box con- taining 2 cans 2.020 I.81O 2.310 2.860 Coal Per I ton 3.360 3.860 6.910 6.810 Fuel Per 10 kwan .110 .130 .240 .250 Charcoal .... 3 5 .290 .380 .730 .840 r Dried sardine . 53 1.580 1.740 3.080 3.260 Manure-^ Residue of herring oil 3 5 ? 2.240 3.220 3-550 [Rape-seed oil-cake . 55 ? ? 1.850 1.820 * X Tan varies from about 9 to 10 yards. t i Kama contains 40 yards. The Japanese have taken full advantage of the organisa- tions for facilitating and encouraging business to be found in Europe and America. Though the custom provisions for of using commercial bills in trade existed long encouraging ago, it was only in recent years that clearing houses modelled on the Western system were established in Japan. The Osaka Clearing House, opened in December 1879, was the pioneer institution of this kind in Japan. Then followed the Clearing Houses of Tokyo, Kobe, Yokohama, and Kyoto. All these establishments partly partake of the Houses of London and New York in their 230 Dai Nippon organisation and working, and they have been of great service in facilitating commercial and financial business. Commercial and industrial bodies discharging the functions of regular Chambers of Commerce existed in Japan in feudal times, but it was only in 1890 that they were organised on modern lines. Since that time fifty-eight Chambers have been established throughout the country, and they undertake all the usual functions of such institutions for the encouragement of commerce and industry. Besides the Chambers existing in Japan, the Japanese subjects residing in the various parts of Korea, as Seoul, Fusan, Mukpho, Gensan, and Jinsen have Chambers of their own. In 1896 the Government established the Higher Council of Agriculture, Commerce, and Industry for the purpose of devising measures for encouraging foreign trade, and in 1897 its organisation was amended so as to allow it to deliberate as well on matters relating to domestic trade, and a large number of measures have been passed on its initiative. For a number of years the Government has been despatching officials and commissioners to foreign countries for the purpose of investigating the conditions of trade, and especially with the object of promoting direct export trade by Japanese merchants. Besides Government officials, student commercial agents, student manufacturers and private individuals experienced in respective lines of trade have been despatched on similar missions, the Chambers supplying them with either the whole or part of their travelling expenses. There are thirty-eight Commercial Samples Museums in various parts of Japan, and these institutions have been of great service in promoting commerce and industry. Similar establishments have been attached to some of the Japanese Consulates in foreign countries. The Department of Agriculture, Commerce, and Industry issues valuable Reports on industrial subjects, especially in their bearing on foreign markets and the conditions of production in Japan. In addition the Reports forwarded by Japanese Consuls, student commercial agents Commerce 231 and manufacturers, and also reports embodying the result of investigations made either at home or abroad on industrial and commercial matters have been published. Mention has been made of the guilds which existed in feudal times. Some of these have been revived and extended to meet the requirements of modern commercial trade and industry, and they now exercise great and industrial influence on existing conditions. The latest returns give the number of agricultural guilds as 112. In 1897 a law was passed for the regulation of such guilds, and it marked a new and important departure in legislation of this kind. It was rendered necessary owing to the pro- duction and export of an inferior class of goods and to the consequent injury done to the prosperity of the various branches of trade. Three years later the scope of the law was expanded to the shape in which it now exists. A very large number of guilds have been formed in connection with the modern developments of commerce and industry, and their chief object is to protect the interests of their members and advance the special trade or industry with which they are connected. Like other similar organisations in other parts of the world, while in many respects rendering use- ful service, they not infrequently are led to acts of an individualistic or selfish nature and contrary to the interests of the general community. These guilds, however, are destined to take a very important part in the future evolu- tion of Japan, and their development should be carefully watched by all who are studying the subject. In another chapter will be given an account of the negotiations connected with tariffs. The tariff on imports was originally fixed on a ten per cent basis ; but in 1865 Japan consented, under heavy pressure and even armed menace, to reduce the rate to five per cent. This, too, was only nominal, for the conversion of ad valorem duties into specific was managed in such a manner that the sum actually levied on imports did not average as much as two and a half per cent of their value at the port of ship- 232 Dai Nippon ment. Under the revised treaties it was arranged that Japan should recover tariff autonomy after a period of twelve years, and that in the interval a greatly increased scale of import duties should be applied. The system promulgated in 1897 divided imports into three main classes, namely — dutiable goods, non-dutiable goods, and prohibited goods. The tariff for dutiable goods ranged from five to forty per cent, ad valorem^ divided into sixteen grades. The schedule has as a standard rate, so to say, twenty per cent for ordinary refined goods, to decrease in one direction but to rise in another. Natural products, scientific instruments and apparatus, and raw materials, machinery, half- manufactured materials, and articles of ordinary consumption occupy the decreasing side of the schedule, while articles of luxury and liquors and tobacco occupy the other extreme. The new tariff was put in force in January 1899, Since that time it has received several amendments, either in the interests of the inland revenue or with the object of encouraging home industries. Tobacco and liquors of all kinds are now made to pay very heavily, and the raw materials required by the State monopolies and match-making were relieved from all duties, as were also artificial and natural fertilisers. The regulations connected with the tariff were embodied in a law which was passed by the Imperial Diet in 1899. The passing of this law may be said to have ushered in a new era in the history of the Japanese tariff system, as it marked the introduction of Japanese tariff autonomy, and many matters which formerly led to diplomatic interference were henceforth transferred to the domain of ordinary administrative affairs. When we recall the position merchants occupied in feudal Japan — the lowest in the social scale Social position , i-r,- i and commercial — we have little difficulty in understanding morality of opinions which were held by foreigners Japanese merchants. . ^ ✓ o in the early days of foreign trade with Japan regarding the commercial morality of the Japanese Commerce 233 trading class. These opinions were the results of experience with the sharpest and most unprincipled among the Japanese merchants who rushed to the foreign settlements in the hope of enriching themselves, and some of whom did suc- ceed in amassing a considerable amount of wealth. Great improvements have taken place in recent years, and commerce and industry are now engaged in by men of high rank and honourable character, who are exercising all the influence in their power to raise the standard of commercial morality of their fellow-men. The bad reputation of former days, however, has left its mark, and many foreigners still hold the opinion that all Japanese merchants are untrust- worthy, and in many cases they are able to support their opinions by examples from their own experience. Exceptions to honourable dealing are still to be found, but I doubt if they are more common in Japan than in other commercial countries, and I have no hesitation in saying that, if the caution and prudence which should mark all commercial dealings is exercised, there should be no more difflculty in carrying on trade with Japan than with any other part of the world. A well-informed writer in the Quarterly Review^ recently said : “ The Japanese nation, as a whole, is not dis- honest. The Government has always scrupulously observed every engagement made by it, and even when, as not infrequently happened in its early days of inexperience, shamelessly tricked, it invariably fulfilled the obligations it had inadvertently assumed. There are old-established mer- cantile firms of which the same may be said — firms to which credit may be and is constantly given with the same con- fidence as to British firms of the best standing. The writer, throughout a long experience, has found the Japanese tradesman compare favourably with the English, and has met with many striking incidents of honesty in its best form on the part of domestics, artisans, and labourers. A Japanese policeman is absolutely incorruptible, and a railway guard or a postman would look upon a ‘ tip ’ as an insult.” Com- ^ October 1902, p. 557. 234 Dai Nippon mercial morality, even at its best in any country, is not much to boast of, and the worst sinners are not always those whose shortcomings are made public, but the prudent, respectable people who keep themselves within the four corners of the law, and are still able to enrich themselves at the expense of their more scrupulous competitors. The position of foreign merchants in Japan is one of great interest. It must be admitted that it was chiefly Position of through their exertions that the foreign trade foreip merchants of the country was built up. They acted as m Japan. agents both for the Japanese producers and for the foreign purchasers. Both as importers and as exporters their knowledge, experience, and capital were of great service in developing the trade of the country. For some years fortunes were rapidly made (and very often as rapidly lost), but as things developed the competition of the foreign middlemen with each other enabled the Japanese to obtain the very best terms, and profits were cut down to a very small margin. The foreign merchants were, however, always in a position of unstable equilibrium, and as education developed in Japan and experience was gained in foreign methods of business, naturally the Japanese got more and more of the trade into their own hands. All reasonable people will agree with Captain Brinkley in saying that “ In a measure the ambition (to manage their own trade) is quite natural. If a community of aliens settled down in the United States or in England, and obtained a dominant place in the management of the country’s foreign trade, Americans and Englishmen would certainly endeavour to wrest the business from their hands. Every nation must desire to carry on its own commerce independently of foreign assistance, and since a community of strangers is not to be found discharging similar functions in any Occidental land, the Japanese would prefer that their land should not be exceptional in that respect.” Statistics show that the efforts made by Japanese merchants to get the foreign trade into their own hands have been tolerably successful ; for whereas. Commerce 235 in 1888, their share was only twelve per cent of the total, it rose to twenty-five per cent in 1899. Yet Captain Brinkley thinks that there are strong reasons to doubt whether such a rate of change will be maintained in the future. He believes that the day is still distant when the Japanese tradesman can hope to establish with the Occident relations of such mutual intimacy and confidence as will enable him to take the place now occupied by the foreign middle- man. Formerly the attitude of the Japanese in their employ- ment of foreigners for any part of their work was very severely criticised and especially by the foreign press in Japan, but now a more reasonable view is taken of the subject, and the legitimate ambitions of the Japanese are recognised as the natural results of the developments which have taken place. One of the oldest foreign journals ^ in Yokohama writing on the subject, after noting the changes which had been going on for years, expressed the following opinions, which on the whole may be taken as representing a reasonable view of the position : — “ The underlying germ of truth is only misleading if the rest of the facts are not duly taken into account. In the first place, the growth of Japanese manufactures is accompanied by an immense increase in Japan’s own requirements ; and they will continue to increase, because the law of supply and demand is always directly influenced by the law of progressive civilisation, which develops ever-increasing wants and is never satisfied. Where a Japanese fifty years ago would regard half-a-dozen kimonos as sufficient for a lifetime, he now has that number in a year. Where he used to go from Yokohama to Tokyo on foot, once a year, wearing out a few cents’ worth of waraji^ on bare human hoof, he goes now every month, and helps to wear out an infinity of things ; he does it because it pays him, for the outlay returns now vastly quicker than it did. So, consumption of everything is increasing and always will ; and Japan can no more live without imports than the ^ Japan Gazette^ May 20lh, 1903. 236 Dai Nippon United States can. True, the character of the trade changes, and that is where, in a certain sense, some foreigners are being and will be crowded out by the Japanese and gradually deprived of their livelihood ; or deprived of one line after another, but only to develop new lines all the time, and it hurts only those foreigners who are unadaptable, unprogres- sive, unforeseeing, and unenterprising. It is true that one old-established firm after another has had to close its doors and wind up its business ; but this proves only that those firms lacked enterprise and business activity. Such things happen all the world over, but they do not prove that it is becoming impossible to live. “ It is by no means impossible for European firms to flourish in India, though India also is building up her own industries even more than Japan. India has entirely ceased taking certain lines of cotton from Lancashire, but instead takes machinery, and develops a demand for finer grades of textiles which only Lancashire can make ; and the country is as far as ever from being closed against the white trader. There are British firms which flourish and prosper in France, Belgium, Germany, in every country ; and there are firms of every nationality doing a fine business in England. There is of course little or no scope in any country for alien competition in the commoner and simpler lines of trade, and it is not creditable on the part of foreigners in Japan to moan and groan about the bread being taken out of their mouths. The elementary branches of trade of course belong in the natural order of things to the people of the country, and if they have for a time been in the hands of aliens, this could not be expected to continue. The only excuse for business people to be in a country not their own, is that they conduct some business which the natives cannot do so well. If there is anything in the claim of superior abilities on the part of the white man, he should never have any uneasiness on the score of any other race cutting into his business. If it is a business which the Japanese are able to do, and do so well as to compete with Commerce 237 the foreigner, then it is time for the foreigner to give effect to his business superiority, by developing a line in which they may follow at a distance but cannot catch up with him. It is unworthy of the foreigner to cling desperately to any line which can be quite satisfactorily handled by Japanese.” BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Much interesting information is given regarding the conditions of commerce in Old Japan in Brinkley’s Japan and China^ and in Dr. Yetaro Kinosita’s The Past and Present of Japa7iese Conunerce. H. Yamawaki’s Japan in the beginning of the Tiventieth Century (Chap. V.) gives very complete statistics of the development of the foreign trade of Japan, as does also the Annuals issued by the Department of Finance and the Imperial Cabinet. British and American Consular Reports should be carefully studied by all who are interested in the commerce of Japan. Some of the special Reports are very valuable and give a useful resume of the departments which are taken up. The volume in Harper’s International Commerce Series by J. Morris on Japan a7id its Trade will be found useful. All books and reports on this subject, however, soon get out of date, and only the latest editions should be depended on for information regarding present conditions. The daily newspapers should also be read, as they notice all the most important developments which take place and discuss the conditions affecting trade. CHAPTER XI FOOD SUPPLY Amid all the industrial and commercial developments which are taking place in Japan, it is satisfactory to find that due Population and attention is being paid to what is the oldest food supply. after all the most important industry ; namely, agriculture. Through the improvement of agri- cultural education, and consequently of the methods of farming, the increase per annum in the agricultural produce has kept up very closely with the increase of population. When from any cause there is a failure of the crops in any part of the country, or even when there is speculation on the part of the merchants and farmers, considerable quantities of food products require to be imported, but in ordinary circumstances the amount of the staple articles of food of the common people which is imported is nearly balanced by that exported. Moreover, as it is found that the allowance of rice per head of population of those above five years of age has also increased, as well as that of the other agricultural products, we infer that the average standard of living has improved. It is very interesting to note the various influences which have been at work in causing attention to be paid to Ajrricuiture in agriculture in Japan. When, at the beginning Old Japan, seventeenth century, the policy of seclusion was decided upon, the Government was confronted with the problem of supplying a large and rapidly increasing popula- tion from a comparatively small cultivated area. Not only 238 239 Food Supply were emigration and the exchange of the products of other countries forbidden, but the profound peace which lasted for two and a half centuries completely did away with the check to over- population furnished by the wars thai had been so common. The result was, that great attention was paid to the art of cultivation, and the farmer class rose in the social scale, being placed next to the samurai, and above the tradesmen and merchants, the latter being the lowest in the scale. Individuality, independence, and skill were assiduously developed. The rural districts had a large amount of local self-government, and the consequence was that not only did they enjoy a fair amount of economic welfare and simple enjoyment of life, but they also displayed a loyal affection towards the central Government on account of the consideration which was shown to them by the authorities. It is said that the farmers took a positive pride and delight in the payment of the taxes. “Taxation, as understood or felt by the people of most countries, is a burden imposed, a kind of robbery of the hard-earned means of the people. But it was, as a rule, quite differently regarded by the people of Japan. The payment of taxes did not seem to be considered by the peasantry as a burden, but as a loyal duty in which they took more or less pride. The time of the annual payment of the rice at the collectors’ storehouses, where each farmer’s rice was submitted to inspection, instead of being an occasion of sorrow and irritation, was more like a fair where each vied with the other in presenting for official inspection the best return of rice. It was always a source of mortification for any one when his rice was rejected or declared improperly cleaned for market. Prizes were awarded for the best quality and yield, which stimulated the farmers in its production. The tax-rice was regarded as a precious thing not to be defiled.” ^ This quotation is an illustration of the manner in which the spirit of “ Bushido ” permeated even the common affairs of Japanese life; everything was done in a spirit of loyalty to 1 Knapp, Feudal and Modern Japan^ vol. i. p. 84. 240 Dai Nippon the country, and not simply with a view to personal considerations. The rapid increase of population since the Restoration and the introduction of Western industries intensified the New difficulty of the food problem, and it has even conditions, been Stated by some foreign writers that Japan was being rapidly transformed from an agricultural to an industrial country and to a large extent (like Britain) becoming dependent on other countries for its food supplies. There is a considerable element of truth in this statement, but the statistics of the Agricultural Department to which I have referred prove that the pressure is not yet very great. The authorities have wisely recognised the necessity of making the most of the land, and they have done this not only for social and economic reasons, but also no doubt from that spirit of patriotism (foreigners are very apt to call it exclusiveness and selfishness) which we have already recognised as the chief motive in all the national movements in Japan ; namely, a love of independence and a determination to stand in a position of equality with the other nations of the world. At the same time, not only the increase of population but the growth in general prosperity and the distribution of wealth among the poorer classes of the people have led to an increased demand for food products. Many who were formerly content with barley and millet now regard rice as an essential article of food, and the time is not far distant when large supplies of this cereal will have to be drawn from abroad. The same is true of timber, which the development of engineering and other works of construction has already made inconveniently scarce. The cotton and woollen industries have, as we have seen, in recent years attained considerable importance in Japan, but all the raw materials require to be imported. The growth of these and other industries has led to a great increase in that part of the population which is not engaged in the production of food, and therefore to the need for supplementing, by importation from other countries, what is supplied in Japan. 241 Food Supply The area of Japan proper (exclusive of Formosa) is 24,794 square ri, or 38,555,229 cho, but of this only 6,120,519 cho is arable land, the remainder improvements being hills or mountains not available for pur- agriculture, poses of agriculture, so that the arable land is only about i 5.7 per cent of the whole area of the empire. Rice being the most important article of food in Japan, the greater part of the arable land consists of rice-fields, which are usually in low and wet localities not suitable for other crops. The religious beliefs of the Japanese led them to avoid animal food, while the configuration of the country made it necessary to conduct farming operations on a small scale. In Japan agriculture is essentially tillage and has little to do with stock-farming. During recent years full advantage has been taken of the applications of Western science and methods to agriculture, and as already indicated there has been a considerable in- crease in the amount of the products. That increase, how- ever, is partly accounted for by the additional land which has been placed under cultivation, and also by the more efficient use of that already cultivated, through a re-arrange- ment of the fields and of the irrigation canals. In recent years there has been a tendency to an increase in the size of the holdings, and a consequent greater amount of co-operation in the irrigation and other arrangements. The great variety of climate in the Japanese Empire, extending as it does from the nearly Arctic regions of Yezo to the tropical climate of Formosa, makes a great diversity of agricultural operations necessary ; conditions which are advantageous from a national point of view. While rice and other articles of ordinary food are the most common agri- cultural products, some districts are most suitable for sericulture, others for tea and others for sugar. Stock- farming is never likely to become very important in Japan, as the development of railways, tramways, shipping and other means of communication has, to a large extent, rendered unnecessary the raising of animals for draught (b 207) ^ 242 Dai Nippon purposes, and the great majority of the people are likely to be content with vegetable products and fish as their chief articles of food. Agriculture and fishery will therefore in the future, as in the past, always be very important in Japan. The following table giving the amounts of the chief agricultural products for the years named shows the increases which have taken place : — Year. Rice. Barley. Soja-beans. Potatoes. Sweet Potatoes. Koku. Koku. Koku. Kwan. Kwan. 1886 37,191.424 16,033,960 ? ? ? 1887 39,999,199 15,852,044 3,253,790 28,382,572 561,407,587 1888 38,645,470 15,311,658 ? ? .? 1889 33,007,566 15,316,897 ? ? ? 1890 43,037,809 10,723,107 ? ? *? 1891 38,181,405 18,098,471 ? ? ? 1892 41,429,676 15,951,146 3,110,665 40,491,431 568,371,606 1893 37,267,418 16,636,588 ? ? ? 1894 41,859,047 19,822,000 2,943,478 3,163,683 49,752,903 495,948,701 1895 39,960,798 19,537,840 44,273,903 711,813,132 1896 36,240,351 17,340,466 2,999,490 44,220,605 725,942,023 1897 33,039,293 18,005,490 3 , 100,973 58,528,287 663,391,590 1898 47,387,666 20,462,053 3,108,708 34,088,550 716,956,146 1899 39,698,258 19,335,952 3,410,693 64,594,705 661,444,862 1900 41,466,734 20,391,673 3,562,176 71,775,433 756,935,532 1901 46,914,943 20,640,207 4,069,619 73,682,653 711,639,519 The cultivation of tea has always received great attention. For a long time, however, the use of tea was confined to the Cultivation wealthier classes and to the priests. In course of of tea. custom of tea-drinking began to wear an aspect of something like a ceremony, with nice and strict canons of etiquette surrounding it, and the ceremony finally came to play an important part in society as a regulator of social etiquette and as a means of promoting friendship. Almost as soon as Japan was opened to foreign trade a great demand for Japanese tea came from America, and at the present time the United States and Canada take most of the teas which are shipped abroad, while Russian Siberia takes a small quantity of black tea and brick tea. The Food Supply 243 following figures give the amount (in catties) exported and consumed at home in the years 1891 and 1900 : — Total Output. Import. Total. Export. Home Consumption 1891 1900 44,352,488 47,576,175 65,618 113,985 44,418,106 47,576,175 39,923,999 32,240,147 4,494,107 15,449,963 For some years past there has been a tendency to a decrease not only in the total output but also in the amount exported. This arises from the increase of rivals in the foreign markets. On the other hand, there has been a marked increase in the amount of home consumption, which indicates an improved economic condition on the part of the population generally. The Government has been doing its best to promote the tea industry, and besides granting a subsidy has adopted measures for the improvement of the quality, and for keeping those interested well posted with regard to the state of the markets in foreign countries. The local authorities follow the example set by the central Government and are supplementing the efforts of the tea- growers and manufacturers in endeavouring to advance the prosperity of the industry. The increased consumption of tea and of rice is not the only sign of an improvement in the dietary of the Japanese, there is now an increasing use of what may be considered food luxuries, such as sugar, sake, beer, tobacco, beer, tobacco, etc. Meantime we can give the figures for the value of the output of these only for the year 1900. Sugar Sake (liquor) . Soy (sauce) . Beer Tobacco (cut) „ (cigars) Yen. 6,2 16,206 108,328,650 23,782,840 2,809,874 135,122,893 5,528,600 244 Dai Nippon The cultivated land covers about 5 million cho, yielding Capital and labour ^bout looo million yen worth of crops every employed on year. Of that sum rice constitutes about the land. million yen in value. The value of the cultivated land is estimated at 7000 million yen. The capital required in agriculture is invested in farm buildings (which are not expensive), in the tools and imple- ments required for the work, in live stock, and in manure and fodder. The Japanese have always been very economical in the use of their manure, and apply it with great skill to theii lands. Night soil and stable manure play a most important part as fertilisers, but in recent years considerable attention has been paid to other kinds of fertilisers, which are either made at home or imported from abroad. No department of chemical industry has been so active as that for the produc- tion of chemical fertilisers, and especially the manufacture of superphosphate of lime and other phosphate and nitrogenous manures. In Japan, as elsewhere, there is a tendency for the wealthier classes to increase in all spheres of activity at the expense of the poorer classes, and the consequence is that farmers of limited means are in danger of having even these absorbed by manufacturers or merchants of larger resources. Special banks have therefore been instituted for supplying capital, under proper conditions, to farmers who wish to develop the resources of their land or otherwise improve their conditions. The Japan Hypothec Bank was started in 1896 for the express purpose of supplying the funds required for the development of agriculture and industry ; and in the same year local Hypothec Banks were started in each of the administrative localities for the purpose of supplying funds to farmers of the middle and lower classes, and even of making loans to organised bodies. For smaller loans there are Credit Guilds, somewhat after the style of the People’s Banks in Germany, and all these institutions have been very useful in assisting the development of agriculture. Exact returns are not obtainable for the farming popula- 245 Food Supply tion of Japan, but in 1900 it was estimated approximately at 28,000,000, with 4,800,000 households ; in other words, the farming population constitutes a little over 60 per cent of the whole population, and the number of farmers’ house- holds is a little less than 60 per cent of the total number of households. In addition to the Agricultural College of the University of Tokyo and the other institutions for agricultural education mentioned in Chapter V., there is a considerable Means number of special organisations designed to en- for encouraging courage agriculture, such as experimental farms, local training schools for the purpose of imparting to farmers’ sons and to farming people generally some elementary knowledge of the principles of agriculture, surveying, meteoro- logy, physics, chemistry, natural history, veterinary science, horse-shoeing, etc., local lectures in agriculture, sericultural training schools, experimental tea farms and laboratories for a variety of special investigations. Special attention has been paid to the breeding of horses, not so much for agricultural as for military purposes. Stock-breeding generally has also made some progress, but for the reasons already given it is not likely to become of much importance. Attention has been paid to the training of veterinary surgeons and farriers, to dairy -farming and meat -preserving, to the rearing of poultry and the keeping of bees ; in short, it is difficult to name a department of agricultural industry which has not in recent years been greatly developed by the Japanese. Arrangements have even been made for utilising the spare time of the farmers in subsidiary work of different kinds, so that in some cases they divide their time and labour almost equally between those “ odd jobs ” and their regular farming work ; being, therefore, partly farmers and partly manu- facturers of goods, which, however, do not compete with those made in factories. The Government has done a great deal by means of legis- lation to encourage agriculture. For instance, in 1899 the Law of Agricultural Societies was promulgated with the 246 Dai Nippon consent of the Diet, and the Rules of Operation of the same in the following year, the legislature providing, among Agricultural Other things, a grant of not more than 150,000 legislation, every year to the societies established in conformity with the law. A large number of such societies have been established in the various prefectures, and in addition numerous sub-societies in rural districts or cities and in towns and villages, and these are certain before long to have a very great result on the agriculture of the country. In 1900 a law was promulgated relating to Credit Guilds, but as it has been in operation only for a short time, it is still too early to speak of its results ; but there can be no doubt that the provision will be extremely useful. Even before the passing of this law there were considerable numbers of such guilds in existence, some of which were established as far back as 230 years ago on the rules laid down by the celebrated economist and moralist Ninomiya. Sufficient has been said to show the great interest which, under the new conditions existing in their country, the Japanese have taken in every department of agriculture. Fish and marine products have always been very important parts of the food supply of the Japanese. Owing Fish and other to its geographical position, to the direction of marine products, marine Currents in its vicinity, and also to the abundance of suitable indentures along the well-wooded coast which can be used as harbours of refuge in the case of storms, Japan is an ideal country for fishermen. It is not surprising, therefore, that there are 900,000 families of fishermen or of persons engaged in the marine industry, or over 3,000,000 individuals, and that the number of fishing boats is over 400,000. With the steady increase of population and the development of the means of com- munication in the interior, the demand for fishing products has begun to show a striking advance — an advance which has been accelerated by an increasing demand from abroad. The following Tables give the values of raw and manu- factured products during recent years : — Raw Products. Food Supply 247 Table Salt. 00 -cJ-vO w Tj- N ■<^- 0 T:J-ONTd- • 0 v£> vO li-i C^VO rn S rnM^ 0 rrocr cfocTrC >iOO VO M 0 '-H '^oo 0 ■^00 vo HH N u->mt'>. fn cn tZ 000 tC dvoo '^roxt-roOvfOO'O vnoo OV OM^OO q"" . ^ G ^ iJ^vo fO 0 0 VO ^ (i 3 VO M LovO -vj- i-t 10 3'? w.S .t^li-lNOO'-'M'^ S m" cvT cvTvd'oo'oo'od'oo' h M bni-H r^NOO 0 ) lOvOi-H ^ ^ CO 00 Vi-H'vt^^fOO M ffi mu-^vo tCvnrCrCrC OOr^M WLororo G . M Ovvo M CO 0 ro 10 *n SocT roi-T cocf lorfeT 0 0 ) >< I-H COOO lOt^vO VOVO 'w' oX) <; (jj CO CO u->vO vO 00 1-1 0 > 1-1 1-4 < 0 M 1-1 r^oo t^oo cooo ooOco^OvooO • 1 -^ 2 . VO i-H rj- CvvO CO 1 ^-S S cT cT vid 1 -h"' Md i-T cf ? tj 0 >H VO CM OVf^ VO X^OO ^ ■tj.ajm VO 0 X>. Ov Ov COOO vO i-Ti-ri-Tc^rTroi^co TD cU OvcO(N r^Tj-N •' 3'2 covoooooo cornet . O^vo '^vo ct 00 CO oTt} g VO VO cT i-T cT d^QO 00 S-o >h 00 0 0 1-iX^'id-COO ■■5 a VOVO Ov N M Tj- W VO CO 1-1 00 r^oo 0 CO CO CO .00 voiitcoo COOOO C 0 VO 1^00 OV ovvo !>. Vh ^vocTvd'cfvCOCOi-r 0 W 0 OvOO I-H 00 VO M- VO in VOVO VO VO VO O' O' CO ON O'OO ^ 0 'li- coi-i CON CO'I^-OI^ .lOVOCOO N VOO •"ij § o' t^vd' o' o' CO VO O' >4 "Vi-vo t^OO VO ThvO 00 3 voc^x^t^o 0 U ►4' hn' I-T cT cT cT vovO X^OO ON 0 '-' c 3 (OnOnOnOvOnOnO 0 CD oooooooooooooNON > Shrimps. CO 1-1 N VOOO VO 0 00 X^ X^OO VO N 00 Tj- 0 . 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CO CO X^ cooo CO CO CO S xC VO cd cd VO*' (d VO d ^•0 3 > tI-cOmOOOO X'^vovo X-^ONCOiii-CON XSX^ )-| M l-l HH hH 1-4 N -vi-CONvO I^IVDVO VO vovO O' X^ CO VO -Vi- rt vo ON 0 ^ -^00^ hT hd i-T hd (d d COI-I 0 COX-^VOI-IVO 43 X-^ X^ I-I ^ N 1-1 voOO On CO 0 ONOO vovO 00 3 OnOvO X-^X^COvOX-^ u w l-l 1-1 1-4 1-1 1-1 1-4 10 ONOO N VO X-^ 10 VO 1-1 N -vj-vo X^OO |2 . x^ 0 00 -Vi- O'OO x^ ?’S g dvd xd d vd 1 -d xd cd "tj 0 >l-4VO OvoO COvtl-4 t^a XS.ONvd-X'^v^t-ONCOl-l is ^ i-d hd cd cd cd CO -vf CO VO CO C^ CX VO VO vi-vo ONVO cvx VO VOOO 1-4 VO c . X^ CiJ 0 N 00 COVO vi- 'S S i-Tod vdod vdvd vd vd >4 0 Vi- OsOO On CN| X^ 0 ci cn voOO VOOO I-H VO ex 0 cd -vf -vf -v? vdvd xd xd ■vi- VOVO X-^OO O' 0 1-4 c3 OnOnOOnOnonO 0 0) 00 00 00 00 00 00 ONON >* 248 Dai Nippon The average value of the seaweeds which are used for food or for industrial purposes has in recent years been about 850,000 yen, and of the whales caught in Japanese waters about 220,000 yen. Sea-otters are caught in the Kuriles, and fur-seals in the Northern Pacific and the Sea of Japan. Formerly these fell mostly into the hands of foreign sealers, but of late, owing to the encouragement given by the Government, the capture of these valuable fur animals of the sea by Japanese fishermen has become quite satisfactory. Modern scientific methods have been applied by the Japanese to their fishing industry; fish culture is now ex- „ , tensively carried out in both fresh and salt encouragement water, and the Government has given encourage- to fisheries, assistance in various ways. Under the feudal system certain fees were charged the fishermen for the privilege of the exclusive use of shores, while fisher- men eligible for the maritime service of the Government were given similar privileges. After the Restoration the practice of exacting fees was abolished and the seas were declared to belong to the State. In all other respects the Government left the matter to be regulated according to existing usages and customs. In 1886 fishery guild regulations were enacted, but soon these simple regulations proved inadequate to deal with troubles constantly arising among fishermen, until in 1902 the Government put in force a law regulating fisheries. In 1897 a law was passed for the purpose of giving encourage- ment to deep-sea fisheries, and State aid is now granted according to the tonnage of the ships employed in the work and to the number of the crew, provided such ships, whether steamers or sailing ships, engage in specified kinds of fishery approved by the Government. The latest returns show that the number of ships engaged in deep-sea fisheries was 22, with a total tonnage of 2042, and that the sum given during the year as State aid was 28,035 Japanese fishermen were employed in fishery in Korean waters even before the Restoration, and since that event 249 Food Supply their numbers have largely increased. In 1883 and 1890 the Japanese Government made special arrangements with the Korean Government for their protection. In 1897 these fishermen established their own association at Fusan, and from 1900 the Government has given an annual grant in aid of its funds. The progress of fishery education has been very slow compared with that of agriculture and commerce. In 1889 a course of instruction in fishery was arranged in the Agricultural College at Komaba, but it was shortly after discontinued. The Fishery Training School of the Japan Fishery Association did much to diffuse knowledge with regard to this important subject, and its work is being continued now as a Government institution. There are various associations and public bodies interested in fishing, some of a national and others of a local character ; all of which are useful in promoting the fishing industry and regu- lating its financial and commercial interests. Notwithstanding the efforts of the Agricultural Depart- ment to improve farming operations and to increase the amount of the agricultural products, the supply importation of food will evidently soon become a pressing of food, problem, as is seen from an examination of the trade returns for last year. The rice crops for that year were excellent, as were also the most of the other crops, and it was anticipated that there would have been sufficient food for the nation without purchasing much from abroad. The farmers, however, were anxious to recoup themselves for bad preceding years, and refused to sell until the price of rice had risen, and thus large amounts had to be imported from British and French India, Burmah, Siam, and Korea ; but rice cannot be kept stored in bulk in Japan for any length of time as it spoils very rapidly in the damp weather. With the free importation of rice the Japanese farmers find them- selves face to face with a competition similar to that which has placed the landowners and the farmers of Britain in a difficult position. Still a certain amount of speculation on 250 Dai Nippon the part of the farmers and the merchants is possible, and it must be taken into account when studying the food supply of Japan in the future. Moreover, the Japanese are now using a considerable amount of foreign food materials which are not likely to be produced in Japan for some time, and they all, more or less, affect the question of food supply. The following table shows the values of the grains and seeds imported last year : — Beans, peas, and pulse — Yen. Beans, soja ..... 6,369,081 Others 1,624,331 Rice ...... 51,960,272 Seeds, cotton ..... 829,017 Seeds, sesame . . . . . 37 3,113 Wheat 4,767,838 All other grains and seeds . . 1,189,789 Total . . . 67,113,441 Sugar was imported to the value of 21,005,629 yen, and in addition there was a long list of beverages and comestibles of foreign manufacture to the value of 15,157,962 yen, besides a considerable number of miscellaneous products used for food or drink. Evidently the problem of food supply must be taken into account when we are considering the forces which are likely to influence the foreign policy of Japan in the future. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The Reports of the Agricultural Department showing the developments which have taken place in agriculture in Japan should be studied. A very good synopsis of the subject is given in Part 11 . of H. Yamawaki’s Japa 7 i in the beginning of the Twentieth Cepitnry, as well as of the fishing industries. A large number of special articles and reports have been published in Japan on these subjects and will be found of great interest by specialists. The volumes prepared for the Paris Exhibition of 1900 may be specially mentioned. The An 7 iual Returns of the Foreign Trade of the E 77 ipire of fapan issued by the Department of Finance should be studied for details of food imported and exported. CHAPTER XII COLONISATION AND EMIGRATION Notwithstanding the improvements in agriculture and fishery, as we have seen, the population is beginning to press on the supply of food produced in Japan. The Pressure Britain of the East is now passing through the of population, same stage as did the Britain of the West in the earlier part of last century. Modern sanitary, social, and economic conditions have been the chief causes of the rapid increase of population in recent years. For some time past that increase has been between four and five hundred thousand per annum, and the Japanese Government has in con- sequence been compelled to consider the problems which have arisen. As an influential Japanese writer recently put it : “ Of her habitable dominions Japan has made the best ; not a jot of land has been left uninhabited. Still she finds herself obliged to make some further arrangements. What by necessity and what by policy she is prompted to take, not as heretofore a stay-at-home policy, but to push forward and neglect no opportunity in planting settlements in any places of the earth not yet occupied by others, and favoured, even in a moderate degree by nature in productions and climate.” He supported his arguments by pointing to the examples of other nations, but of course it is evident that such proposals are only of limited application. After all, there is not a very large part of the surface of the globe unoccupied or at least unappropriated, and if all nations followed the same policy, every inch would soon be taken up. 251 252 Dai Nippon As yet, however, the population problem has not pressed very hard on Japan, and indeed the development of industries has to a large extent provided for the increase of population, and has even, in some districts, caused a dearth in agricultural and other labour. No doubt these industries will increase in number and size, and Japan, like Britain, may be made to sustain a very large population, which may be to a con- siderable extent supported by the food imported from other countries. This policy also has its limits, and it is doubtful if it is wise, from a national point of view, to follow it too far. We have seen that the Japanese authorities recognise the problems involved, and have been improving their methods of agriculture, and bringing more land under cultivation. The belief, however, prevails that Japan, like Britain, must become a great manufacturing country, which would send her products to the markets of the world, and especially to those in the Far East. Hence the attention which has been given in recent years to colonisation, to the outlying parts of the Empire, and to emigration to foreign countries, especially to Korea and China, and the influence which this has had on the foreign policy of the country. In the strict sense of the term Japan has no colonies, for all the so-called colonial settlements are within the empire and under its central Government. What has been attempted is not colonisation, but immigration from one part of the empire which had a surplus population to another part which was comparatively unoccupied. There are Japanese settlements in China, Korea, Hawaii, and to a smaller extent in Siam and other parts of the world, which are sometimes called colonies, but which are simply con- cessions from the respective Governments on terms similar to those of other nations. The administration of those parts of the Japanese Empire in which immigration has taken place is in some respects special, and we will therefore note some of the measures which have been taken to advance the objects in view and to develop their natural resources. Colonisation and Emigration 253 While the annual increase in the population in Japan was still small, and chiefly for political reasons, one of the first undertakings of the new Government was Department of the institution of a special department, called Kaitakushi. Kaitakushi, for the encouragement of emigration to the island of Yezo, and for the development of its resources. The Ainos (or Ainu), the aboriginal inhabitants of Yezo, are supposed to be the remnants of the people which formerly spread over the whole of the Japanese archipelago, and on the arrival of the Japanese proper from the north- west, they were gradually pressed towards the east and north. Early in the eighteenth century they were completely subjugated and confined to the northern island of Yezo. Japanese colonists had, however, proceeded in considerable numbers to that island, and up till the time of the Restora- tion its affairs were administered by officers of the Shogunate. During the troubles of 1868 Admiral Enomoto took the Shogun’s fleet to Yezo, captured Hakodate, and proclaimed a republic, but in the following year he was comipelled to capitulate. Soon after Yezo was placed under the special department of the Government already mentioned and called the Kaitakushi (Colonisation Commission), and the island became part of Japan proper, receiving the designation of Hokkaido, or North Sea Circuit It was divided into ten provinces, and arrangements were made for the development of its resources. Up till that time Yezo was chiefly important for its fisheries, but of course its position gave it great political importance. Its possession gave a command of the Eastern seas, a fact which even then had been recognised by the Russians, who endeavoured to obtain a footing in the island, but the opening of Japan to foreign intercourse nipped this encroachment in the bud. These and similar actions by the Russians were, however, not forgotten by the Japanese. Their earlier attempts at colonisation in Yezo had therefore a significance of a political nature, and cannot be judged entirely from their financial results. 254 Dai Nippon A considerable number of Americans, with General Capron at their head, were engaged by the executive for the purpose of developing the agriculture of the island. Large sums were expended on model farms and public works, but it was soon recognised that a strong navy would be far more useful, from a political point of view, especially as it was found that many of the agricultural and colonisa- tion experiments had a very limited success, and in i88i the Kaitakushi was dissolved. Since that time the Govern- ment of the island has undergone repeated reorganisation, into the details of which, however, we need not enter. One Military attempt at increasing the population may, how- Coiomes. ever, be noted. In the year mentioned the Government resolved to found military colonies, in which it was intended that the soldiers should at the same time engage in agricultural cultivation ; but the combination was found to be inefficient, both from the point of view of soldiering and of agriculture, and after some time the experiment was abandoned. In order to guard against Russian aggression, an army corps is now always stationed in the island, and emigration, agriculture, fisheries, and other industries are allowed to develop in a natural manner. An Agricultural College was instituted in Sapporo in the early days of the Kaitakushi, and it has been of con- siderable service in training men who have improved the methods of agriculture. More- products. over, many of the chief agricultural officials have been educated in the Agricultural College of Tokyo University, and in addition have visited foreign countries for the purpose of observing operations which are likely to be of use in Yezo. Although the climate is somewhat against the agricultural development of the island, great improvements have taken place both in the cultivation of the land and in the fisheries. The tinned-fish industry has assumed considerable importance. Other marine products have also been largely increased, and their annual value now amounts to a consider- able sum. Agriculture and marine 255 Colonisation and Emigration Railways, mining, and other industries. The Government has laid out a very complete system of railways which will open up the resources of the Hokkaido, and a considerable part of it has been con- structed under the superintendence of my friend and former student Dr. Tanabe Sakuro, now Professor of Civil Engineering in the University of Kyoto. The Tanko Tetsudo Kaisha (the Coal Mining Railway Company) has done a great deal to develop the mineral resources of the island and it now does a very large and prosperous business. The island has not only very large deposits of coal but has also a considerable number of other mineral resources, including silver, manganese, sulphur, petroleum, some of which are capable of offering employment to large numbers of people. Industries of various kinds have been started and carried on with con- siderable success. Sapporo beer has been favourably known for nearly thirty years, the paper industry is being developed, and many smaller industries have been started, especially those connected with fisheries and marine and agricultural products, and in order to meet the requirements of the shipping a dry dock has been constructed at Hakodate and other facilities for the encouragement of trade have been given. In short, Hokkaido will in future be treated like the other parts of Japan ; that is to say, its resources will be developed without artificial support or assisted emigration, and its success will depend on its economic conditions and the manner in which these are taken advantage of. Notwithstanding the encouragement which has been given by the Government, the attempts to settle a consider- able population in Hokkaido have not been immigration and very successful. This is accounted for, no doubt, population, to a great extent, by the inhospitable climate in the winter time and the comparative isolation of the island from the rest of Japan. As, however, the means of communication are improved and the industrial resources are developed, there is certain to be a large increase in the number of settlers. The following figures show the population since 1868 : — 256 Dai Nippon Year. Population. Year. Population. 1868 58,467 1895 678,215 1872 111,196 1896 715,172 1877 191,172 239,632 1897 786,211 1882 1898 853,239 1887 321,208 1899 803,413 1892 509,609 1900 810,111 800,102 1893 1894 559,959 616,650 1901 The island of Formosa (called Taiwan by the Japanese) came under the control of the Japanese Government on the termination of the war between Japan and Formosa. /-n . . o 1 • 11 , China in 1895, being ceded as one of the con- ditions of peace between the two nations, and in consequence the Japanese found themselves face to face with some very difficult problems. Although they cannot as yet be said to have solved all these problems, they have by their tact, good sense, and, I may add, unselfishness, gone a long way towards making Formosa an integral part of the Japanese Empire, not only politically but also in every other respect. The past history of Formosa is very interesting, but for it I must refer to other books, and notably to that by Mr. James W. Davidson, formerly the Consul of the United States of America in Formosa, now of Antung, Manchuria ; all meantime that I can attempt is a short outline of the work which has been done by the Japanese since they obtained possession of the island. It is very rich in tea, camphor, sugar, fruits, and vegetables of every kind, while its mineral resources are considerable, although these have, as yet, not been fully investigated. The Japanese did not enter into peaceful possession. A large part of the island is inhabited by aborigines of a savage nature, who have to be brought under control ; while many of the Chinese in the island, animated in some cases by patriotism, and in others by real or fancied grievances, have given great trouble. The difficulty of finding men who were capable of undertaking Colonisation and Emigration 257 work of such an intricate and novel kind would have been found great by any country in the world, and the Japanese Government has had trouble from the inefficiency and misconduct of some of its officials ; but this is now being overcome, and under the administration of Lieut-General Baron Kodama, Governor -General, and of Dr. Shimpei Goto, Civil Governor, efficiency is rapidly being attained and misconduct is disappearing ; so that now even the most severe critics have nothing but praise for the work of the administration. Previous to the occupation of the island by Japan in 1895 there was not a single Japanese resident in Formosa. The first civilian arrivals were not a very Japanese popuia- desirable class, being, for the most part, Formosa, adventurers, and they led to considerable trouble. Many died from the effects of the climate, combined v/ith in- sanitary conditions and their own bad habits, and many more were glad to return to Japan on the first opportunity. After the restoration of order a better element arrived. Merchants in Japan sent representatives to report on the prospects of trade ; scientific and professional men visited the island for the purposes of research and the investigation of its resources, while shopkeepers and tradesmen of various kinds established themselves in the cities with the object of carrying on business. At first the mortality among the Japanese residents was very great, on account of the bad sanitary conditions, but with better houses and attention to sanitation, matters have greatly improved. Mr. Davidson says : “ Given a sanitary neighbourhood, upper-storeyed quarters, plenty of fresh air and light, good food and protection for the head when exposed to the sun’s rays, and life can be made quite as healthy as can be expected in a warm climate. The author’s experience of six years in the island without a single day of sickness entitles him to speak with some authority on this point.” In 1900 the Japanese population of the island was about 40,000, being an increase of nearly 8000 during the (b 207) O 258 Dai Nippon year; the total population being 2,690,387. The following table shows the occupations of the Japanese population : — Males. Females. Total. Officials .... 5214 697 5911 Educationists . I16 30 146 Agriculturists . 54 II 65 Manufacturers . 2255 230 2485 Merchants 4458 3597 8055 Labourers 1260 146 1470 Possessing no regular trade 165 84 249 Miscellaneous . 3912 2832 6743 With the exception of some wealthy firms, who are interesting themselves in plantations, the Japanese do not take to agricultural employment, and they are not likely ever seriously to compete with the Chinese in this depart- ment, who are not only accustomed to the work, but have also great powers of endurance under a hot sun. Formosa is not therefore likely to offer much scope for the influx of a large number of Japanese agricultural workers, not only for the reasons mentioned, but also because the greater part of the cultivated land is already in the hands of Chinese. For artisans, overseers, and shop assistants, and for general, professional, and skilled labour there is, however, an opening. The present Japanese population is therefore found scattered throughout the cities and villages. During the early days of the Japanese occupation wives and children were rarely brought to the island ; now family life is more in favour, and the number of Japanese females is consequently on the increase, although even yet the males outnumber them by 3 to I. Taking into account the increase of Japanese population and its general welfare, Mr. Davidson says : “ All things considered, it would appear that the Japanese are finding life in Formosa worth living.” The administration of Formosa and of the neighbouring islands is wholly under the central Government of Japan, there being no local representation. The laws of Japan do 259 Colonisation and E7nig7^ation not apply to Formosa unless special provision to that effect has been entered in the law itself. The supreme executive authority is vested in the Governor -General, . . , , 1. 1- 1 /-i-r Administration. who has as his immediate advisers the Chief of Civil Administration, Chief of Military Staff, and the Chief Councillor, who have power to issue ordinances for the government of the island, which come into force after they receive the sanction of the Emperor. Under the Department of Civil Administration are the Section of Police Affairs and the following Bureaux : — General Affairs, Finance, Communications, Agriculture, and Industry and Public Works, each with an adequate staff of officials. Local administrative offices or cho (as in Japan) have been established at a sufficient number of points, and the work of administration generally is approximating to that of Japan proper. Under the Chinese Government education in Formosa was almost entirely neglected, there being only two missionary schools, confined almost exclusively to the Education children of well-to-do parents who could afford justice, and to pay for it. The Japanese Government have sanitation, been doing a good deal to encourage education, and there are now I20 Government public schools scattered throughout the island, many of them in buildings specially built for the purpose. Progress must of course be slow, but it is intended to have the same system as in Japan. In addition to the primary schools which have been established the Government supports a number of special schools. First in importance comes the Medical School attached to the splendidly equipped Central Hospital at Taihoku, the chief city in the island. An agricultural school has been established in con- nection with the Taihoku Prefecture agriculture station and a number of other special schools of an industrial nature. In addition nearly every village possesses a school on the old Chinese style, with which the Government does not interfere. For many years much good educational work has been 26 o Dai Nippon carried on by the missionaries of the Canadian and English Presbyterian Churches, for details of which, however, reference must be made to special publications. Among the latter my old fellow-student the Rev. Thomas Barclay, M.A., has since 1874 been taking a very prominent part. Courts of justice have been established over the island and law and order now prevail where formerly there were crime and disorder. Considerable attention has been paid to sanitation, with the consequence, as already indicated, that public health has much improved. The Japanese have greatly developed the means of communication in Formosa. New roads have been made Means of and the old ones repaired, and at the present communication, time over a thousand miles are in process of construction at a very considerable cost. The first railway in Formosa was built by the Chinese Government and was completed in 1893. On the arrival of the Japanese, some 62 miles in length came into their possession, but it was found to be in such a wretched condition that a satisfactory train service could not be maintained, and the rolling stock was very limited and entirely unsuited to the requirements. The greater part of the line was reconstructed. At first the railway was under the control of the Military Department, but in 1897 it came under the control of the Civil Depart- ment. A private limited liability company was organised for the purpose of completing the Formosa railway system, but it failed to obtain the financial support of the public, and in 1898 the Formosan Government announced its intention of carrying on the work itself Under the able direction of Chief Engineer Hasegawa, and of the Assistant Engineer Mr. S. Niimoto, the plans were soon arranged; in 1899 work was commenced on the southern line from Takow north to Tainan, a distance of 28 miles, and it was com- pleted in November 1900. The Kelung and Shinchiku (Teckcham) lines were repaired, much rolling stock was added, and in the autumn of 1900 work was commenced on the short branch line from Taihoku (Taipeh) to Tamsui Colonisation and Emigration 261 (Kobe), which was completed in June 1901. Over 200 miles of narrow-gauge tramway have been constructed in the island, primarily for the transport of military supplies, but it is also used for general freight and passengers. The main line runs from Shinchiku (Teckcham) in the north to Tainan in the south, a distance of 140 miles, and there are two branch lines. In order to meet the cost of improving the existing railway and extending it to form a complete trunk line, as well as to construct a harbour at Kelung, erect Government offices, and make a cadastral survey, the Diet authorised the Colonial Government of Formosa to raise loans to the amount of three and a half millions sterling, the principal and interest to be paid out of the revenue of the islands. Formosa now possesses twelve open ports, though only four — Kelung, Tamsui, Takow, and Anping — are utilised by merchant steamers engaged in foreign trade. The remaining ports are visited by coasting vessels and by Chinese and native-owned junks engaged in the China and Formosa trade. There are now considerable facilities for steamship communications between Formosa and Japan and China, encouragement being given by the Japanese Government in the shape of subsidies. The chief line of steamers trading to Formosa is the Osaka Shosen Kaisha, although the Nippon Yusen Kaisha, the most important steamship company in Japan, has also some traffic with the island. Unfortunately, Formosa possesses no good natural harbours, and plans have been made out for considerable engineering works for harbour improvement. The large mail steamers running between the island and Japan have Kelung as their Formosa terminal, which is in fact the only harbour for big ships in the island. The steamers destined for Hong-Kong and other China ports sail from Tamsui and Anping. The Japanese have instituted a very efficient post-office and telegraph service in Formosa. Every village has now a post office, and mail matter is delivered to any city in the island at the regular rate existing in Japan proper. The 262 Dai Nippon telegraph is under Government control and is run in connection with the posts. Over 2000 miles of telegraph and 600 miles of telephone wire, with cables between Formosa, the Japanese mainland and the Pescadores, have been laid. The chief agricultural products of Formosa are rice, tea, sugar, cane, sweet potatoes, ramie, jute, turmeric. The value Products and the marine products, although it is increasing, foreign trade, jg j^ot yet very great. The mineral resources are being developed, gold to a considerable extent, while the output of sulphur is now of importance, and the output of coal is rapidly increasing. Camphor is a Government monopoly and yields a revenue of about ^^400,000 a year. There has been but little increase in the value of the exports from Formosa since it was ceded to Japan in 1895. But the Japanese occupation has had a stimulating effect on imports, which now include many of the products of Western civilisation. Formosa, however, being an integral part of Japan, there is a rapidly growing trade with and via Japan, and therefore the outline of the foreign trade of the empire which we have given in a previous chapter will be sufficient for our present purpose. Mr. Davidson says that “ the Japanese occupation will improve the position of the masses throughout the island ; of this there can be little doubt. It will bring GcnGfcil effects of Japanese thousands within the reach of modern con- ° Formosa veniences, the railway, improved shipping facilities, good roads, etc. It will afford them modern medical treatment, the advantages of modern education, and will offer encouragement to the development of the island’s resources and the utilising of machinery and other improved methods of manufacture.” It is yet too early to attempt to tabulate definite social and economic results, but already a considerable part of the population finds its wages doubled, and the farmers obtain higher prices for their products ; a fact which reduces somewhat the actual value of the wages. Still the purchasing power Colo 7 tisation and Emig^^ation 263 of the masses has been considerably increased, with a consequent increase of comfort and welfare. Dr. Shimpei Goto, the Civil Governor, thus summarises the reforms which have been introduced : — {a) The adminis- trative system, for which General Baron Kodama is at present responsible, has since 1898 answered all requirements, and has given contentment to a population which is composed of many elements inclined by nature to be more or less antagonistic to one another, {d) As to sanitation, whereas the Chinese had paid no heed whatever to such matters, and the death-rate was extraordinarily high at the time when the island became the property of Japan, steps were at once taken by the new owners to remedy the defective drainage of the towns, to supply pure drinking-water by boring artesian wells and establishing water-works, and to reduce the number of mosquitoes and other noxious insects, which previously were veritable plagues. Hospitals were in- dispensable to the fulfilment of the scheme, and no fewer than eleven of these institutions are now rendering excellent service, {c) The cadastre, upon which the land tax is collected, is being pushed forward, and its effects, as ex- hibited in a largely enhanced revenue from this source, are already plainly visible, though the work is necessarily one which demands time for its complete accomplishment, {d) The educational measures adopted are far-reaching and are certain to be effective, {e) Public works, in the direction of lighthouses, railways, and telegraphs, and the improvement for the accommodation for shipping at various ports, are all receiving their due share of attention. (/) The banking affairs and monetary system of the colony have been placed upon a satisfactory footing. With all this Dr. Goto claims that already Formosa is no longer a financial burden to the central Government, and he justly claims this as proof of a vitality and of capabilities in general that are indubitably above the average. He believes that its future is eminently hopeful, as it is based upon rich agricultural and mineral resources which will form valuable adjuncts to those of 264 Dai Nippon Japan proper, and the development of which will not only- give a considerable outlet for the surplus population but also add greatly to the wealth of the empire. One very interesting item in the action of the Japanese in Formosa is their treatment of the opium problem. When they took possession of the island they found there a population more or less addicted to the drug, and it was decided to abolish the practice by degrees. Only those who have already suffered from its effects to the extent that it occasions them intense pain to deprive them of the pipe are now permitted by a special warrant which they are obliged to procure to continue the use thereof. It is strictly for- bidden to begin the practice, under severe penalties, and in order that the Government might have full control, and also to facilitate the final extinction of the habit, it has retained the sale of opium in its own hands. The revenue derived from the monopoly amounts to about ;f 400,000 a year. The rapidly increasing population of Japan has com- pelled the Japanese to look beyond the boundaries of their Emigration to territories for outlets for their surplus Korea and people, and naturally Korea and China have China. been looked upon as the most eligible countries, not only on account of their proximity, but also because of their historical associations. Mr. T. Nakahashi, a well- known Japanese politician, has said : “ It admits of no doubt that nothing is more urgent for Japan at the present time than to find and develop the resources of new districts beyond the sea, with a view to the increase and prosperity of her own race in the world. In fifty years or so the number of the people will be nearly thrice as large as it is now. The number has been increasing yearly by four or five hundred thousand. As the increase is made invariably in regular advance it may be safely inferred that in a few score years the Japanese people will number a hundred millions. “ Granted that the Japanese should in every possible way be encouraged to emigrate to some convenient countries with Colonisation and Emigration 265 a view to their future greatness, then Korea and Manchuria are the very places, and their next step should be to open and develop the means of communication with the proposed colonies. “ By an expenditure of sixty million yen spread over twenty years, two or three millions of Japanese settlers could be sustained in Korea and Manchuria. However great may be the number of emigrants from Russia, that Power will find herself always outdone by Japan. “Japan must work out her own greatness, if necessary, in spite of her allies. Friendship is one thing, self- aggrandisement another. Even at the risk of peace, her colonisation policy must be carried out according to the plan she thinks best. Not a few collisions with the interests of the various nations may arise as a consequence of this struggle for existence. But each must carry out her respective international policy in spite of all obstacles.” These sentences prove that the modern Imperial spirit which has shown itself in almost all other parts of the world is not unknown in Japan, although they cannot be looked upon as in any way representing the policy of the Government. Still their existence cannot be overlooked, as their influence is certain to be felt in a greater or less degree. All that the Japanese ask, at the present time, is freedom of trade and of reasonable settlement ; in short, that their countrymen in Manchuria and Korea shall have fair-play, and that there shall be “ the open door ” for commerce. The official returns show that at the end of 1901 the numbers of Japanese in China were 5686, in Korea 4843, in Siam 16, in Hong-Kong 371, in Manilla 150, in Singapore 173, and India 42. The emigration of Japanese to other countries, especially to North and South America and Australasia, is certain to cause a certain amount of discussion, if not Emigration to more serious trouble, in the not very distant other foreign future. The dislike of these countries to countries, crowds of Chinese is well known, and drastic legislation has 266 Dai Nippon been passed to prevent their arrival. Such legislation equally affects the Japanese, but in many respects their case is different from the Chinese. In the first place, their numbers are never likely to be very great, as the majority of those who wish to emigrate will naturally give a preference to countries nearer home ; and in the second, those who do leave Japan will, as a rule, not be of the labouring classes, but rather have special qualifications as merchants, engineers, or craftsmen. The latest published returns show that there were over 9000 in the United States or their colonies. A good many of these were in Hawaii, which at the time they settled there was an independent kingdom, and the climate and industrial conditions of which are very suitable for Japanese. Of the number mentioned 554 were students, and 2851 were engaged in trade. In Britain and British colonies the same returns show that there were 8215 Japanese, while Russia and Russian colonies had 3953. The other countries, apart from Korea and China, had only insignificant numbers ; so that the question of Japanese emigration with them is not as yet of practical importance. In Britain proper it is never likely to become a burning question, as its geographical position makes it unlikely that large numbers of Japanese will ever settle there. Moreover, the economic conditions are against such a probability. In Australasia and Canada, however, the cases are different, and the same laws apply to Japanese as to Chinese, and it will not be surprising if the subject becomes one of general and diplomatic discussion. It is to be hoped that it will be settled in a common-sense manner, and that in British territories at least Japanese will be welcomed as likely to advance the welfare of the communities in which they settle. In this chapter I have confined myself to a description of what has been attempted by the Japanese in the way of colonisation and emigration, but, after all, such methods of solving the population question can have only a very limited result. The solution of the real problem lies much deeper, and it is to be hoped that the Japanese will recognise that Colonisation and Emigration 267 their influence in the world will depend much more on the quality of the people in their own country than in the numbers scattered over the other countries. It is further to be hoped that their national pride will not allow them to become hewers of wood and drawers of water to the other peoples of the world. Japan, like other industrial countries, is now face to face with many economic and social problems, and a resort to emigration on a large scale only results in the postponement of the solution of these problems. When free immigration is allowed in any country it has two bad effects. In the country to which immigrants are admitted it blinds people to the real causes of unemploy- ment and starvation in the midst of superfluous wealth, while in the country from which the emigration takes place it, to some extent, relieves the pressure of competition and enables both the Government and the people to shut their eyes to the real causes of the evil. While anything in the shape of what may be called artificial or forced emigration should be discouraged, natural emigration, depending entirely on economic considerations, should not be interfered with. Each nation should be expected to solve its own social problems, and economic conditions determine to a large extent how this is to be done. The Japanese are never likely to send great numbers to any parts of the world, except probably to neighbouring countries in the Far East ; and Europe, America, and Australia must recognise that unless they receive on favourable terms those who go to them on legitimate business or work, their conduct may lead to measures of retaliation which would not only be unpleasant but also probably result in great financial loss. Already some questions have been raised, and it is to be hoped that they will be considered fairly and in all their aspects by the nations concerned, and that arrangements will be made which will conduce to the peace and welfare of the world. 268 Dai Nippon BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE There is not much literature dealing directly with the subjects of this chapter. Many of the books on Japan, however, touch on it incidentally. Government Reports and the files of the daily newspapers are the chief sources of information. Mr. Davidson’s large book on Formosa deals fully with the history, resources, government, etc., of that island. Chapter xiv. of Stafford Ransome’s Japan in Transition^ and Chapter vi. of M. Dumolard’s Le Japon, politique^ economique et social^ contain some useful information on the subject. On the more general question of colonisation and emigration there are no special books, although there has been a great deal of discussion on it in the newspapers. CHAPTER XIII CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT The first of the principles enunciated by the Emperor soon after his accession to the throne, and which were to guide the actions of the Government, was to the following effect : — “ Deliberative assemblies shall be established principle on a broad basis in order that governmental enunciated by measures may be adopted in accordance with Emperor, public opinion.” For some years before these words were spoken there were in Japan a considerable number of students of constitutional government as it existed in Europe and America, but probably those in authority had little idea of the actual shape which the measures proposed in Japan would take. In this, as in other matters, their ideals developed as they gained information and experience. The Government of Japan under the Shoguns, while nominally an autocracy, was tempered to a considerable extent by various influences. The local autonomy enjoyed by each fief was not exercised by the daimyo himself but by his leading vassals, and even the nominal powers of the Shogun were wielded by a large ^^™crac>^ body of ministers and councillors. Although there was no direct representation from the other clans, still the more powerful among them exercised a considerable amount of influence in a more or less indirect manner, as they were jealous of the practical absolutism which had been developed by a family which legally was in pre- cisely the same position as themselves. On the arrival 269 270 Dai Nippon of the American fleet under Commodore Perry, the Shogun thought it politic not only to inform the Emperor of the demands of the Americans but also to summon a council of the feudal chiefs in order that they might consult as to the steps to be taken under the circumstances. No doubt he saw that it was impossible to refuse the demands which were being made, but at the same time he felt that to grant them was a dangerous step to take on his own responsibility. The opinions of the daimyos were by no means unanimous on the subject. Some were inclined to open the country to foreign commerce on account of the profit which would result, others were prepared to resist the demands of the foreigners, even at the risk of war. The position of the latter was strengthened by the attitude of the Emperor Komei (the father of the present Emperor), who, being absolutely ignorant of political affairs in the exterior world, looked upon the arrival of the American squadron as a foreign invasion, sent letters to the dignitaries of the Buddhist and Shintoist priesthoods asking their prayers for the expulsion of the foreigners, and in this position was supported by the whole of the Imperial Court. The first attempt at representative government in Japan therefore came to naught, and it was evidently made more for the purpose of appeasing the jealousy of the larger clans than of obtaining the opinions of the body of the people. That jealousy brought about years of agitation and many assassinations until the death of the Emperor Komei in 1867, and shortly afterwards the Shogun, Keiki Tokugawa, re- signed his powers into the hands of the present Emperor. During the next year a Kogisho or Parliament was called together, and great hopes were entertained of its usefulness. First attempts at composed ( I ) of representatives of the representative daimyos, (2) of functionaries of the depart- government. of the Central Government, and (3) representatives of the higher schools in Tokyo. It turned out a peaceful debating society, whose function was to give advice to the Imperial Government. Moreover, it Constitutional Gove^^nment 271 was decidedly conservative and adhered to all the old customs of the country, as was shown by the practically unanimous votes against the proposals to abolish the privilege of hara-kiri and the wearing of swords. After a short and uneventful career the meeting was dissolved in the autumn of the same year, never to reassemble, as it was very evident that the country was not yet ripe for anything which was really worthy of the name of Parliamentary government. Although the first attempt at a representative assembly in Japan was a comparative failure, still the evolution pro- ceeded in various ways. The modifications . r 1 Evolution in that took place in the machinery of the direction of central Government (and which will be representative noticed in the next chapter) were all m the direction of widening the influences which were brought to bear on the executive, and, although these influences were indirect, still they were by no means to be neglected. Public opinion, in many ways, was able to make itself felt, and these rapidly developed a demand for a representative assembly composed of members directly elected by the people. In April 1875 an Imperial Decree was issued which, in addition to certain administrative developments, ordered that an annual meeting of provincial governors should be held, so that they might discuss the affairs of their own districts and of the country generally. The Satsuma rebellion and other troubles, both internal and external, occupied public attention for a considerable time, and the agitation for constitutional government subsided. Meantime the Government slowly developed representative institutions in the various prefectures and cities (as will be explained more fully in the next chapter), but these steps did not satisfy the leaders of the agitation, as their purpose was to overthrow the clique of clansmen who, holding the reins of administrative power, monopolised the prizes of officialdom, and the development of local government did nothing to attain this end. 272 Dai Nippon In 1879 the agitation was renewed, chiefly on the initiative of Itagaki Taisuke (now Count Itagaki), a Tosa Agitation led by samurai who had taken a prominent part in Itagaki. movement for the Restoration, and meet- ings were held in many parts of the country for the purpose of discussing the question. In March 1880 a general meeting of the leaders of the movement was held in Osaka and a new organisation was formed for the purposes of active propaganda. Under the leadership of Itagaki there was formed an association called Jiyuto (Liberals), which was the first political party in Japan, and was composed not only of men who held advanced opinions, but of many others who had or thought they had personal grievances against the Government, through their loss of office. The words and even the actions of some of these men were sometimes very violent, and in order to restrain them the police were entrusted with certain powers of control over the press and the platform. The somewhat drastic use of these powers enabled the Liberals to pose as victims of official tyranny, and prosecution (or persecution as some might call it) had its usual result ; the movement grew in popularity and political agitation spread rapidly. In 1881 Okuma Shigenobu (now Count Okuma), who had held high position in the Government and was an authority on financial matters, seceded from the administration, and with his adherents organised an independent party calling them- selves Shimpoto (Progressists), who not only stood aloof from Liberals but even assumed an attitude hostile to them ; a fact which proves that the first political parties in Japan were grouped not about principles but about persons. However, it is not necessary meantime to enter into details of party politics or of constitutional and legislative enact- ments. For our present purpose it is sufficient to note the chief points which seem to have a direct bearing on the national evolution. As already mentioned — the outcome of the agitation which was carried on — in 1881 an edict was published Constitutional Government 273 announcing that a national assembly would be convened in 1891. It was naturally supposed that this would have stilled the agitation, and that the Japanese Edict announcing spirit of patriotism would have caused merely national assembly, personal considerations to be put aside and united all parties in their efforts to make constitutional government a success. Unfortunately this was not the case ; for having seemingly attained what was stated to be their object, the leaders of the movement directed their energies to the dissemination of anti-official prejudices among the future electors, somewhat after the manner of party politicians in every country in the world, and for ten years a very active anti-Government propaganda was carried on, both on the platform and in the press, and not infrequently scenes of violence occurred, pro- ceedings which did not augur well for the smooth working of the future Parliament. Meantime the statesmen in power resolutely pursued their path of progressive reform. Captain Brinkley has summarised their work during this period in Legislative and the following paragraph, which is a model of administrative condensed information : — “ They codified the civil and penal laws, remodelling them on Western bases ; they brought a vast number of affairs within the scope of minute regulations ; they rescued the finances from con- fusion and restored them to a sound condition ; they recast the whole framework of local government ; they organised a great national bank, and established a network of subordinate institutions throughout the country ; they pushed the work of railway construction, and successfully enlisted private enterprise in its cause ; they steadily extended the postal and telegraphic services ; they economised public expendi- tures so that the State’s income always exceeded its outlays ; they laid the foundations of a strong mercantile marine ; they instituted a system of postal savings banks ; they undertook large schemes of harbour improvement and road- making ; they planned and put into operation an extensive programme of riparian improvement ; they made civil (b 207) 2 74 Nippon service appointments depend on competitive examination ; they sent numbers of students to Europe and America to complete their studies ; and by tactful, persevering diplomacy they gradually introduced a new tone into the Empire’s relations with foreign powers. Japan’s affairs were never better administered.” As a step towards providing some of the machinery required by the new constitution, the Emperor, on the advice New orders of of Mr. Ito (afterwards Marquis), instituted five nobility. orders of nobility (apart from the princes of the blood), the English equivalents of which were princes, marquises, counts, viscounts, and barons. The greatest of the territorial nobles received the title of prince, the smallest that of baron, and titles of various degrees were bestowed on men who had rendered service to the country as statesmen, soldiers, sailors, or scholars, without regard to their original social status. In 1900 the princes numbered ii, the marquises 33, the counts 89, the viscounts 363, and the barons 280. The Japanese have been sneered at for this imitation of foreign customs, but they only followed the national evolution from feudalism to a constitutional monarchy and gave modern names to those who either by birth or service were entitled to recognition in framing a Constitution. That Constitution was promulgated in 1890 with imposing ceremonies. Marquis Ito had been entrusted with Marquis Ito and duty of framing it, and his name will live the Constitution, history not Only for his great services to his country as a statesman and administrator, but also as the chief author of a measure which gave Japan a constitutional Government ; and the Japanese people point proudly to his work as the only charter of the kind voluntarily given by a sovereign to his subjects. Although, as we have indicated, there was a certain amount of agitation, there were none of those long struggles between ruler and ruled which marked the rise of constitutional government in Europe. Marquis Ito studied parliamentary institutions in Europe and America, Constitutional Government 275 noted their methods, and his proposals were of a very cautious or even conservative nature, and the actual Constitu- tion was fashioned more after that of Germany than of Britain. The minimum age of the electors and of the candidates was fixed at twenty-five, and the property qualification at a payment of direct taxes to the amount of 15 yen (30 shillings) annually. The result was that only 460,000 persons were enfranchised out of a population of 42 millions. As is usually the case in constitutional govern- ments the two-chamber system was adopted for the Diet, the Upper tiouse being in part elective, in part hereditary, and in part nominated by the Sovereign ; the Lower consisting of 300 elected members. By a subsequent development the qualification of electors was reduced to 10 yen annually, the number of franchise-holders being thus raised to about 800,000, and various modifications were at the same time introduced into the machinery and methods of election. The Constitution guaranteed freedom of conscience, of speech, and of public meeting, inviolability of domicile and correspondence, security from arrest or punishment except by due process of law, permanence of judicial appointments ; in short, all the essential elements of civil liberty as found in free countries. The Diet was given full legislative authority and control of taxation and financial matters except the payment of the salaries of officials, which the Sovereign reserved the right to fix at will. In the Emperor were vested the usual prerogatives of a constitutional sovereign, such as the power of declaring war and making peace, of concluding treaties, and of appointing and dismissing officials, of approving and promulgating laws, of issuing urgency ordinances to take the temporary place of laws, and of conferring titles of nobility. The provision, however, round which has centred the chief difficulties in the working of the Constitu- difficulties tion is that which made the Cabinet’s tenure of in working office to depend solely on the Emperor’s will, Constitution, and causes it to take its mandate from the Throne and not 276 Dai Nippon from Parliament. The Diet was not long in existence till these difficulties appeared. Loyalty to the Emperor com- pelled all parties to accept as a tenet which was not to be disputed that the sanctity and inviolability of the Imperial prerogative was to be observed ; but the most radical among the Members of Parliament soon showed that they were of opinion that a Cabinet not acknowledging responsibility to the Legislature was virtually impotent for law-making purposes. The authors of the Constitution, no doubt, thought that the transition from an oligarchy to full Parliamentary government was too sudden a transition and was likely to be attended with danger. Probably they were right. Constitutions must develop with the conditions of the country, and already, although the printed words remain as at first. Parliamentary decisions have frequently had great effect on the actions of the Govern- ment, and have, in fact, more than once decided its fate. The future development of this part of the Constitution is probably the most important internal problem which faces Japan, for on it depends the solution of many other problems. In addition to this constitutional question personal elements have to a large extent influenced the action of Personal the Japanese Parliament. The provision alluded elements, evidently gave the opportunity for the con- tinuance in power of practically the same men as those who wielded it before the promulgation of the Constitution and of what were called the “ clan ” administrators. The Government, for the most part, continued to be formed of those who belonged to the powerful clans who had taken an active part in the struggles of the Restoration, and while every unbiassed critic admitted that they did their work well, still the jealousy of the men of the other clans brought about constant struggles in the Diet, and in fact the opposition was directed against men, not measures, and obstruction of a very determined kind became the weapon of political parties. Legislation and finance were rendered Constitutional Government 277 very difficult, and for some time it looked as if constitutional government in Japan was not only a failure, but that it would be the cause of serious disaster to the country. Domestic and personal squabbles were, however, forgotten during the war with China (1894-95), parties united to give all the support which was required to make the war successful. It is not necessary to follow the rise and fall of ministries or the changes in political parties ; the broad fact is evident that the government of Japan combines the features of an autocracy, an oligarchy, and a constitutional government. That the two former are still all-powerful has been made plain by recent events, when Parliament has been repeatedly dissolved while the same Ministry has continued to hold office. At the same time it cannot be said that the repre- sentatives of the people have been without influence in many important ways. In matters of finance they have been able to influence the Government proposals to a very great extent, in general legislation they have broadened the foundations of many public institutions, and in both domestic and foreign politics they have made their opinions felt in a very marked manner. Making a survey of all that has happened since the promulgation of the Constitution, we must agree with Marquis Ito, its chief author, not only that there has been the experimental period, but also that excellent results have thus far been obtained, when it is remembered how sudden has been the transition from feudalism to representative institutions. However able the framers, no Constitution can be turned out which is perfect, and it must be modified to suit the changing conditions. As the Japan Mail put it, “it would be altogether extravagant to expect that Japan’s new constitutional garments should fit her perfectly from the first. She has to grow into them, and of course the process is destined to be more or less awkward.” The first attempt at the compilation of a criminal code was made in 1870 and was amended three years later. 278 Dai Nippon This code was far from perfect, being based mainly on ancient Japanese customs modified more or less by Chinese laws. One of the first serious pieces of work Legislation, ^j^j^ej-taken after the Restoration was the codification of the laws of Japan on the basis of the laws of Europe. Foreign experts were engaged to assist in the work, and no efforts were spared to adopt the best principles of Occidental jurisprudence without doing violence to the customs and traditions of the country. The Civil Code, the Code of Civil Procedure, and the Commercial Code are modelled chiefly on the laws of Germany ; the Criminal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure on the laws of France. In 1882 the Criminal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure were enforced. The latter was subjected to a thorough amendment in 1899, while the amended draft of the former was introduced into the Diet in the eighteenth session, but the dissolution which occurred did not allow time for the consideration of the measure. The principal statute laws thus far enforced are as follows : — Imperial Constitution ..... 1889 Law for the Operation of Laws . . . 1898 Law of Nationality ..... 1899 Criminal Code ...... 1898 Criminal Procedure ..... 1890 Civil Code ....... 1896-8 Civil Procedure ...... 1890 Commercial Code ..... 1890-8 Insurance Law ...... 1900 Law relating to Registration of Real Estate . 1899 Law relating to Organisation of Courts of Law . 1890 Law regarding Ships . . . . . 1899 Law regarding Crews of Ships . . . 1899 Reference must be made to special publications for details of these laws. Other measures relating to finance, public works, and administration have been mentioned in the chapters dealing with these subjects. It was very Constitutional Government 279 significant that one of the first Bills introduced in the Diet in 1891 was one for the removal of all restrictions on freedom of speech, but on account of the opposition of the Peers, who shared the opinion of the Government that to grant a large measure of liberty would certainly encourage licence, it was not until 1897 that the Bill was passed; and the results have falsified all sinister forebodings. No doubt, in some of the journals, the language used is sometimes extreme, but in the majority of cases it is marked by a moderation of tone which has made the press of Japan a most influential instrument in the education of public opinion, and in moulding the empire into a harmonious unity. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The subject of this chapter is chiefly of interest to specialists, and for general readers there is little need to enter into details. ^Marquis Ito’s Commentaries on the Constitutio 7 i of the Empire of fapan and Lay’s History of fapanese Political Parties (Trans. Asiatic Society of fapan^ vol. xxx. part 3) should be studied. More systematic history of the subject will be found in lyenaga’s Constitutional Development of fapan and H. Furuya’s Systeme Representatif au fapon. Knapp’s Feudal and Modern fapan is well written and interesting. Chapter ix. of Clement’s Ha 7 idbook of Moder 7 i fapan gives a very good outline of the subject. A large number of articles dealing with its different aspects have appeared in British and American reviews. W. Petrie Watson, in his book Japa 7 i., Aspects and Destmies, has several chapters on the subject which are very clever, but he sometimes sacrifices exactness for effect. On legal subjects many books and papers have been published, but it is sufficient to m.ention Gubbins’ translation of the dVew Civil Code^ Longford’s Su 77 i 7 nary of the fapanese Penal Codes., and other papers which appear in the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. Captain Brinkley’s article on Japan in the supplementary volumes of the Encyclopcsdia Britannica contains an excellent digest of the history of Constitutional Government in Japan and its more important results. CHAPTER XIV ADMINISTRATION Although the formal abrogation of the feudal system in Japan seemed very rapid and simple, it was, as we have ^ seen, the result of forces which had been act- administration ing for a considerable time, and it left the new after the Government face to face with many problems Restoration. i i . of a complex and difficult nature m adapting the institutions of the country to the new conditions. If foreigners had not forced themselves on Japan, a revolution would still have taken place, but in all probability it would have stopped with the establishment of an autocratic administration, with the Emperor not only as the source of all honour and power, but also as the head of the actual government. The introduction of democratic ideas from the West, however, led to great developments of which even the most advanced thinkers in Japan had no conception. As I have already pointed out, those in authority were not long in recognising that if Japan were to attain what they believed to be her proper status among the nations, a system of education which fitted for all the activities of national life was an absolute necessity, so that commerce and industry might be developed in such a manner as to supply the means of raising the standard of life, and that a strong army and navy were necessary to command respect. The development of constitutional government and the recon- struction of the laws of the country in harmony with the ideas of Western countries broadened the basis of administra- 280 A dministration 281 tion and made the solutions of the problems which lay before the Government more difficult. A detailed account of all that was done to improve the national organisation is far beyond our present scope ; all that I can do is to give an outline of the most important steps in the development. After the Restoration a Constitution was drawn up detailing the various Departments of Government and the duties of the officers in each. These Depart- New central ments were: — i. Supreme Administration; Government. 2. Shinto Religion ; 3. Home Affairs ; 4. Foreign Affairs ; 5. War; 6. Finance; 7. Judicial Affairs; 8. Legislative Affairs. The work of the central Government was carried on chiefly by the Daijokwan, or Cabinet or Council of State, and it is interesting to note the names of those who com- posed it in 1 869 and their former positions and clans. They were : — Sanjo Udaijin (former Kuge) Iwakura Dainagon „ 55 (ex-Prince of Hizen) (Satsuma) (Hizen) (Chishiu) (Tosa) It is impossible to give exact equivalents of the ranks of the various members. Sanjo was First or Prime Minister. Iwakura, Tokudaiji, and Nabeshima were Chief Councillors or Junior Prime Ministers, and the Sangi were Councillors. Under the Daijokwan were the Ministers of the different Departments, who were called to take part in the Cabinet Councils of the Government when any questions relating to their Departments were to be discussed. Sometimes they were all called in to deliberate on matters of great importance. In 1871 the Daijokwan, or Council of State, was turned Tokudaiji „ Nabeshima ,, Okubo Sangi Soyejima „ Okuma ,, Hirozawa ,, Kido „ Sasaki „ 282 Dai Nippon into Sei-In, or Chief College. It was composed of the Daijo, Sai, and Udaijin and of the Sangi, and formed the Council Changes or Cabinet of the Emperor. Sanjo was raised in Government. |-q rank of Daijodaijin ; that of Saidaijin remained vacant. Iwakura became Udaijin, and Saigo, Kido, Itagaki, and Okuma — representing Satsuma, Choshiu, Tosa, and Hizen — were the Sangi. The chiefs of Depart- ments were constituted the U-In, or Right College or House ; while the Left College or House, which was intended to be of a somewhat representative nature, was composed of members nominated by the Emperor, and consisted of a President, Vice-President, and a number of subordinates of different ranks. The executive part of the Government consisted of the Ministers and Vice-Ministers of the eight Departments — Religion, Treasury, Foreign Affairs, War, Education, Justice, Public Works, and Imperial Household. From time to time various changes took place in the arrangements of the central Government. For instance, in 1885 the Department of Public Works was abolished. That Department had been started for the purpose of initiating public works and various branches of industry, and by the date mentioned it was evidently thought by the Government that sufficient progress had been made to render direct assistance and supervision unnecessary, and that private enterprise should be encouraged. A large number of limited liability companies were started and undertakings of all kinds were initiated. The functions of the Public Works Department were distributed among the other Departments, that of Communications taking over the Government Rail- ways, Posts, Telegraphs, etc., while the Imperial College of Engineering was, as already mentioned, transferred to the Department of Education, and became part of the Imperial University of Tokyo. It is not necessary that we should enter into the minor changes which have taken place from time to time ; it is sufficient for our purpose to give an outline of the existing arrangements. The Privy Council is the supreme advisory A dministration 283 organ of the Emperor, while the Cabinet is the central administrative body. It has under it nine Departments of State ; namely, those of Foreign Affairs, Home Affairs, Finance, War, Navy, Justice, Education, Agriculture and Commerce, and Communications. The heads of these Departments are the Ministers of State and they form the Cabinet, under the direction of a Minister President of State who is Premier ; and in obedience to the Em- Functions of peror they deal with all matters relating to Cabinet, administration. The principal matters to be determined by the Cabinet are as follows : — {a) Drawing up of projects of laws and compilation of Budgets and settled accounts. {h) Matters relating to treaties with foreign countries and to international questions. {c) Imperial Ordinances relating to official organisations or the operation of laws. {d') Disputes between the Departments of State as to jurisdiction. {e) Petitions of people sent in, either to the Emperor or to the Diet. (/) Disbursements not covered by the Budget. (^) Appointments and promotion of officials of chokunin rank and of local governors. Matters of importance coming under the direct super- vision of the Ministers of State may also be laid before a Cabinet Council. Attached to the Cabinet is the Legislative Bureau, which deals with matters relating to the drafting of projects of law or of ordinances or their amendment or revocation, whether such drafting is done at the instance of the Cabinet or of a Department of State or at its own initiative. It is also entitled to express its own opinion about those matters. The Cabinet, as I have already stated, is by the Constitution responsible only to the Emperor, by whom each Minister is appointed and dis- missed at will, although as we have seen Parliamentary votes and public opinion have had considerable influence 284 Dai Nippon in the unmaking of Ministries and on the resignation of individual Ministers. The Minister who has charge of a Department of State is empowered to issue Departmental Ordinances. The portfolios of War and the Navy are subject to ministerial changes, but there is a growing tendency to regard them as technical and administrative, and therefore to make their tenure independent of the Cabinet’s life. The affairs and estates of the Imperial Household are managed by the Household Department, under a Minister who has not a seat in the Cabinet and is independent of changes of Ministry. Under the control of the central administration, but not forming part of it, are the Bureau of the Tokyo police, the Hokkaido Bureau, the governors of prefectures, and the staff of the Government of Formosa. The Privy Council is the supreme advisory body of the Emperor, and attends to {a) matters relating to the Imperial Privy Council House Law ; iU) matters relating to projects of and other ordinances pertaining to the Constitu- advisory and ^ ° administrative tion ; {c) matters relating to a state of siege, bodies. issue of Urgency ordinances to take the place of laws when the Diet is not sitting, and to primitive provisions of the Constitution ; {d) matters relating to treaties and international agreements, matters relating to the organisation and rules of the Privy Council ; {e) other matters on which it is ordered by the Emperor to deliberate. At the present time Marquis Ito is the President of the Council ; so that although he is not a member of the Govern- ment in the ordinary way, it has the advantage of his experience and advice. There are also a number of special Councils or Com- missions intended to assist with advice the higher executive bodies, — such as the Codes Investigation Commission, the Central Sanitary Association, the Public Works Commission, the Higher Educational Commission, the Higher Council of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce, and the Railway Council ; and attached to the various Departments there is a Administration 285 considerable number of special administrative offices, but into details of these it is not necessary to enter. Although Shintoism remains the religion of the Imperial House, neither it nor Buddhism can lay claim to State protection in modern times, except that a grant Administration of 216,000 yen annually is given for the of religion, support of Shinto shrines. No aid whatever is given to Buddhism. Under the Shogunate there was a class of officials whose duty it was to administer the secular laws in all matters relating to religion, and the Church was thus removed beyond the pale of the ordinary tribunals. The revival of pure Shintoism during the eighteenth century assisted so materially to re-establish the doctrine of the Throne’s divinity, and thus prepare the way for the Restora- tion, that the new Government naturally identified itself with a creed of such practical utility. The old officials of religion were abolished, a new authority was created which ranked above all the State Departments, and there can be little doubt that the aim of the more radical reformers of the time was the ultimate suppression of Buddhism, and the elevation of Shinto to the rank of a State Church ; but Buddhism had entwined its roots too strongly round the hearts of the people to be thus easily set aside. In 1872 a further change was made by the creation of a Department, with the name of Kyobu-sho, of a lower status than that which previously existed, but still very high in the adminis- trative organisation, and from this office the priests of the two religions received equal recognition. The spirit of the Revolution, however, was too rationalistic to maintain an intimate connection between Church and State, and the attempt to identify their interests gradually ceased to have practical force, until (in 1884) the ranks and titles of the priests were abolished, and the various sects were declared perfectly free to manage their own affairs. The only official connection of the State with religion is through the Bureau of Shrines and Temples, which administers the grant which is given for the preservation of the sacred 286 Dai Nippon buildings, but this is much more a matter of historical interest than of religious importance. The last tie that bound the Church to the State was severed when the new Constitution was promulgated in 1889, the twenty- seventh article of which declares that, “ within limits not prejudicial to peace and order, and not antagonistic to their duties as subjects, Japanese subjects shall enjoy freedom of belief” In no department of national life is the difference between Old and New Japan so distinctly shown as in the Administration methods of the administration of justice, of justice. Under the feudal system those in authority were too much inclined to visit summary and cruel punish- ment on slight pretext. It has, however, been clearly shown ^ that there was in Old Japan “ a legal system, a body of clear and consistent rules, a collection of statutes and of binding precedents.” The chief characteristics of Japanese justice under the old regime, were the following: — (i) Making justice “ personal, not impersonal,” by balancing “ the benefits and disadvantages of a given course, not for all time in a fixed rule, but anew in each instance,” and thus “ to sacrifice legal principle to present expediency ” ; (2) the feudal spirit, especially in criminal law, as illustrated by the use of torture, humiliating forms of procedure, and awfully severe punishments ; and (3) the attainment of justice “ not so much by the aid of the law as by mutual consent,” by means of definite customs, applied, however, “ through arbitration and concession ” ; so that there was “ a universal resort to arbitration and compromise as a primary means of settling disputes,” and only a dernier ressort to the process of law. In these as in other matters it is necessary to study their history in order that we may understand certain traits still prominent even in New Japan. Having codified their laws on Western principles, the Japanese organised the machinery necessary to put them in operation. Their judicial system is divided into four grades ; ^ Wigmore, Transactions^ Asiatic Society of Jafan^ vol. xx. Supplement. A dministration 287 namely, the Supreme Court, the Appeal Courts, Local Courts, and District Courts. The last is the lowest tribunal and is conducted by a single judge, while in the Local Courts three collegiate judges sit on a case, in the Appeal Courts five collegiate judges and in the Supreme Court seven collegiate judges. Public Procurators are attached to each Court, on commission from the Minister of Justice. Security of tenure is guaranteed by the Constitution to the judges, and their appointments and those of the Public Procurators are obtained by passing a regular examination. The position of barristers is regulated by the Barristers’ Law, and strict measures are in force with regard to their qualifications, rights, and privileges, and they are amenable to the same disciplinary law as that enforced in the case of judges. The following table shows the number of Courts and the staffs at the end of 1901 : — No. No. of Judges. No. of Procurators. Supreme Court I 25 7 Appeal Courts 7 I 2 I 29 Local Courts . 49 399 140 District Courts 310 557 159 Great improvements have taken place in the Japanese prison system within recent years, and it will now bear favourable comparison with that of any Western country. The dignity of the law in Japan is most commonly seen by “the man in the street” in the person of the policeman, and it must be admitted that he very worthily upholds it. The police of Japan are a very superior body of men, resembling the gendarmerie of France. They are in reality an excellent body of soldiers, who receive much higher pay and broader training than do the conscripts, and are almost without exception of high character and with a due sense of the dignity of their office. 288 Dai Nippon Japanese officials are divided into four classes: the first comprising those that receive their commissions directly from the Emperor and are entitled to report personally Officials. second, those that receive their com- missions through the Minister of a Department and have the entrie to the palace on State occasions ; the third, those commissioned similarly to the second class but not having the entrie to the palace ; and the fourth, those temporarily engaged and having the status of mere employees. There is also another classification into nine ranks, each having two grades. The place occupied by an official in this list is granted by the Emperor as a recognition of merit, and the designation is prefixed to the name, like a title in official documents. Admission to officialdom is by examination, except in the case of candidates possessing certain duly attested educational qualifications. The problems connected with local government which arose after the Restoration were even more difficult than Local those of the central Government, as they involved government. gQ many details directly affecting the daily lives of the people. At first the old machinery was utilised as far as possible, but it was found utterly inadequate to the changed conditions, and in August 1871 the daimiates were converted into prefectures or ken. The following is a trans- lation of the message of the Emperor, and it is interesting as indicating the reasons for the change and the objects which it was desired to attain : — “ We are of opinion that in a time of radical reform like the present, if We desire to give protec- tion and tranquillity to the people at home and abroad to maintain equality with foreign nations, words must be made to mean in reality what they claim to signify, and the govern- ment of the country must centre in a single whole. “ Some time ago We gave Our sanction to the scheme by which all the clans restored to Us their registers ; We appointed Chiji for the first time, each to perform the duties of his office. “ But owing to lengthened endurance of the old system A dmmistration 289 during several hundred years, there have been cases where the word only was pronounced and the reality not performed. How is it possible for Us, under such circumstances, to give protection and tranquillity to the people and to maintain equality with foreign nations ? “ Profoundly regretting this condition of affairs. We do now completely abolish the han and convert them into ken, with the object of diligently retrenching unnecessary ex- penditure and of arriving at convenience in working, of getting rid of the vice of the unreality of names, and of abolishing the disease of the government proceeding from multiform centres. “ Do ye. Our assembled servants, take well to heart this Our will.” The radical change thus announced appeared bold and hazardous to foreigners, but the Cabinet had confidence in the success of the new proposals, and that has been fully justified. At first the daimyos were appointed governors of the prefectures, but it was found that in many cases they were utterly unfit to perform the chief executive offices of their old provinces. Hence gradually other more competent persons were appointed to the vacancies as they occurred, until it was understood that fitness was to be the requisite qualification for such appointments. As the schools and colleges turned out graduates, they were appointed to the subordinate positions, and these as they gained experience proved very efficient officials. No doubt there are cases of inefficiency, and in recent years it is much to be regretted that cases of corruption have been painfully common, of which, however, the most is made by both the Japanese and the foreign journals. Still, taking everything into account, and the rapid changes which have been made, there are no reasons for supposing that in these respects the local govern- ment of Japan is much or indeed any worse than many other governments, even of some of those which are held \ up as examples of efficiency and purity. As the emoluments of the officials are increased, and as public opinion is more influential (b 207) 290 Dai Nippon through the press and otherwise, there is every reason to believe that the standard of excellence of local government in Japan will rise in every department. In the preceding chapter the Imperial Decree of April 1875, instituting an annual meeting of the provincial governors, has been mentioned. The powers of that meeting were gradually extended and representative methods adopted in the various local bodies. In 1880 the Provincial Assembly Regulations were enacted, followed in 1884 by the Civic Corporation Regulations, and in 1888 the local government system as it exists to-day was in thorough working order. For purposes of local administration the whole empire is divided into 47 prefectures {ken\ 653 counties {gun)^ 48 towns {ski) and 14,734 districts (cho or son). The three metropolitan prefectures of Tokyo, Osaka, and Kyoto are called fu, and the districts are divided into “ urban ” cho and “ rural ” son, according to the number of houses they contain. In each of these full effect is given to the principle of popular representation, and the local representative bodies have control of the financial and other important matters in the locality. The governor of a prefecture, the mayor of a town, or the head man of a county or district is ex officio president of the representative bodies. The system is divided into three grades — prefectural, sub-prefectural, or county and civic corporations. Of these three divisions, the last one, relating to municipal and rural communities, represents the self-government mechanism in its most striking form ; for in the other two higher divisions, owing to the greater part they have to play in administrative affairs, their self-government function does not lie so distinctively on the surface as in the other. Both legislatively and also practically the municipal and rural communities are bona fide self-governing bodies ; for they are entitled by law to enjoy the rights of juridical persons, also to incur obligations as such and to arrange all public matters relating to their own communities. The system of local government has now been in operation since A dministration 291 1885 and it has been found to work well. It not only affords a thorough method of political education for the people, but it also gives them the opportunity of assisting directly in promoting their collective, economic, and social welfare. Local and municipal politics in Japan, as in other parts of the world, are now assuming increasing importance. The local governing bodies will have increased functions, without, however, in any way lessening the ultimate power of the central Government, and thus they will obey the general law of evolution by the transformation of a homogeneous into a heterogeneous form of government, with increased coherence between its parts. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE A very good outline of the administrative system of Japan is given in Part I. of H. Yamawaki’s Japan in the Begmfiing of the Twentieth Century. Chapter x. of Clement’s Handbook of Moder?i Japan has also a well-written digest of the subject. Several papers on the subject are to be found in the Tra 7 isactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. A systematic history of the subject in all its bearings, however, has still to be written. CHAPTER XV FINANCE The fall of feudalism left the finances of Japan in a state of chaos, and one of the most pressing problems which con- , . fronted the new Government was the establish- Fmancial posi- tion at the time of ment of a system of national taxation which the Restoration, secure sufficient resources to carry on the affairs of the nation, and at the same time be on such a basis as would encourage the economic progress of the country and not be unduly burdensome to any section of the com- munity. The difficulty of the problem may be inferred from the fact that during the first year after the Restoration of the Emperor the revenue arising from taxation was little more than one-tenth of the expenditure and that the balance had to be met chiefly by the issue of inconvertible notes. A detailed account of the financial affairs of Japan would require a large volume for itself ; all that I can attempt is a short outline dealing with some of the most important points. A study of this, however, will be sufficient to show that the management of the national finances has not been the least noteworthy achievement of Japanese statesmen. The great changes which took place involved many difficult problems, and not infrequently the financial conditions of the country not only caused much uneasiness among those personally interested, but called forth predictions of disaster from out- siders ; but by skilful management all sinister forecasts have been falsified, and while many problems have still to be solved, 292 Finance 293 there can be no doubt that Japan has sufificient resources to ensure her a stable financial position. The third of the five guiding principles of the new Government, as proclaimed by the Emperor on his accession to the throne, was that “ means shall be found The old and the for the furtherance of the lawful desires of all individuals without discrimination as to persons ” ; which meant that every man, even among the common people, should be allowed to have full scope for his abilities. This principle marked the fundamental distinction between the conditions which were to exist under the new regime and those that had existed under the feudal system, which was in fact a military organisation in which the welfare of the agricultural, industrial, and commercial classes was avowedly and wantonly sacrificed for the maintenance of the warrior class. The daimyos not only governed their respective provinces, but they also held a sort of proprietary right over their respective domains, and there was no clear distinction between administrative powers and proprietary rights. The rice tax was the main source of the revenues of the daimyos, and its rate varied in different provinces, while other mis- cellaneous duties were imposed according to the industrial conditions of the localities. The burdens on all classes were heavy, and, what was worse, they were uncertain, as the people were liable to arbitrary contributions in the form of money and personal service. The primary conditions for individual and national welfare were therefore wanting, as increased exertion brought no advantage to the persons concerned. The financial position of the central Government of the Shogun was equally unsatisfactory. While the Shogun exercised a supreme authority over all the clans, the respec- tive daimyos were only to a veiy^ limited extent under his authority. They were required, in case of need, to place their military forces at his disposal and to render certain other services. No tax could be directly imposed by the central Government upon the subjects of the various fiefs, 294 Dai Nippon although contributions not very great in amount were made by some of the clans to the revenue of the Shogunate. Its ordinary revenue was raised principally from the territories reserved as its own, in distinction from those granted to the clans. The financial problems before the new Government were peculiar and complicated. After the Restoration, while the Problems before central authority was transferred to the Imperial the new Government, the resources of the country were Government. under its Command. Before anything like a satisfactory social and political organisation was possible, it was absolutely necessary that the methods of the feudal system should be completely changed, and especially that the particularism of the clans and the undue privileges of the warrior class should be abolished and the claims of all classes in the community be placed on a basis about which there could be no dispute and the amounts of which were certain. For some time tentative measures had to be adopted and the deficit in the revenue had to be met by the issue of inconvertible notes. Gradually, as the administration of the country came under the direct control of the Imperial Government and all the feudal privileges were abolished, it was possible to enforce uniform laws before which all sorts and conditions of people were to stand on a footing of equality. Under the feudal system a great variety of paper notes was circulated in the various districts for purposes of trade. Financial the value of which depended on the credit of administration, those who issued them ; and the first duty of a centralised Government was to reform the currency and bring something like order out of chaos. The paper money of the fiefs amounting to 25,000,000 yen was exchanged for Treasury notes, but the new Government was compelled to adopt the same device as the feudal chiefs ; in five years it had issued fiduciary paper aggregating nearly 60,000,000 yen, and the notes circulated freely throughout the whole empire at par with silver, even commanding at one time Finance 295 a small premium. As public works developed and the national organisation was improved to meet the requirements of the new conditions, further demands were made on the Government, which thus found itself under the necessity of issuing more paper money, with the consequence that it rapidly decreased in value, until in 1 88 1, fourteen years after the Restoration, notes to the face value of 150,000,000 yen had been put in circulation, and eighteen paper yen could be purchased with ten silver coins of the same denomination. The Government fully recognised its responsibilities in the matter, and, after various temporary expedients, in 1881 it was resolved that a determined effort should be made to place the currency of the country on a sound basis ; first, by reducing the volume of the fiduciary notes in circulation, and, secondly, by accumulating a specie reserve. Reference must be made to special reports for details of the methods adopted. It is sufficient for our present purpose to note that, by the middle of 1885, the volume of the fiduciary notes had been reduced to 1 1 9,000,000 yen, and their depreciation had fallen to three per cent, and the metallic reserve of the Treasury had increased to 45,000,000 yen. The resumption of specie payments was then announced and became in the autumn of that year an accomplished fact. Captain Brinkley, after reviewing the transactions involved, says : “ Viewed by the light of results, the above facts constitute a fine economical feat, nor can it be denied that the statesmen who directed Japan’s finances at that critical time showed clear insight, good organising capacity, and courageous energy.” As early as 1871 the New Coinage Law was promul- gated, with the view of establishing the gold standard, but as in those days silver was the universal medium of exchange in the trade of the Far East, it was difficult for Japan to maintain gold mono-metallism, and for a consider- able time the currency system of Japan was on the basis of bi-metallism. It was not until ist October 1897 that the gold standard system was put in operation. Count 296 Dai Nippon Matsukata, who, as Minister of Finance, was directly re- sponsible for the change, has published a detailed report on the subject which has been officially translated into English, and to this reference must be made for further information. It may, however, be mentioned that one yen in gold, which is the new unit of coinage, was made approximately the same value as the old unit in silver, so as to avoid an abrupt change in the price of commodities and a disturbance of the relations between debtor and creditor. The economic change which took place when the daimyos surrendered their “ domains and people ” to the The land Emperor was in a sense a change from the tax. communism of feudalism to individualism. The new Government retained the sovereign administrative power, according to the modern principles of public law, while proprietary right over land was granted to private persons. For giving up their domains the feudal lords and their retainers were indemnified by the grant of Government loan bonds on which they drew interest, while all occupiers of land were at once, and without any transaction of a personal character, recognised as owners of the respective lands actually held by them. Probably as economic ideas develop in Japan this will be recognised as having been a very serious mistake, but meantime we are merely recording the fact. Under the Shogunate the sale and purchase of land were forbidden (though various means of evading the law were not unknown), while the tenants were not at liberty to use the land as they thought proper. Each clan aimed at making itself self - sustaining as far as possible and insisted upon a certain order of crops, without due regard to the real capabilities of the soil. Under the new regime the proprietors not only had perfect freedom in the cultiva- tion of the soil, but they also had the right of selling it ; which no doubt was an excellent arrangement for those who happened to be tenants at the time of the change. The Government, however, claimed a tax on the value Finance 297 of the land held by the different proprietors. In assessing this value the annual amount of its net produce over an average of five years was first converted into a money value according to its average price for the same period ; and then this money value of the produce being considered as interest, the amount of capital necessary for yielding it was taken as the value of the land. A cadastral survey of the whole country was made, the official valuation of the land was completed in 1881, and revised in 1899 with a view to remove certain defects. The land tax was made payable in money and its rate was fixed at a per- centage of the legal value of the land. At the initiation of the system it was fixed at three per cent, and in 1877 it was reduced to two and a half per cent, at which rate it remained until the augmentation of taxes that took place as a part of the so-called post-bellum financial programme. In 1881, the year in which the land-tax reform was com- pleted, the yield of the land tax amounted to 42,000,000 yen in a total taxation of 60,000,000 yen ; so that it was the chief source of the national revenue. Writing on the subject of the land tax. Count Matsukata, after noticing the history of the reform, says : “ Land being, after all, the basis of our material life, there can be no question about the great im- portance of a radical change in the system of land tenure. It may be said, indeed, that the land-tax reform ushered in the social conditions under which a free play of the economic forces of the country became possible. The general prin- ciple that the obligation of the people as taxpayers should be regulated by proper laws was also implied in, and ex- emplified by the land-tax legislation — a principle which was afterwards expressly guaranteed by a provision of the Constitution.” These sentences indicate the economic prin- ciples which guided the men who moulded present conditions in Japan. In order to meet the rapidly increasing wants of the country, other sources of revenue besides the compara- tively stationary land tax had to be found. In 1887 an 298 Dai Nippon income tax, at the rate of from one to three per cent was introduced as a new direct tax. A tax on Other sources of the common drink of the Japanese, revenue. brewed from rice, had long been in force, in a somewhat arbitrary fashion, and in 1878 it was placed on a more exact basis, depending on the amount of sake brewed from a given quantity of rice. Its amount has been raised several times, and the tax now covers beer and other similar alcoholic liquors, and is the most important not only among the indirect taxes but among all the other sources of revenue, whether indirect or direct, including the land tax. The war with China gave rise to considerable changes in the financial conditions of Japan, and therefore it will be useful to give here the figures showing the main items of the national revenue in the year before that memorable event : — The Ordinary Revenue in 1893 . Land tax ...... Yen. . 38,808,680 Income tax ..... . 1,238,763 Sake tax ...... i6,637>436 Customs duties .... 5»i25,372 Other duties ..... 8,194,512 Total taxation .... 70,004,763 Revenue from Government industries and property . 11,743,268 Miscellaneous receipts .... 4 , 135^049 Grand total ..... 85,883,080 The termination of the war with China marked a new epoch in the financial conditions of Japan. The post-bellum programme of military and naval development and of engineering and industrial undertakings caused a great increase in the national Budget. Part of that was met by the indemnity paid by China to Japan and part by taxation. Finance 299 At the same time the opportunity was taken of changing the standard of the currency from silver to gold. As China had in any case to raise a loan in Europe, she was easily induced to pay the indemnity in British instead of Chinese money. Thus the sum of ^32,000,000 sterling was put at the disposal of the Japanese Government, and with a portion of it as reserve of the Bank of Japan, the gold standard was put in operation. The last Budget presented to the Japanese Parliament was that of the year ending March 31, 1903, and the estimated revenue was as follows : — Ordinary. Excise (alcohol and sugar) Land tax Customs duties Income and business taxes Other taxes . Yen. 69,882,2 12 46,845,971 17,045,611 12,713,812 6,942,935 Total taxes . 153^4305541 Stamp duties ...... Receipts from Government undertakings State property (posts, railways, etc.) . Miscellaneous ...... and 14,304,951 50,814,978 6,244,570 Total ordinary revenue . 224,7955040 Extraordinary revenue 48,835,836 Total estimated revenue 273,630,876 The estimated expenditure was as follows : — Ordinary. Yen. Imperial household . ..... 3,000,000 Foreign affairs 2,282,785 Carry forward 55282,785 300 Dai Nippon Yen. Brought forward . 5,282,785 Interior ....... 10,583,416 Finance, National Debt charges 39,905,495 Finance, other expenses ..... Communications (post office, telegraphs, etc.). 21,858,183 harbour works, lighthouses, etc. 21,172,977 Army ........ 38,432,317 Navy ........ 21,349,054 Justice ........ 10,837,646 Public instruction ...... 4,845,708 Agriculture, industry, and commerce 2,948,913 Total ordinary expenditure . 177,216,494 Extraordinary expenditure 93,208,001 Total estimated expenditure . 270,424,495 The extraordinary expenditure included the amount disbursed in connection with the North China expedition and now replaced in State reserves from which it had been previously borrowed, large sums for railways, harbours, and other public works, the development of the army and navy, and of works connected therewith, besides extensions in the Departments of Education, and of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce. While the post-bellum programme caused new taxes to be introduced and old ones to be increased, certain taxes, on the other hand, have been abolished, with a view to simplifying the system of .taxation. Since the revision of the treaties which allowed freedom in the imposition of import duties, the rates of duties vary from five to thirty- five per cent ad valorem^ according to the kinds of com- modities, and also on account of the great increase of foreign trade there has been a marked increase in the customs duties. On this subject Count Matsukata has remarked : — “ Henceforth the customs duties may be counted as one of the chief items of the State revenue. Moreover, the Japanese Government has now acquired greater freedom in regulating the general system of taxation, because import duties on certain articles may be raised to degrees corre- Finance 301 spending to the internal taxes on similar articles, as has already been done in the case of alcoholic drinks and tobacco. We have thus recovered tariff autonomy, so far as the general principle is concerned. But it is to be deplored that the import duties on certain commodities are still limited by our treaties with a few countries, of which I am happy to say the United States is not one. Not that the Japanese nation contemplates adopting a policy of protection, and finds an obstacle to the adoption of such a policy in the remaining restrictions on tariff autonomy. Conventional tariffs on the basis of reciprocity may also be welcome to Japan. All we desire — I think, justly — is the total abolition of the unilateral obligations imposed upon us in regard to the tariff that have been allowed to linger in our existing treaty relations.'’ Notwithstanding the increase of national income and expenditure in Japan, the burden of taxation on the people is small. The direct taxes only come to a little burden of over three yen (between six and seven shillings) taxation on the per head of population ; which cannot be con- people, sidered excessive. It is evident from the figures which have been given that the termination of the war with China marked a most important point in the economic and financial conditions of Japan. The country was suddenly called upon to face the new situation which had arisen in the Far East. Events had shown that a strong army and navy were absolute necessities for national existence in face of the aggressive action of some of the European Powers, and the new position involved an increase of taxation. Meantime, however, foreign commerce was developing at a very rapid rate ; Western industries and engineering undertakings were being introduced and the sources of wealth were thus being developed, so that the increased taxation was not very severely felt except by the poorest classes of the community. The prices of agricultural products had greatly increased, so that the real value of the land had at least trebled on the average value which was assessed as the basis 302 Dai Nippon of taxation. When therefore the rate of the land tax was in 1899 raised to 3.3 per cent of the legal value of the land, the real rate was hardly more than one per cent of its actual value ; so that the increase of the land tax is only a partial set-off to the relative reduction of the burden of land- owners that has automatically come about since the date of the land-tax reform. When, moreover, we remember that the farmers entered into absolute possession of the fields they had hitherto cultivated as mere tenants, and that in return for being transformed into owners they were required to pay a rent assessed on a basis of eighty years’ purchase, it is evident that the so-called land tax is only a very moderate rent, and strictly speaking the farmers should not include it among their taxes. The income tax and business tax fall chiefly on those who have benefited by the improved economic conditions of the country. Moreover, a considerable part of the national revenue is independent of taxation and is derived from Government enterprises and properties (as railways, posts, telegraphs, telephones, factories, forests, etc.) ; an item which naturally increases with the country’s prosperity. Twelve years ago the income from this source was 8,500,000 yen ; now it is over 50,000,000 yen. This amount is, in fact, the dividend which is paid on the investments made in national undertakings. Further, another considerable part of the national revenue is derived from the taxes on saki and tobacco, which, of course, need not be paid by any person desiring to avoid them, as they are of the nature of luxuries, while the customs dues are an indirect impost scarcely felt by the buyers of imported goods. When the whole facts of the case are considered, they do not seem to indicate any excessive addition to the burden of taxation. The following table shows the relative position, per head of population, of revenue, expenditure, taxation, imports and exports for the years 1892-3 and 1902-3 ; in the interval a gold standard had been adopted and the figures for the first-named year are reduced to that standard. Finance 303 1892-3 1902-3 Yen. Yen. Total Revenue . 3-33 6.16 Total Expenditure 2.52 6.15 Ordinary Revenue 2.64 5.06 Ordinary Expenditure 2.09 3.88 Taxation .... 2.15 3-32 Imports .... 2.35 5-93 Exports .... 2.98 5-64 One of the most striking features in the administration of Japan is the fact that the greater part of the developments which have taken place have been brought , . r • National debt. about without much assistance from foreign capital, the amounts required being, for the most part, raised in Japan. Reference must be made to the Reports of the Finance Department for details of the various loans. It should, however, be noted that none of them have been used for the purpose of making up any deficit in the ordinary revenue of the State. They have been occasioned by the reorganisation of national institutions, the adjustment of finances, the construction of public works and the develop- ment of civil and military affairs generally. The following table shows the amount of interest-bearing debts at intervals of ten years from 1871 : — Year. Amount. Rate of Interest. Interest per head of Population. Yen. Per cent. Yen. 1871 4,880,000 9.00 .013 1881 237,349,361 6.45 .417 1891 246,042,374 5-42 .328 1901 547,575,950 5-15 .602 Even with the highest figures the amount of debt per head of population is under twelve yen, or twenty-four shillings, which is very small compared with what we find in European countries. According to the financial scheme which has been 304 Dai Nippon fixed, the total amount of the debt will be redeemed in fifty years. Such schemes are seldom carried out as arranged, as national events occur which make some alteration necessary, but unless something very unexpected happens the capacity of Japan to pay off her liabilities is ample, provided her finance be well managed. When we compare, as is done in the following table, the amount of national debt per head of population for some of the chief countries of the world, we find that of Japan is very small indeed. National Debts in 1901 : — s. d. Commonwealth of Australia • 51 3 4 France .... • 33 I 0 Argentina .... . 18 14 1 1 Great Britain . 18 9 1 1 Italy .... • 15 17 II Egypt .... 10 12 2 Russia .... 4 19 8 Sweden .... 3 15 5 Mexico .... 3 14 0 Japan .... I 6 4 The yearly interest on the British national debt comes to about I os. per head, whereas that on the Japanese national debt is only about is. 2d. per head of population. More- over, that amount in Japan does not all represent taxation, as a considerable part of the national debt has been invested in productive works which return a very large and increasing revenue. Measured by the standard of wages, the working classes of Japan should find it much easier to pay the interest on her national debt than do those of Great Britain. With the development of local government the ex- penditure of the local authorities has been increasing at a ^ ^ rapid rate. Large sums have been devoted to Local finances. ri ii« i i ii.i /< ii- useful public works, the establishment of public institutions of various kinds and the support of education. Less than ten years ago the prefectural and communal Finance 305 revenue aggregated about 53,680,000 yen and the ex- penditure about 44,730,000 yen, while the latest published returns give the former as 129,300,000 yen and the latter 1 1 2,860,000 yen. The increase may be expected to continue with the progress of the times, and the central Government is exercising strict attention to prevent any undue expansion of the local expenses. To meet the expenditure a large sum is obtained from property owned by the local administrations, and the central treasury grants a considerable sum. The system of local taxation is complicated, but, speaking generally, tw^o kinds of impost have to be paid : first, a prefectural tax ; and secondly, a town or district tax. Some of the local taxes are levied on the basis of the national tax, in which case the former must not exceed a certain fixed fraction of the latter ; some are levied independently, as taxes on houses, vehicles, and draught animals. The same principle of graduation is observed in the case of the house tax as in the income tax, and in other cases a distinction is made between the taxation of the rich and the poor ; so that the burden decreases rapidly as the poorer classes are reached. Before any new local tax is levied it must receive the approval of the prefectural or city, town or village legislative council, as the case may be. For a tax of importance the sanction of the Ministers of Home Affairs and of Finance must be obtained. Prior to the Restoration the only organisations which existed for the collective use of capital in business were the guilds or unions and the exchange merchants . Banking system. who undertook the exchange business of the feudal princes. The new Government lost no time in devising measures for the promotion of foreign trade, and very soon banks of different kinds were established which took a very important part in the development of the country. In 1872 the Government issued banking regula- tions, and a number of National Banks were established. They had the privilege of issuing convertible notes under (b 207) , 3 o 6 Dai Nippon seemingly favourable conditions, and these notes were designed gradually to replace the inconvertible notes issued by the Government. Owing, however, to the great flow of specie from the country, the National Banks soon found it impossible to maintain specie payments, and the Government had to allow them to exchange their notes with Government notes. Thus they failed to be of use as instruments for the gradual withdrawal of inconvertible notes, and with few exceptions their influence was small. It soon became evident that there was need for a central bank, placed in a supreme and commanding position, above all the others, and in 1882 the Bank of Japan was established for the purpose of bringing the other banks nearer together and of facilitating the monetary circulation throughout the country. After several alterations in the regulations regarding the Bank of Japan, the National Banks were ordered to give up their privilege of issue at the expiration of their term or at their option, and to redeem their notes with those issued by the Bank of Japan, which are con- vertible into gold. The Government then began to work for central and local industrial banks, in order to give facilities to agriculture and industry, as well as to turn the money spent for post-bellum enterprises into useful channels by means of the debentures issued by these banks. Most of the National Banks, after the expiration of their charters, have been changed into private banks and are now on the whole efflcient organs of monetary circulation. The savings-banks have been an object of particular care to the Government, which, besides establishing the post-office system, has made special regulations for them, so that their business may be carried on with greater security than in the case of ordinary banks. Their number is now 487, with an aggregate capital of 58,000,000 yen. The Yokohama Specie Bank, established in 1880, with a capital of 24,000,000 yen, at present is specially designed to facilitate foreign exchange. The Hypothec Bank {Credit Fonder') of Japan was established in 1896 for the purpose Finmice 307 of making long-term loans at low rates of interest on the security of real estate. To complete the organisation of the banking system, a loan was arranged in 1900, providing for the establishment of the Credit Mohilier of Japan, whose chief and characteristic function will be to make loans on the security of shares and debentures ; but owing to ministerial changes, the state of the money market and various other reasons, it has not yet been put into operation. A fairly complete account of the banking system of Japan is given by Mr. Yamawaki in his book on Japan in the Beginning of the Twentieth Century, while Dr. Sakatani, the Vice-Minister of Finance, has published a very elaborate history and description of the financial conditions in Japan, and to these and similar works reference must be made for details. The wealth of Japan is a subject which has not been sufficiently investigated that it is possible to present financial give an altogether trustworthy statement of its conditions, amount. The following has been given as an approximate estimate : — Millions of Yen. Land ...... 7000 Mines ...... 500 Live stock ..... 80 Buildings ...... 1900 Furniture . . . . . .400 Railroads ...... 350 War and merchant ships . . . 250 Specie . . . . . .200 Miscellaneous ..... 300 Goods, etc. ..... 800 Total . . . 11,080 Some of these items are due entirely to developments which have taken place in recent years ; the amounts of the others have been considerably increased on account of these developments, and when it is remembered that, apart from the Chinese indemnity (a great part of which was spent 30 8 Dai Nippon on the army and navy), Japan has received little assistance from foreign capital, the increase is remarkable. The bulk of the floating cash of the country has been sunk in various enterprises, and as a natural consequence Japan now finds herself, as put by the Tokyo correspondent of the Times, “ not only debarred from undertaking numerous other enter- prises which would be lucrative, but also compelled to work many of her existing enterprises with ruinously expensive working capital. Investments which sound almost incredible in English ears go a-begging in Japan. Railways offer preferential stock at lo per cent to complete their con- struction ; wealthy corporations are willing to sell 6 per cent bonds at a considerable discount for the building of waterworks ; and banks of the highest class gladly pay 7 per cent on fixed deposits for six months.” The real position of a country cannot be estimated simply by looking at purely financial returns ; due regard must be had to its general economic and industrial con- ditions. The survey which we have made of the progress of Japan in agriculture, fishing, and mining, and of the development of her manufacturing industries, her railways, telegraphs, posts and telephones, her mercantile marine, her banks and all the organisations connected with finance and commerce, forces us to the conclusion that her economic progress has been far more rapid than that of any other nation. Moreover, that progress is not by any means superficial, but has been built on a sound basis of education, which in some respects affords a lesson to Western nations. The financial results which have followed from the industries founded almost entirely by Japanese capital are proofs of business capacity of a very high order. Still, it must be admitted that cheap foreign capital, introduced under proper conditions, would enable Japan to continue her industrial and commercial development, and hasten her national evolution. So long as the currency was on a silver basis, Japan hesitated to contract gold debts, and European capitalists would not lend in terms of silver. Fmance 309 Now, however, that a gold standard has been adopted, the conditions are much more favourable. Moreover, both in Europe and in America the Japanese are now better known than formerly, and confidence is being strengthened in their integrity. Foreigners have now opportunities of investigating the conditions attached to any proposed undertaking, and of ascertaining the value of its security and of estimating the trustworthiness of those connected with it, and the success which has attended existing undertakings shows that there is a wide field for the employment of foreign capital, which would not only afford returns advantageous to the lenders, but also increase the wealth of Japan. On this subject Mr. Jiuchi Soyeda, the correspondent for Japan to the British Economic Association, says: — “Japan is just in the growing stage ; therefore if she becomes larger it is by natural growth, and her economic development is not as quick as it might be, because of the deficiency of nourishing capital. When once the due amount of capital is properly supplied, first from the savings of her own people, and then from the far-seeing capitalists, the progress of Japan will be much accelerated, to the mutual advantage of herself and her creditors. It is a great misfortune for Japan that her real strength is not duly known and fully admitted by the world at large. In the art of war she showed it amply, in the China-Japanese War and the Boxers’ affair. Now it remains for her to prove that her capacity and ability are not inferior to her fighting power, on which she is now beginning to find out that too much stress was laid. If judgment, prudence, and patience be well exercised hereafter, a bright future lies before her in the peaceful works of commercial and industrial progress, for which she possesses many natural advantages.” BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The Japanese Government have always published very complete accounts of the financial conditions of the country, and have thus afforded every opportunity for discussion and fair criticism. The FUiancial and Eco7iomical Annual^ issued by the Department of 310 Dai Nippon Finance, is a model of clearness and good arrangement, and it con- tains very complete statistics relating to financial and economic matters. Further details are given in H. Yamawaki’s Japan in tJie Beginnmg of the Twentieth Ceiitury^ a work which should be carefully studied by all who are specially interested in financial matters in Japan, Very full accounts of the annual Budget of the Government are published in the newspapers, and every opportunity is thus given for detailed criticism. The Report on the Post-Bellum Financial APninistration in Japan^ 1896-1900, by Count Matsukata, the Minister of State for Finance for the period, is a very valuable con- tribution to the history of the subject during an important period, while his Report on the Adoption of the Gold Standard in Japan bears testimony to his ability not only as an administrator, but also to his knowledge of the principles of international finance and trade. His article on the “Financial System of Japan,” in the North American Review for May 1902, gives an excellent resume of that system and a clear statement of conditions at that date. Chapter i. of vol. V. of Captain Brinkley’s large work on Japan and China is probably the most useful statement on the subject for general readers. An exhaustive history of the financial administration of Japan has been written (in Japanese) by Dr. Sakatani, Vice-Minister of Finance, and it must be considered the standard work on the subject. During the past year or two many articles on different aspects of the financial conditions of Japan have appeared in British and American magazines, while the daily papers published in Japan (both in Japanese and in English) have fully discussed them ; so that students of the subject have no difficulty in obtaining either facts or opinions regarding them. CHAPTER XVI INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS In the preceding chapters it has been stated several times that the chief motive which urged the Japanese in their adoption of Western civilisation was neither Motives of the desire for increased wealth nor the blind Japanese, imitation of Western customs ; it was the sense of honour which cannot bear to be looked down upon as an inferior Power. The new system of education was adopted in order that men might be trained who were able to guide the destinies of the nation under the altered conditions. The laws and the administration of justice were brought into harmony with Western ideas and practice that foreigners might feel they had security for the safety of their persons and property ; a constitutional form of Government was adopted that its action might reflect the ideas of the people ; the means of communication were improved that the resources of the country might be developed and that Japan might take her place among the commercial and industrial nations of the world ; but in all these changes the underlying motive was that “the status of the Empire of Japan may be raised ever higher and higher.” The story of the attempts made by Japan to obtain what she believed to be her due position is a long one, and in some respects does not reflect honour on the representatives of the foreign nations con- cerned, but still the obstacles which were put in the way were, in a sense, blessings in disguise ; for they made the Japanese more determined not only to attain their object, 311 312 Dai Nippon but also to fit themselves more adequately for the new duties and responsibilities which would fall upon them when they had full control of their own affairs. On March 31, 1854, a treaty was signed by Com- modore Perry on behalf of the Government of the United First treaty States and the representatives of Japan, by with a foreign which the ports of Shimoda, in the province of Power. idzu and of Hakodate, in the island of Yezo, were opened for the reception of American ships, to be supplied with such articles as wood, water, provisions, and coal. There were stipulations with respect to the treatment of shipwrecked sailors, an article giving facilities for trading, a favoured nation’s clause and provision for the appointment by the Government of the United States of consuls or agents to reside in Shimoda, provided that either of the two Governments deemed such arrangements necessary. In this year Admiral Sir James Stirling arrived with a squadron and concluded a convention with Japan by which Nagasaki and Hakodate were to be opened to British ships for repairs, supplies, etc. On July 29, 1858, Mr. Townsend Harris, after many delays, succeeded in concluding a fresh treaty on behalf of the United States, and shortly after this was followed by similar ones with Great Britain, France, and other nations. The treaty with Great Britain was signed by the Earl of Elgin and Kincardine and the re- presentatives of the Tycoon (Shogun), and after pledging the two countries (in the usual diplomatic fashion) to perpetual peace and friendship and stating the arrangements for the residence of representatives, it stipulated for the opening for purposes of trade of the ports and towns of Hakodate, Kanagawa (Yokohama), and Nagasaki, and later on Niigata, and made arrangements with regard to trade and commerce. According to Article IV. it was agreed that “ All questions in regard to rights, whether of property or person, arising between British subjects in the dominions of His Majesty the Tycoon of Japan, shall be subject to the jurisdiction of New treaties. International Relations 3 1 3 the British authorities.” Article V. stipulated that “ Japanese subjects who may be guilty of any criminal act towards British subjects shall be arrested and punished by the Japanese authorities, according to the laws of Japan. British subjects who may commit any crime against Japanese subjects, or the subjects or citizens of any other country, shall be tried and punished by the Consul, or other public functionary authorised thereto, according to the laws of Great Britain. Justice shall be equitably and impartially administered on both sides.” Trade and residence were allowed to foreigners in the treaty ports and they were permitted to travel without passports within a radius of 10 ri (about miles). A very low scale of import dues, at most five per cent, ad valorem, was fixed. In 1859 regular diplomatic relations were established between Great Britain and Japan, Mr. Rutherford Alcock arriving in Yedo as Her Majesty’s Consul-General, on June 26. Towards the end of the year he was appointed Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, and representatives of other nations followed in due course. On June 25, 1866, a Convention was concluded at Yedo between a Japanese minister of Foreign Affairs and the Re- presentatives of Great Britain, France, the United States of America, and Holland, whereby some modifications were made in the tariff and some new arrangements for the en- couragement of trade. By Article IV. the Japanese Govern- ment undertook to establish a bonded warehouse system, for the purpose of enabling the foreign merchants to re-export unsaleable goods without the payment of any duty. Article V. was intended to protect all Japanese produce on its way to the markets of the open ports from the payment of transit duties or any other tax, with the exception of such road or navigation tolls as were levied equally upon all native traffic. Article VI. provided for the establishment of a free mint on certain conditions. By Articles IX. and X. restrictions which were formerly placed on foreign trade were removed and all classes of Japanese, whether merchants. 314 Dai Nippon daimyos, or people in the employment of daimyos, were given perfect liberty to trade or to hold social intercourse with foreigners at all the open ports, without any inter- ference on the part of the Government. They were also permitted to employ foreign shipping to trade either with the open ports of Japan or with foreign countries, and under the provisions of a passport system they were allowed to go abroad for purposes of study or trade and to accept employment on board foreign ships. By Article XI. the Government agreed to light and buoy the approaches to all the open ports. This Convention was a great step in advance, for, as Sir Harry Parkes states, “ if its stipulations were faithfully executed, they would enable Japan and her people to share freely in the commerce of the world, to the complete abandonment of their old exclusive policy.” After the Restoration these treaties were confirmed by the Emperor, but from the very first the Japanese felt that some of their provisions placed them in a very ^japanie^ humiliating position. They were made on the with regard tacit assumption of the unequal status of the to the treaties. . . two contracting parties, civilised white men on the one hand and on the other Japan, just emerging from Asiatic semi-barbarism. In making treaties with Oriental non-Christian nations. Occidental Christian nations had always insisted that their subjects and citizens should be exempted from the procedure and penalties prescribed by the criminal law of the countries in which they were resid- ing ; in short, that they should enjoy within the territories of such countries the privilege of being arraigned before tribunals of their own nationality and tried by judges of their own race. In civil jurisdiction a division of functions was arranged. These principles were applied in the case of Japan, and no doubt, at first, their application was both wise and expedient. It soon, however, became evident that the Japanese were very different from other Eastern peoples in many respects, and that their loyal independent spirit rebelled against even the appearance of being in a subordinate posi- International Relations 3 1 5 tion to Foreign Powers ; from the time the treaties were signed the “ extra-territorial ” regulations were vehemently condemned by all classes of Japanese, and no doubt it was the hope of being able to remove these that was the immediate cause for the despatch of the embassy mentioned in a previous chapter. As there stated, the date fixed for the revision of the treaties was July i, 1872, and it was thought at least by some in power that an attempt should be made to have it brought about. Whatever may have been the intention, the treaty revision did not take place till a number of years later ; but although the embassy failed in its immediate object, it was fully justified by its results. It was the means of making Japan known to the Western nations, and the information which was collected on all subjects relating to national life laid the foundations of many of the developments which have brought Japan to its present position. The foreign consular tribunals 'were in some cases very unsatisfactory, and, apart altogether from the principle involved in “ extra-territoriality,” gave just offence poreitm to the Japanese from the nature of their con- consular stitution, their methods of procedure, and their judgments. A few of the great Powers, and notably Great Britain and the United States, organised competent tribunals and appointed expert judicial officials to preside over them ; but the majority of the Treaty States were content to entrust their authority to merchant consuls, who were not only unacquainted with the details of the laws they were expected to administer, but might also be interested, financially or otherwise, in some of the business questions which required their decision, and a Japanese subject might occasionally find that the defendant in a case would also be the judge. Still, on the whole, there were not many abuses of power on the part of consuls, and although little could be said in support of the system, it cannot be doubted that during the transition period it saved the Japanese from much trouble in which they would have been involved if 3 1 6 Dai Nippon they had been entrusted with a jurisdiction which they were not prepared to exercise in an efficient manner from the want of men with the necessary experience. As I have stated, the existence of the “ extra-territorial ” system did much to spur on the Japanese to qualify them- Discussions on selves for what is the right of every sovereign extra-territoriality. 3 tate ; namely, judicial autonomy. In the two previous chapters we have seen how they developed their system of government, local administration, and legislation, and how they remodelled their law courts and took steps to equip them with a competent judiciary to administer the new codes. During all the time I was in Japan the subject of treaty revision was continually coming up in some form, and strong opinions on the subject were expressed both by Japanese and by foreigners. The impression which was given to those who were anxious to assist the Japanese in their efforts to raise the status of their country, was that they received little sympathy either from the representatives of the foreign Powers or in the foreign press ; but as I have indicated, this may have been to the Japanese a blessing in disguise, because it made them more determined to bring their institutions up to a high pitch of efficiency, and ultimately enabled them to obtain better terms than they would have been able to get at an earlier period. Captain Brinkley, whose long experience in Japan and intimate knowledge of Japanese matters enable him to give Captain Opinion which carries authority, has summarised Brinkley’s the position during these years in the following opinions, paragraphs : — “ A portly volume might be filled with the details of the negotiations that followed Japan’s proposal. Never before had an Oriental state sought such recognition, and there was extreme reluctance on the part of Western Powers to try the unprecedented experiment of entrusting the lives and property of their subjects and citizens to the keeping of a ‘ pagan ’ people. Even the outlines of the story cannot be sketched here, though it International Relations 317 abounds with diplomatic curiosities, and though several of its incidents do as much credit to Japan’s patience and tact as its issue does to the justice and liberality of Occidental Governments. There is, however, one page of the history that calls for brief notice, since it supplies a key to much which would otherwise be inexplicable. The respect enter- tained by a nation for its own laws and the confidence it reposes in their administrators are in direct proportion to the efforts it has expended upon the development of the former and the education of the latter. Foreigners residing in Japan naturally clung to consular jurisdiction as a privilege of inestimable value. They saw, indeed, that such a system could not be permanently imposed on a country where the conditions justifying it had nominally disappeared. But they saw also that the legal and judicial reforms effected by Japan had been crowded into an extra- ordinarily brief period, and that, as tyros experimenting with alien systems, the Japanese might be betrayed into many errors. A struggle then ensued between foreign distrust on the one side and Japanese aspirations on the other — -a struggle often developing painful phases. For whereas the case for the foreign resident stood solid and rational so long as it rested on the basis of his proper attachment to the laws and the judiciary which the efforts of his countrymen through long generations had rendered worthy of trust and reverence, and on the equally intelligible and reasonable ground that he wanted convincing proofs of Japan’s competence to discharge her novel functions with discretion and impartiality before submitting himself to her jurisdiction, it ceased to be a solid and rational case when its champions undertook, not merely to exaggerate the risk of trusting Japan implicitly, but also to demonstrate her radical unworthiness of any trust whatever, and to depict her under aspects so deterrent that submission to her jurisdiction assumed the character of a catastrophe. The struggle lasted eleven years, but its gist is contained in this brief statement. The foreign resident, whose affection for his own systems Dai Nippon 318 was measured by the struggle their evolution had cost, and whose practical instincts forbade him to take anything on trust where security of person and property was concerned, would have stood out a wholesomely conservative and justly cautious figure had not his attitude been disfigured by local journalists who, in order to justify his conservatism, allowed themselves to be betrayed into the constant role of blackening the character of Japan, and suggesting harshly prejudiced interpretations of her acts and motives. It is one thing to hesitate before entering a new house until its fitness for occupation has been ascertained : it is another thing to condemn it without trial as radically and necessarily deficient in this respect The latter was in effect the line often taken by the opponents of Japan’s claims, and, of course, no little resentment and indignation were aroused on the side of the Japanese, who chafing against the obvious antipathies of their foreign critics, and growing constantly more impatient of the humiliation to which Japan was intentionally condemned, were sometimes prompted to dis- plays of resentment which became new weapons in the hands of their critics. Throughout this struggle the Government and citizens of the United States always showed conspicuous sympathy with Japanese aspirations, and it should also be recorded that, with exceptions so rare as to establish the rule, foreign tourists and publicists discussed the problem liberally and fairly ; perhaps because, unlike the foreign communities resident in Japan, they had no direct interest in its solution.” ^ At the same time it must be admitted that the American attempts at treaty-making were not very successful. On July 25, 1878, a treaty was concluded at i 4 “yTvfsion. Washington (and ratified there on April 8, 1879) between the Japanese Minister, Kiyowari Yoshida, and Mr. Evarts, Secretary of State. By this instrument the question of jurisdiction was left as before, except a provision of Article IV., which stipulated that all ^Encyclopedia Briiannica, new vols., article “Japan,” p. 699. International Relations 3 1 9 criminal cases connected with the customs should be sub- mitted for decision to the American tribunals, — but with the addition that the fines and confiscations in all such matters should fall to the Japanese treasury; an arrangement which, from the Japanese point of view, made matters worse than before. In Article V., however, a favourable concession was made to Japan by which the right of the Government to regulate the coasting trade was recognised, while Article I. equally acknowledged the Japanese right of customs autonomy. In contradistinction to this right. Article III. stipulated that there should be no export duties on Japanese products consigned to America. This convention created considerable sensation at the time in diplomatic circles, but as Article X. stipulated that its provisions would come into force only after Japan had revised her treaties with the other Powers in a similar sense, it remained a dead letter, as the other Treaty Powers had not the slightest intention of making the desired concessions. A statement of what may be considered the official British view of treaty revision in Japan will be found in The Life of Sir Harry Parkes} and while some of the opinions therein expressed were justified, ^arry^Parke^ it illustrates very clearly the difference of the points of view of the Japanese and the foreigners. The former expected recognition of the progress which they had made before arrangements for the administration of justice on Western lines were fairly complete, and they were intensely anxious to get rid of even the appearance of foreign sovereignty. Sir Harry Parkes held that it was a misconception on their part to consider extra-territoriality per se as a derogation from national sovereignty. He pointed out to them that “ throughout the Middle Ages in Europe different degrees of extra-territoriality were the rule rather than the exception. The Jews were more or less under their own jurisdiction, the clergy were almost wholly independent of territorial laws, the Hanse towns had their 1 Vol. ii. chap, xxxviii. p. 313. 320 Da i Nippon privileges. Exemptions of a similar kind still exist, even in the United Kingdom. The American States are more or less extra-territorial in their system of law and administra- tion, and in Old Japan the tozama daimiates enjoyed, in practice, complete home rule. There was no surprise on the one side nor concession on the other when extra-territoriality was established by the treaties of 1858. The extra- territorial system was absolutely necessary, if merely to supplement the deficiencies of Japanese law, which did not in truth exist at all.” After further historical illustration of the subject, he added that “in truth, in Japan, as in China and Turkey, it was rather out of contempt — or perhaps indifference — that the foreigner was denied the benefits of territorial laws, of which he was not deemed a proper object.” It must have been exceedingly difficult at the time the treaties were made to ascertain the opinions of the Japanese on this subject, but there can be no doubt that from the time of the Restoration their feeling was very strong against the system of extra-territoriality. The foreign commercial population in Japan was almost unanimous against treaty revision on the lines suggested by the Japanese, because they could not bring themselves to believe that either their persons or their property would be safe under Japanese law, and their opposition continued to the very end. Their opinions were reflected for a considerable time by their representatives to the Government of Japan, but ultimately these were convinced that the demands of the Japanese were both just and reasonable, and the majority of foreigners in Japan would now be willing to admit that they had been mistaken in the position which they took. In 1883 the Japanese Government felt that sufficient progress had been made in the reorganisation of their national institutions and methods of adminis- ti-eluy^reWslon" Oration to justify a formal demand that the foreign powers should consider the whole posi- tion and agree to the abolition of consular jurisdiction. A conference was held at Tokyo of the representatives of all Intei^national Relations 321 the Foreign Powers to determine a basis on which the respective Governments might come to some conclusions as to the modifications to be made in the existing treaties. On this occasion Japan was represented by her Minister of Foreign Affairs, Kaoru Inouye, one of the most experienced statesmen in the country. He, of course, had come to the conclusion that his country’s only chance of procuring international recognition of its claims was to break com- pletely with its old system of isolation, to adopt the principle, practised by all the European States in their relations with one another, of the equal footing of natives and aliens in affairs of trade and commerce. Mr. Inouye therefore, in return for the abolition of the consular jurisdiction of the Powers hitherto existing, offered to throw open to trade the whole empire and to place foreigners, in their pursuit of commerce and industry, on the same footing as the natives of Japan. The Japanese Government, however, did not demand that its jurisdiction over foreigners should begin at once, but suggested a transition period of five years, during which the Consular Courts should continue to some extent to exercise their authority, which would then be gradually transferred to the native tribunals. During the transition period foreigners were not to enjoy in their entirety all the rights promised to them in the interior later on. As a concession to foreign feelings it was suggested that, for a certain definite period, a number of foreign jurists should be attached as titular judges to the Japanese tribunals. Various other safeguards were suggested in order to guarantee as far as possible to resident foreigners the proper and impartial administration of justice. It was proposed that the new treaties should be valid for twelve years, while the corre- sponding tariffs, etc., might be subject to revision after the lapse of eight years. Practically nothing came of this conference. Some of its members were opposed to the concessions asked for by the Japanese, and did not hesitate to express their opinions to their respective Governments, which simply shelved the (b 207) 322 Dai Nippon voluminous records of the proceedings. There can be no doubt, however, that these served as a solid foundation for the subsequent revision of treaties. Even in political circles in Japan there now arose misgivings as to whether the proposal to open up the empire to foreigners was not somewhat premature ; and special objection was taken to the proposal to appoint foreign lawyers to assist in the native courts, as this seemed to be only another form of “ extra-territorial ” jurisdiction, and not much improvement on the existing system. On the part of the foreigners it was felt that the clause giving the Japanese the right of denunciation after a period of twelve years would enable Japan, after that time, to claim a free hand simply on the ground of international law. Even those who sympathised strongly with the claims of the Japanese felt that the preparations for making and codifying the laws were not yet in a stage sufficiently advanced to impress the European Powers with the wisdom of placing their subjects under their jurisdiction ; so that the delay which occurred was, as I have indicated, really a blessing in disguise, as it urged on the improvement of legislation and administration which enabled more satis- factory arrangements to be made later on. The subject of treaty revision was allowed practically to lie in abeyance for a period of four years. On May i, Negotiations 1 886 , a conference of the representatives of renewed. Treaty Powers met in Tokyo. Japan was again represented by Mr. Inouye (who had meantime been raised to the rank of Count). The subjects of the tariffs and of the judicial arrangements were fully discussed, and it became evident that the representatives of the Foreign Powers were willing to make several very important con- cessions on the suggestions of the conference held in 1882. The British and the German delegates on June 15 tabled a project which, after expressly acknowledging the progress made by Japan since the last conference in the field of legal reform, offered to her Government the assumption of jurisdiction over aliens, but without the conditions previously International Relations 323 attached to the proposed transition period and which had met with insuperable difficulties. This was decided testimony to the effect that Britain and Germany recognised the pro- gress which had been made in Japan, and that they were willing to acknowledge her claims to equality of treatment with other Powers. Although the representatives of the other Powers gave a general adhesion to this position, they were unable to agree as to the means of carrying out the proposed changes and the guarantees deemed necessary by some of the Powers. The conference continued to sit at intervals till the beginning of July 1887, and meanwhile Japanese popular opinion grew somewhat virulent against some of the proposals, as they were thought to be derogatory to the national sovereignty. On June 19, 1887, Count Inouye adjourned the conference sine die^ so that the Japanese Government might be able to show what progress had been made in the codification of the laws and in the improvement of their administration, and thus prove that the guarantees demanded were no longer necessary. In 1889, after lengthy negotiations at Berlin, a treaty was signed by the representatives of Germany and Japan, by which Japan granted very far-reaching concessions in respect of commerce, industry, and settlement, while Germany agreed to the abolition of her consular jurisdiction and recognised the complete legal sovereignty of Japan ; but only under the condition, which was still regarded as indispensable, that a number of foreign jurists should be attached to the Japanese Court of Appeal. This stipulation caused the treaty to be received with disfavour in Japan, and Count Okuma Shigenobu, who had succeeded Count Inouye as Minister of Foreign Affairs, was made to feel this disfavour. He was attacked by a would-be assassin and severely wounded, and in consequence of the feeling which was aroused, the coming into force of the obnoxious treaty was suspended by the Government, as well as that of the identical agreements with Russia and' the United States, which had meantime also been concluded. 324 Dai Nippon A review of these negotiations shows very distinctly the determination of the Japanese to insist on complete sovereign powers. Foreigners generally ascribed all this Japanese aims. , , , , ,, . , to what they were pleased to call conceit, but which after all was only a very keen spirit of patriotism and national loyalty. No doubt that spirit sometimes caused them to make demands before they were in a position to satisfy all the necessary conditions, but it was a spirit of noble discontent which spurred them on to greater efforts to improve these conditions and also showed clearly to the representatives of the Foreign Powers that they were determined to gain their point. Although the conference brought no definite results, still it must be admitted that on each occasion they brought the problems a step nearer solution by causing the foreign representatives to understand the Japanese point of view. Foreign diplomatists, as a rule, look at Eastern problems from the outside only and there- fore in a very superficial manner, and this ignorance of the Eastern mind, to a large extent, accounts for all the difficulties which have occurred with Eastern peoples, who are governed more by ideas than by principles and statutes. This fact should be more distinctly remembered than it is in our dealings with our Indian Empire and with that of China. Fortunately for Japan the Foreign Powers had to deal with a people which did not allow them to forget it. Not by study but through practical experience in their dealings with the Japanese did the representatives of these Approaching Powers at last come to recognise that the time a settlement, arrived when the demands of the Japanese Government ought to be conceded. Changes had taken place in the personnel of the membership of the diplomatic body in Tokyo, and the newcomers, although for the most part profoundly ignorant of Eastern ways of thought, were free from preconceived ideas and from opinions resulting from unfavourable personal experiences ; they approached the subject of treaty revision with open minds and their common sense led them to a solution of the problems which International Relations 325 had baffled their predecessors ; and it is satisfactory to find that in these matters the representatives of Great Britain took the lead. Details of the negotiations are to be found in a well-arranged British Blue Book,^ to which those who wish to study the subject must be referred. That document, to those who know the events of the previous twenty years, contains a great deal of condensed history and diplomacy. The Japanese representatives always seem to have retained their native politeness, which, if report be true, was not always returned by the foreign representatives, but on several occasions their patience seems to have been sorely tried. Mr. Mutsu, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, felt himself compelled on one occasion to say that “ the Japanese Government do not consider themselves bound to acquiesce for ever in the present position of the question or to go on maintaining indefinitely a system of relations with Foreign Powers which they consider to be no longer compatible with the progress and changed institutions of the country ” ; and he added that by meeting with discouragement in London “ it might be necessary to resort to other means of asserting what Japan believes to be her rights.” Lord Kimberley, the British Minister for Foreign Affairs, retorted that if such language meant that Japan would set aside her treaty obligations, it would retard rather than advance the revision which they desire. In a carefully prepared memorandum, which is an excellent combination of politeness, firmness, and diplomacy, Mr. Mutsu explained that he meant nothing offensive to the British Government, but he insisted on the fact that consular jurisdiction as understood and practised in Japan is incompatible with a constitutional form of Government, and he concluded as follows: — “The con- scientious endeavour on the part of the Imperial Government to fulfil, in good faith, their existing conventional obligations, coupled with their recent attitude on the subject of the strict enforcement of Japan’s treaties, are in themselves strong ^ Correspondence respecting the Revision of the Treaty Arrangements hetiveen Great Britain and Japan (August 1894). 326 Dai Nippon guarantees that the Imperial Government have no thought of resorting to denunciation in order to free the Empire of those treaties. It only remains for the Imperial Govern- ment unequivocally, and without any reservation whatever, to declare that the proposals now under consideration of Her Britannic Majesty’s Government rest solely upon their own inherent merit. They are not supported by any menace of denunciation, and the Imperial Government have no wish or intention of attempting a modification of their treaties except by the method prescribed in those treaties.” The national feeling in the matter was reflected in a letter from Count (now Marquis) Ito to Prince Nijo, of which the following passages appear in the above-mentioned Blue Book : — “ Those national rights which may be asserted by the strict enforcement of the treaties should, of course, be strictly enforced ; and, moreover, should it be necessary to insist upon our national rights, we must labour to abolish and amend the provisions of such treaties. . . . The Government is convinced that it does not lie under the obligation of willingly acquiescing in the sacrifice of Japanese rights by submitting to the present treaties permanently and indefinitely.” If Mr. Mutsu had had the same knowledge of inter- national law as his successors who now represent Japan at their own Foreign Office and in the various countries of the world, he would not have assumed such an apologetic tone. He would, with true Japanese politeness, have simply read his opponents a lesson in international law and reminded them that, as the term for which the treaties had been concluded had expired, they could be renounced by Japan without any question as to her legal right to do so. More- over while we may give Mr. Mutsu full credit for writing what he believed to be the true facts of the case and with no intention of using a threat, it cannot be doubted that if there had been much longer delay in the revision of the treaties neither the Japanese nor the British Government, nor indeed a combination of all the foreign Governments, International Relations 327 could have prevented some other steps than those of diplomacy from being taken, as evidence was abundant that the patience of the Japanese people had almost reached its limit. Fortunately for all parties, no such steps were necessary, as in March 1894 the question so long at issue found definite solution in the negotiations between treaty with Lord Kimberley, represented by the Hon. Great Britain Francis Bertie, Under Secretary of State on revised, the one part, and the Japanese Minister, Viscount Aoki, on the other. On the i6th July the work was completed by the signature of a Treaty of Commerce and Navigation between Great Britain and Japan. Article XVIII. of this Treaty provides that “ the several foreign settlements in Japan, possessing extra-territorial rights, shall be incorporated with the respective Japanese communes”; while by Article XX. it is stipulated that the present treaty, from the date it comes into force, shall be substituted for all previous conventions, “ and, in consequence, the jurisdiction then exercised by British Courts in Japan, and all the exceptional privileges, exemptions, and immunities then enjoyed by British subjects as a part of or appurtenant to such jurisdiction shall absolutely and without notice cease and determine, and thereafter all such jurisdiction shall be assumed and exercised by Japanese courts.” The Blue Book contains memoranda by Viscount Aoki and the representatives of the British Government explaining the various points in the treaty. The Japanese Minister said : “The treaty opens to Japan a new era in her foreign relations, for it proclaims for the first time its full and legitimate reception into the fellowship of nations. To Great Britain it signifies free access to the whole interior of the Japanese Empire on the usual terms of European international intercourse.” The example given by Great Britain was gradually followed by the other Treaty Powers, and it was agreed, subject to the fulfilment of certain conditions, that from 328 Dai Nippon July 1899 Japanese tribunals should assume jurisdiction over every person, of whatever nationality, within the confines Followed by of Japan, and that the whole country should be other Powers, thrown Open to foreigners. The foreign settlers were, as a rule, opposed to the revision of the treaties and to the giving up of the privileges which they had hitherto enjoyed, but when they saw that revision was inevitable they accepted the position and showed their willingness to co-operate with the Japanese authorities. On June 30, 1 899, an Imperial Rescript was issued in the following terms : — “ Assisted by the surviving influence of the virtues ol Our ancestors, it has been Our good fortune to uphold the Imperial reign of Sovereign rule and disseminate the Rescript. benefits of orderly administration, resulting at home in the increased prosperity of the nation, and abroad in the strengthening of Our relations with Foreign Powers. As to the revision of treaties. Our long-cherished aspiration, exhaustive plans and repeated negotiations have, at last, been crowned by a satisfactory settlement with the Treaty Powers. Now that the date assigned for the operation of the revised treaties is drawing near, it is a matter for heartfelt joy and satisfaction that, while, on the one hand, the responsibilities devolving upon the country cannot but increase Our friendship with the Treaty Powers, on the other, it has been placed on a foundation stronger than ever. “ We expect that Our loyal subjects, ever ready to discharge public duties, will in obedience to Our wishes, conform to the national polity of enlightenment and progress, and be united as one man in treating the people of far-off lands with cordiality, and in thereby endeavouring to uphold the character of this nation and enhance the glory of the Empire. “ Further, we command Our Ministers of State to under- take the responsibility of putting the revised treaties into operation in such a manner that, by means of proper supervision over their subordinates, and the exercise of Inte^'national Relations 329 prudence and discretion, both Our born subjects and strangers may be enabled equally to participate in the benefits accruing from the new system, and that the friendly relations with the Treaty Powers may be permanently cemented.” All classes in the country united to carry out the wishes expressed in the Imperial Rescript The Premier and other Ministers of State issued instructions to the effect that the responsibility now devolved on the Government and the duty on the people of enabling foreigners to reside con- fidently and contentedly in every part of the country. Probably the most significant sign of the change which had taken place in Japanese opinion was the action of the chief Buddhist prelates in addressing to the priests and parishioners in their dioceses injunctions pointing out that, freedom of conscience being now guaranteed by the Constitution, men professing alien creeds must be treated as courteously as the followers of Buddhism, and must enjoy the same rights and privileges. The confidence which the Foreign Powers placed in the good faith of the Japanese people has been fully justified, and their relations with the Government of Japan have been of a cordial nature. No doubt some questions have arisen about details and some individuals may have thought that they had some grievances, but, on the whole, foreigners in Japan have greater freedom than and as much safety as they would have in any other civilised country in the world. As Great Britain was the first Foreign Power to recog- nise the freedom of Japan from foreign jurisdiction, she was also the first to follow that up by a treaty of Alliance alliance which bound the Britain of the East with to that of the West with more than the ties of Britain, diplomatic friendship.^ The advisability of such an alliance had been gradually impressing itself on the minds both of British and of Japanese statesmen as a very natural result of the political developments which had taken place in the Far East, and among others no one had recognised more clearly 1 See Appendix B. 330 Dai Nippo^t than Marquis Ito that the interests of Great Britain and Japan would be served by an alliance which, while actuated solely by a desire to maintain the status quo and general peace in the Far East and to secure equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations, would at the same time ensure that the Governments of Great Britain and Japan would co-operate in all matters directly affecting these interests. On January 30, 1902, a treaty of alliance, defen- sive and offensive, was signed by Lord Lansdowne and Baron Hayashi, representing Great Britain and Japan respectively — a step which may be looked upon as the final stage in the recognition of Japan as one of the Great Powers of the world. When the true and complete history of the early inter- national relations of Japan comes to be written, it will afford Remarks on many interesting lessons to the psychologist treaty revision, moralist. I have touched on some of its main points only. Captain Brinkley, reviewing the subject, has said : “ The most tolerant of Europeans has always regarded the Japanese — and let them see that he regarded them — merely as interesting children. Languidly curious at best about the uses to which they would put their imported toys, his curiosity was purely academical, and whenever circumstances required him to be practical, he laid aside all pretence of courtesy and let it be plainly seen that he counted himself master, and intended to be so counted. If the archives of the Japanese Foreign Office were published without expurgation, their early papers would make a remark- able record. Diplomatic euphemisms are the last thing to be sought there ; and in that respect they reflect the demeanour of the ordinary foreigner. When not a harsh critic he was either contemptuously tolerant or loftily patron- ising. The Japanese chafed under that kind of treatment for many years, and they resent it still, for though a pleasant alteration has gradually been effected in the foreigner’s methods, the memory of the evil time survives. Besides, they neither consider the change complete nor regard its International Relations 'I oo I causes with unmixed satisfaction. It is not complete because the taint of Orientalism has not yet been removed from the nation, and the causes are unsatisfactory because they suggest a low estimate of Western morality.” Captain Brinkley has thus summarised the privileges conceded to foreigners under the revised treaties : — (i) They may trade, travel, and reside in any part of ^aws Japan, enjoying full protection for their persons specially affecting and property ; (2) they may use the law courts foreigners, on the same terms as Japanese subjects ; (3) they have full religious freedom ; (4) they are exempt from any taxes except those imposed on Japanese subjects ; (5) they are exempt from military service, military contributions, and forced loans ; (6) they may engage in all legitimate trades and mechanical operations, subject to the provisions of the law; (7) they may enter into partnership with Japanese or foreigners or become shareholders in joint-stock companies ; (8) their ships and cargoes may come to all ports open to foreign commerce without paying any higher duties or charges than those paid by Japanese subjects ; (9) they are exempt from all transit dues, and they enjoy equality of treatment with Japan in regard to drawbacks, exportation and warehousing facilities, but the coasting trade is reserved to Japanese vessels except in the case of the existing open ports ; (10) they may lease land ; (i i) they may take mort- gages on land. The conditions relating to the holding of land and other matters affecting industry and commerce have been mentioned in a previous chapter. We have now glanced at the most important international relations of Japan in so far as these are embodied in formal treaties, but nowadays the engineers, manu- international facturers, and merchants bring about conditions business relations, which have great influence in politics. Before we can under- stand the foreign policy of any country we must study its business relations with other countries, and therefore it is desirable that we should look at the industry and commerce of Japan in their international relations and ascertain their 332 Dai Nipp07i influence on political action. It has been truly said that the engineer is the real revolutionist. He creates forces against which the efforts of politicians are vain, and even the actions of armies and navies are of little avail, since ultimately economic conditions determine the fate of nations. Legis- lation and political action may divert for some time the forces which are moulding national affairs, but in the long run they must yield to the economic forces which are at work. In no part of the world has this been so distinctly shown as in the countries in the Far East during the latter half of the nineteenth century. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 was an event which produced immediate and serious economic changes — industrial, commercial, and financial — in the affairs of the Far East. Before that time all the trade of the Western Hemisphere with India and the Far East had been by the Cape of Good Hope, at an expenditure in time of from six to eight months for the round voyage, and the time and risks involved naturally caused a vast system of warehousing, distribution, and banking suited to the conditions. The opening of the Canal rendered the greater number of the sailing ships hitherto in use practically valueless, and an amount of tonnage, estimated by some authorities as high as two million tons, and representing an immense amount of wealth, was virtually destroyed. New steamships specially designed for the passage of the Canal were constructed, and with the improvements which have been made in recent years, the voyage from London to Bombay can now be performed in less than three weeks, while the Far East can be reached in a time varying from a month to six weeks, according to the route selected. The telegraph communication which has been made between the Far East and all parts of the world has been the cause of great changes in commercial methods and results. The world has been shrunken into small dimensions, and economic conditions tend to a uniform level. Formerly large fortunes could be made by taking advantage of the International Relations 333 conditions of local markets, and a good part of the wealth acquired by early British merchants in China was made by keeping swift steamers, which carried goods to markets where there was a great demand, and selling them at prices which were much above those ruling in the places of supply, and from which goods did not arrive until the high-priced stocks were disposed of. During the past few years still further changes have been made which will have profound effects on the commerce and industry of the Far East. The completion of the Siberian Railway has brought Europe within a month of the ports of China and Japan, and has been the immediate cause of the development of Russian progress in the direction of the Pacific coast. The war between Japan and China in 1894-95 awoke the Powers of Europe to a sense of the military and naval strength of Japan, and led to those political developments which have kept the Far East in a state of unstable equilibrium ever since. In a sense, the war between the United States and Spain was a sequel to that between Japan and China ; for recent industrial and commercial developments in America and the growth of the imperial spirit in politics have made the United States a power in the Pacific, and Hawaii and the Philippine Islands were required as midway naval and military stations. These developments will lead, before long, to the con- struction of a Trans-Isthmian Canal either at Panama or Nicaragua (possibly ultimately at both places), which will have a profound effect on the commerce, not only of Japan and China, but also of the other countries and colonies in the East, such as Siam, Hong- Kong, Straits Settlements, and even of India. The creation of the Australian Commonwealth, which was rendered possible largely through the work of the engineer, by the construction of lines of swift steamers, of telegraph cables and connecting railways and overland telegraph lines, have all emphasised the fact that the Pacific area is destined to be the scene of the struggle, not only for political but also for commercial and 334 Dai Nippon industrial ascendency, by the nations of the world. Mean- time we can only consider briefly one aspect of that struggle, namely, the part which Japan is likely to take in it, in order that we may the better understand her foreign policy. A glance at a map of the world shows us that Japan is placed in a peculiarly advantageous position not only for Geographical pui'poses of trade but also for military and advantages naval defence or offence. It forms the centre of Japan. rnost important trade routes not only of the Pacific area but also of the world, connected as she is on both sides with Europe and America by lines of steam- ships and railways which must concentrate in her a large amount of trade and give her a great advantage in nearly every market in the world. Japan is equally well situated for every military or naval operation which is likely to take place in the Far East, and her geographical position would go a long way to ensure her success should matters ever reach the terrible arbitrament of war. The long line of the Japanese Empire from Yezo to Formosa affords safe and convenient stations for both military and naval purposes ; the army and navy would be near their sources of supply and not thousands of miles away as would be the case with the European and American Powers. The coasts of China would thus be commanded, and the passage of any hostile forces made very difficult. Korea is within a few hours’ sail of some of the strongest and most convenient ports of Japan, and Hong-Kong is close to the southern point of Formosa, the Philippines are only about seven days’ steaming from Nagasaki, while Indo-China, Siam, and even Australasia are all within easy reach. It is evident, therefore, that Japan, by herself, must be a very potent factor in all Far Eastern questions. In alliance with Britain, as she now is, she would be irresistible against any combination which was likely to be formed. Moreover, there is another aspect of the subject which should not be overlooked. While I do not believe that the Japanese have any wish or intention to follow an aggressive policy, it would be well if the Foreign Inte7''national Relations 335 Powers would recognise not only the strength of her position but also the possibilities of a stupendous military and naval organisation under the leadership of Japan, which would make the peoples of the East all-powerful should the selfish policies of European Powers drive them to an offensive position. As I have already stated, there are two distinct and essentially different kinds of industries in Japan ; namely, those which are of native or Chinese origin . ^ , and which are still carried on to a very large petition with extent in Japanese style, and those which have been introduced from Western countries and are carried on on the factory system. With the former of these there is no competition in the markets of the world and they must win their way through their own inherent merits. The production of the keramic and cloisonne ware of the Japanese, of their silk fabrics, their pictures and their carvings, and in short, their art productions of all kinds, must be carried on in what is essentially the domestic system of industry if they are to retain their excellence. Each workman is an artist to a greater or less degree, and he revolts against being converted into a machine or the mere attendant of a machine. He requires work which, in itself, gives him pleasure and on which he can imprint his own personality. There is indeed a danger, as I have already pointed out, that the artistic capabilities of the Japanese may be crushed out by the use of machinery, and that they will be brought face to face with all the problems, industrial, physical, and social, which lie heavily on the hearts of all thoughtful men who have observed the conditions of modern industrial nations. While all that is admitted, it must also be recognised that mechanical and industrial development in the production of goods to satisfy many of the ordinary wants of life is a stage in the necessary evolution through which nations must pass before they arrive at a state of equilibrium in which they will endeavour to live and not simply struggle for the means of life. 336 Dai Nippon The industries in Japan which will have a direct effect on her foreign policy are those conducted on the factory system and the products of which come into direct com- petition with those of other countries. The one which meantime appeals most to British manufacturers is that of cotton, which, as we have seen, has made great strides in Japan during recent years. Not only are the products of Japanese mills able to supply the greater part of the wants of the people of the country, but the surplus now forms a very important item in the trade with Korea and China. The Statistical Secretary of the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs in a recent report, writing of manufactured goods, says that Japanese productions, made of cotton, imported in a raw state from China, are able to return to China and compete successfully with the home-made yarns, which are heavily taxed. In short the Japanese mills, though obliged to pay export duty on the raw cotton, together with the cost of two transportations between China and Japan, and finally import duty on the yarns as they re-enter China, can undersell the Chinese yarns in China ; a fact which speaks well of the efficiency of Japanese workers and organisation. It is a remarkable fact that Japan is now a larger importer of Indian raw cotton than all the Continental ports and the United Kingdom together. The consequence of the development of the cotton industry in Japan is that the trade of British yarns is practically at an end. The problem of an increased supply of raw cotton is one which Japan must face, in the same way as British manufacturers are attempting to face it at the present time. What is true of the cotton industry will also be true, before long, of other departments, and therefore the economic relations of Japan to other countries are a matter of great importance, not only for the supply of raw materials, but also for the sale of the manufactured products. China and Korea being the nearest countries to Japan and offering the most convenient markets are naturally those in which the Japanese take the greatest amount of political interest. International Relations 337 Although the development of Japanese industries has in some cases increased the competition with British and other foreign goods, it has at the same time given a great impetus to the manufacture of others, especially the machinery required in industries and in all the accessories of modern Western life. A glance at the list of imports shows that the Japanese are now users to a greater or less extent of almost all classes of foreign goods ; so that an increased demand for these has arisen which counterbalances the loss in special departments in which they now produce not only for themselves but also for their neighbours in the Far East. As the different countries in the world develop their own resources, so must the exports of Britain and other manu- facturing countries change their nature. Many of these have had their origin in chance conditions which are rapidly disappearing, and the cheap supply of raw materials and efficient labour must in great part determine the future of any industry. Any attempt to prevent the action of economic forces by tariffs or otherwise must result in the great body of the people being taxed for the benefit of a small number of manufacturers. The direct economic influence of Japanese industrial development on the countries in the Far East will, no doubt, be to disturb the conditions which have existed 1 . • 1*1 1 Japanese for generations ; but by itself it is not likely to industrial influ- be very great for a considerable time, for, after ^parEa*^ all, the best market will be the home market ; still as a factor in the evolution which is going on it cannot be neglected. Japanese products are finding their way into all the countries in the Far East, are gradually changing the social customs of the people and leading them to the use of Western appliances and methods, and thus again affecting economic conditions in other departments. But probably most important of all is the indirect and the educational influence of the Japanese in China and Korea ; for this is certain to tell before long on large numbers of the people, who will be stirred up to attempt manufactures on their own (b 207) 338 Dai Nippon account. If the Chinese were undertaking modern industries with the same energy as the Japanese, they might become the greatest manufacturing nation in the world, but they are slow to move, not because they are either stupid or lazy, but because they have a philosophy of life which keeps them out of the competitive struggle. It will be interesting to note how far they are drawn into that struggle, or whether their philosophy will be sufficient to enable them to take advantage of Western methods without allowing these to dominate social and even political conditions. The fear has sometimes been expressed that the cheap labour of the Far East will cause a decrease in the wages of Japanese West and a consequent deterioration of industrial influ- the Standard of life, but that aspect of the ^^West^^^ subject has been greatly exaggerated. The tendency will be one of levelling up rather than of levelling down, and already the wages of all skilled workers in Western industries in the Far East have greatly increased. Local economic advantages will, of course, tell, but inherited skill and experience, superior organisation and management will for a considerable time more than balance these advantages. British manufacturers have much more to fear from the competition of America and Europe than from that of Japan. The start which they had in the industrial world gave them a great advantage, but it is now having its disadvantages ; for many manufacturers have kept neither their machinery, their organisation, nor their management up to the standard to be found in many of the works of the United States and the Continent, in which full use has been taken of the latest inven- tions and the most improved methods. The telegraph and the other means of communication to all parts of the world have to a large extent made the markets of the world one, except where they are hedged in by protective tariffs, which not only allow the local manufacturers to accumulate large profits but also discourage attempts at improvements in machinery and organisation. With the constant change in International Relations 339 conditions there must be a constant change in methods and appliances involving not only a temporary loss of capital but also in many cases a loss, or at any rate a change, of employment which will inflict hardships on many of the individuals concerned. Whether these hardships can be met with the present individualistic social organisation is a problem which will require to be considered in the not distant future, and the study of such problems may lead to very important results. Britain especially will require to study her position very carefully and recognise the changing conditions. It was a happy concurrence of circumstances more than any virtue or talents inherent in us that gave us such a predominant position in industry and commerce during the nineteenth century, but now circumstances are tending in the opposite direction. Not only in Japan and China are great economic changes taking place, but in all the countries bounded by the Pacific area we may expect still greater changes in the near future, and these are certain to influence not only the foreign policy of Japan but that of all the great Powers of the world. If we look at the marvellous Pacific coast -line of Asia, stretching from Singapore to Vladivostock, with the vast countries of Siberia, China, and Australia, and then turn to the Pacific coast of America opposite, stretching from Alaska to Patagonia, with the vast countries of Canada, the United States, South America, and the rest, and imagine the population which will be in these countries by the end of this century, we are almost over- whelmed with the thought of the possibilities of the position. Meantime we cannot discuss these possibilities, but we may rest assured that Japan will take a very important part in them. In conjunction with China she might not only revolutionise economic conditions in the Far East, but also have great effect on those of the West. The late Secretary Seward, nearly forty years ago, made a prediction in the Senate of the United States that “ the Pacific Ocean, its shores, its islands and the vast regions beyond, will become the chief theatre of events in the world’s great Hereafter.” 340 Dai Nippon That prophecy is now being fulfilled ; but whether these events are to be the outcome of free economic forces, whether they are to be guided by legislation and tariffs or whether the competitive struggle will lead to armed combinations which will upset all calculations and speculations, are secrets that only the future will reveal. The direct as well as the indirect economic influence of Japan on other countries and especially on those which are bounded by the Pacific area, will form a most interesting study during the course of the present century, and attention to that study will be necessary on the part of the men who guide the destinies of the nations concerned, if their policy is to be carried out on rational lines. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE A history of treaty revision in Japan will be possible only when access is given to the archives of the Japanese Foreign Office and to those of the Foreign Powers, or when some of those who took part in the negotiations publish their impressions and observations. An outline has been given in Captain Brinkley’s article on Japan in the supplementary volumes of the EncyclopcEdia Britannica^ and Baron Alexander von Siebold has given a fuller account of it in his book, Japan^s Accession to the Comity of Nations^ although in some parts it does not seem to be quite impartial. The files of the daily newspapers are almost the only sources of information available to general readers. The British Blue Book containing the correspondence respecting the revision of treaty arrangements between Great Britain and Japan, and the corresponding publica- tions of the other Foreign Powers, are the only official published documents, and from these a good deal can be learned by those who lived in Japan at the time and thus are able to read between the lines. With regard to international business relations, little of a scientific nature has been written, and reference can only be made to current publications, as the conditions are rapidly changing. Stafford Ransome’s Japan in Tra?isition contains some suggestive matter on the subject, and Alfred Stead’s Japa7i^ Our New Ally, will be useful to general readers. Interesting chapters on “Japan as a World Power” will be found in the two last-named works, also in Clement’s Ha7idbook of Moder7i Japa7i, and Norman’s Real Japa7i. Conditions, however, are changing rapidly, and with them new problems are arising. CHAPTER XVII FOREIGN POLITICS We are now in a position to understand the foreign politics of Japan. I have endeavoured to indicate the motives and the economic forces which have been at the root of all the great changes which have taken place ; and we cannot doubt that the intense feeling of patriotism among the Japanese and the determination to make their country stand in a position of equality with foreign nations were the most important factors in the movement which has profoundly changed all the conditions of Japan. Such a feeling naturally led to actions which, in many cases, had the appearance of presumption, and no doubt sometimes the appearance had a good deal of reality ; but in times of transition, when old ideals of individual and national conduct are disappearing and new ones have not yet fully taken their place, a certain amount of eccentricity is to be expected. However, after discounting all that even the most severe critics have said about them, it cannot be disputed that, notwithstanding their apparent fickleness, the Japanese have steadily kept to the main ideas with which they started when they decided to adopt Western methods. These, as I have more than once stated, were embodied in the principles proclaimed on oath by the Emperor on the occasion of his accession to the throne. Behind the patriotic motives there are strong economic and political forces which have influenced the foreign policy of Japan. The rapid increase in population and the 341 342 Dai Nippon necessity for outlets not only for the surplus population but also for the surplus industrial products, has been forcing Economic Japanese statesmen to consider the problems in- forces. volved, and like the statesmen of other countries they have sought them in the settlement of numbers of their people in foreign countries and in an extension of their foreign markets. Korea, from her geographical position, her sparsely peopled territory and her undeveloped resources, is the most natural outlet. Moreover, its historical connection with Japan gives the Japanese a first claim among Foreign Powers for close relations and, if necessary, friendly pro- tection. The development of industry in Japan is making the country to a certain extent (although as yet not to a very great extent) dependent on the produce of other countries for the food of its population ; and as Korea is a rich agricultural country, it is important that Japan should be able to control it so far as to ensure a supply of food for those of her people who are engaged in manufacturing industries. Most important of all, however, is the fact that the possession of Korea by a strong Foreign Power would give her a strategetical position which would not only dominate Japan but even threaten her national existence. These considerations have to a large extent displaced the ideal of a self-contained empire, by one whose influence would be felt in the councils of the world, and especially in all that directly affects the countries in the Pacific area. When I arrived in Japan (in 1873) ^he highest ambition of all the officials with whom I came into contact, and also of my own students, was that their country to become the uiight become the Britain of the East, and they not infrequently got laughed at by foreigners for what was considered their con- ceit. During the thirty years which have elapsed since that time they have kept their ideal steadily in view, and few will deny that they have gone a long way towards its realisation. They have laid a solid foundation for national progress in a system of education which is very complete 343 Foreign Politics in every department, and which, in some respects, affords lessons to Britain ; they have formed an army and a navy which cause the opinions of Japan to be considered with respect ; they have developed their railways, their shipping, their telegraphs and the other appliances of modern life to an astonishing extent ; their industry and their commerce have made wonderful developments, and the machinery of legislation and administration has been brought into line with those of European countries. The geographical position of Japan gives her a mari- time advantage relatively to Asia precisely analogous to that occupied by Great Britain to Europe. So far as I have been able to judge from the utterances of her statesmen, from the opinions expressed by the press and the general ideas of the people, the Japanese have no higher ambition than that their country should become the Britain of the East, resting secure in her own strength, but with no wish for territorial expansion in other parts of the world. Whatever influence she exercises on Asia or indeed on any other Continent, they wish that that should be through wise statesmanship and the peaceful methods of commerce and education. A great part of the success of the modern movement in Japan arises from the fact that the impulse came from within and that the people have recognised their own powers and the possibilities of their country. As a thoughtful Japanese writer has said : “ It was some small degree of this recogni- tion that remade Japan and enabled her to weather the storm under which so much of the Oriental world went down.” No doubt, believing that Asia can be really influenced for good only by those who understand Asiatic modes of thought, the Japanese think that they have a special role in the re- generation of the Far East, and this idea may occasionally lead them into what, to Western minds, may seem extra- vagances; but on the whole, so far as I have been able to judge of those who have any authority in Japan, they will be content to allow their influence to develop in a natural way ; that is, through the intercourse of commerce and 344 Dai Nippon industry and the results of education. It must, however, have been evident to those who have studied the subject, that Japanese policy, both at home and abroad, has developed through change of conditions, and recent events in the Far East may have enlarged the views and ambitions of the Japanese ; or perhaps, to be more exact, they may compel them to take steps in self-defence which never occurred to them when the subjects were first discussed. The aggressive action of Foreign Powers may indeed compel them to actions which also seem aggressive, but it is to be hoped that whatever happens, they will always be willing to grant to other Eastern nations all the rights which they have claimed for themselves, and chief among these is the right to work out their own national salvation in their own way, without foreign domination. As we have seen in previous chapters, for a good many years after the advent of foreigners in Japan, diplomatic Diplomatic action was, for the most part, confined to the dis- action. cussion of the revision of treaties, and especially in so far as these affected tariffs and the question of extra- territoriality, and Japan had practically no foreign politics. Now that she has attained a position of equality with other nations, she asks no favours, but she means to insist on her rights. Her alliance with Great Britain was formed from a desire to maintain the status quo and general peace in the Far East, especially the territorial integrity of the Empires of China and Korea, and to secure equal oppor- tunities in these countries for the commerce and industry of all nations. She has in many ways made it clear that she has no wish for territorial aggrandisement, but she may be driven to take steps to protect her interests and reach her ideals which may seem to be opposed to the strict letter of some of her words. If that be so, the Foreign Powers will have themselves to thank. She is not likely to interfere either in European or in American politics if her legitimate rights are respected. Her task lies in the Far East, and whatever influence she exercises in the countries of the West 345 Foreign Politics will only be indirect. She may, however, afford those countries many useful object lessons, and it is sincerely to be hoped that their foreign policy will be such as will enable East and West to co-operate in advancing the highest welfare of both. While it is, of course, impossible to give what may be considered a strictly official view of Japanese foreign policy, the speeches and writings of representative men , . , who hold or have held high positions in the on foreign Japanese Government may be taken as indicat- policy, ing fairly well the opinions of those who guide the policy of the Government, and especially when it is found that the diplomatic and political action of the Government agrees with the ideas expressed by those from whom we quote. The following from a paper read to the American Academy of Political and Social Science ^ by Mr. Takahira, the Japanese representative at Washington, on “ The Position of Japan in the Far East,” may be taken as representing what may be called the intelligent official view of the subject. After dealing with some historical details, Mr. Takahira said : “Japan has never had an intention to take advantage of the misfortunes of her neighbours or to seek for territorial aggrandisement, but the sincere desire of her Government and people is to have all neighbouring countries realise that mutual interests can best be promoted by the maintenance of peace, the promotion of commerce and industry, and the strengthening of the ties of interdependence. It is not meant by this that a race coalition should be formed hostile to the interest of other countries ; such a coalition as has been typified in the expression ‘ Yellow Peril.’ My meaning simply is that a country to be truly prosperous should have peaceful and prosperous neighbours. That naturally leads to interdependence, not political, but social and commercial, and establishes the surest guarantee of peace to all concerned. Some portions of the world have been compared to an armed camp, each country watching the others and each jealously 1 March 7, 1903. 34^ Dai Nippon apprehensive of encroachment. Under such conditions men prosper not because of this policy but in spite of it. It is no part of the ambition of Japan to establish such a state of things in the Far East, least of all to combine with her neighbours for aggression or even for defence. She wishes them to be peaceful and prosperous, because that is the most certain means by which her own peace and prosperity can be assured ; and she desires them to appreciate at its full worth the advantage of interdependence, because their relations and their relative positions are such as to render it an indispensable pre-requisite to mutual prosperity. ... It is not out of place here to call attention to statements which have appeared in different publications expressing the fears of certain over-anxious persons regarding the modernisation of Asiatic peoples. [Here follows a quotation from an article written in 1893.] In this group of wonderful hypotheses may be found the only basis for the fear of a so-called ‘Yellow Peril’ to which I have already alluded. The usual corollary is that Japan has a desire to control China thus rejuvenated, and to lead her myriads against the rest of the world. So far as China is concerned, the best answer to such arguments is her present condition, ten years after the foregoing article was written. As for Japan, her conduct throughout the Boxer troubles and the course she has pursued since those unfortunate events, have shown the world that she has the same cause to uphold in China and the same interests to protect as other civilised nations. It is therefore self-evident that so long as China maintains a correct position towards the civilised world she will retain Japan’s friendship ; but that she cannot rely on Japan for support when she assumes a wrong attitude. . . . While we are thus labouring for ourselves, our most earnest desire is that the kindred people who are our neighbours shall labour in the same manner for themselves and endeavour, as we have done, to raise themselves above the hardships and miseries of their present condition. That sums up, in a word, Japan’s position among Eastern nations. We are in Fo 7 'eign Politics 347 duty bound and in interest forced to do all that lies in our power to assist our neighbours in the path which we have followed, and in performing this task we esteem peace and the preservation of the kindliest and most cordial relations with all as an essential pre-requisite to success.” Commenting on these opinions, the editor of the Japan Daily Mail (Captain Brinkley, a very competent authority) says : “ These utterances have, of course, a certain academical sound, but as an exposition of Japan’s position, coming from one of her responsible officials, they are un- doubtedly valuable. A man’s interpretation of his neigh- bour’s mood is generally a reflection of his own. There has not been any period of the world’s history since mediaeval days when racial prejudice prevailed more strongly among Western peoples than it prevails to-day, and naturally these nations expect to detect the same sentiment on the side of its Oriental victims. It is not an unreasonable expectation. Within easy reach of Japan’s hand are materials which might be welded by her into a stupendous military machine. No observer with any experience doubts that the Chinese are capable of being converted into good soldiers, or that well equipped and well led they could stand in any field. Assuming Japan to be ambitious of imperial aggrandisement, and assuming that the racial prejudice of the Orient towards the Occident is as strong and effective as that of the Occident towards the Orient, it is quite within the range of possibilities that the Japanese should be found one day at the head of an almost irresistible hegemony of Eastern peoples. Some such apprehension may fairly be assumed to have influenced Russia and Germany when they combined to expel Japan from Manchuria, and that the same apprehension is almost overwhelming in Russia’s case seems to be the only way of explaining her subsequent aggressions in Manchuria, which could scarcely fail to strain Japan’s patience to breaking point. A hard task is imposed on Japan to prove herself true to the creed that Mr. Takahira enunciated at Philadelphia. But she is trying.” 348 Dai Nippon Many opinions have been given (very often on imperfect knowledge and very scant experience), on the future of Japanese policy, but the following by Lord Curzon, now Viceroy of India, may be taken as representing the intelligent and statesmanlike view of the subject. After criticising some of the opinions expressed by foreign writers. Lord Curzon says : “ The critics to whom I allude had lost sight of the part which Japan aspires to play in the Far East, and to which her policy of expenditure and organisation has been strictly subordinated. That part is determined by her geographical situation. Placed at a maritime coign of vantage upon the flank of Asia, precisely analogous to that occupied by Great Britain on the flank of Europe, exercising a powerful influence over the adjoining continent, but not necessarily involved in its responsibilities, she sets before herself the supreme ambition of becoming, on a smaller scale, the Britain of the Far East. By means of an army strong enough to defend our shores, and to render invasion unlikely, and still more of a navy sufficiently powerful to sweep the seas, she sees that England has retained that unique and commanding position in the West which was won for us by the industry and force of character of our people, by the mineral wealth of these islands, by the stability of our Government, and by the colonising genius of our sons. By similar methods Japan hopes to arrive at a more modest edition of the same result in the East. Like the English, her people are stubborn fighters and born sailors. If she can but intimidate any would-be enemy from attempting a landing upon her shores, and can fly an unchallenged flag over the surrounding waters, while from her own resources she provides occupation, sustenance, clothing, and wages for her people, she will fulfil her r 61 e in the international politics of the future.” ^ The greatest difficulties in the problems connected with China and Korea arise from the fact that the Govern- ments of those countries are not animated by that spirit of ^ Problems of the Far East, p. 393. Foreign Politics 349 patriotism which made the Japanese so jealous of every- thing touching their independence. The conduct of European Governments has been so unscrupulous and Chinese opinions selfish, and the Chinese officials so untrust- ideals. worthy, that it is impossible for outsiders to state any guiding principles in the foreign affairs of China. At the same time, even an approximately correct opinion about Japanese policy in China cannot be formed without a study of these affairs. All that we can do, meantime, is to give a general idea of the impression which the policy of the Foreign Powers has left on the Chinese mind. This has been expressed by Sir Robert Hart in the following terms : — “ We did not invite you foreigners here,” they say ; “ you crossed the seas of your own accord and more or less forced yourselves on us. We generously permitted the trade you were at first satisfied with, but what return did you make ? To the trade we sanctioned you added opium-smuggling, and when we tried to stop it you made war on us. We do not deny that Chinese consumers kept alive a demand for the drug, but both consumption and importation were illegal and prohibited ; when we found it was ruining our people and depleting our treasury we vainly attempted to induce you to abandon the trade, and we then had to take action against it ourselves. War ensued ; but we were no warriors, and you won, and then dictated treaties which gave you Hong-Kong and opened several ports, while opium still remained contraband. Several years of peaceful intercourse followed, and then Hong-Kong began to trouble us ; it was originally ceded to be a careening place for ships simply, but, situated on the direct route to the new ports, it grew into an emporium, and also, close to our coast and rivers, it became a smuggling centre ; in your treaties you had under- taken a certain control of any junk traffic that should spring up, but when that traffic became considerable you dropped the promised control and our revenue suffered. Originally uninhabited, Hong-Kong now became the home of numerous Chinese settlers, many of them outlaws, who dare not live 350 Dai Nipp07i on the mainland ; these became British subjects, and you gave the British flag to their junks, which were one day British and another Chinese just as it suited their purpose ; and out of this came the Arrow war, followed by new treaties, additional ports, legalised opium, and fresh stipula- tions, in their turn the causes of fresh troubles. Whether it was that we granted you privileges or that you exacted concessions, you have treated the slightest mistakes as violations of treaty rights, and instead of showing yourselves friendly and considerate, you insult us by charges of bad faith and demand reparation and indemnities. Your legalised opium has been a curse in every province it penetrated, and your refusal to limit or decrease the import has forced us to attempt a dangerous remedy ; we have legalised native opium, not because we approve of it, but to compete with and drive out the foreign drug, and it is expelling it, and when we have only the native production to deal with, and thus have the business in our own hands, we hope to stop the habit in our own way. Your mis- sionaries have everywhere been teaching good lessons, and benevolently opening hospitals and dispensing medicine for the relief of the sick and the afflicted, but wherever they go trouble goes with them, and instead of the welcome their good intentions merit, localities and officials turn against them ; when called on to indemnify them for losses, we find to our astonishment that it is the exactions of would-be millionaires we have to satisfy ! Your people are every- where extra-territorialised ; but, instead of a grateful return for this ill-advised stipulation, they appear to act as if there were no laws in China, and this encourages native lawless- ness and makes constant difficulties for every native official. You have demanded and obtained the privilege of trading from port to port on the coast, and now you want the inland waters thrown open to your steamers. Your news- papers vilify our officials and Government, and translated into Chinese circulate very mischievous reading ; but yet they have their uses, for by their threats and suggestions 351 Foreign Politics they warn us what you may some day do, and so help us indirectly, although that does not conduce to mutual respect or liking. All these things weaken official authority — therefore the official world is against you ; and they hurt many native traders — therefore the trading classes are indignant. What countries give aliens the extra-territorial status ? What countries allow aliens to compete in their coasting trade } What countries throw open their inland waters to other flags ? And yet all these things you compel us to grant you ; why can you not treat us as you treat others ? Were you to do so you would find us friendly enough, and there would be an end of this everlasting bickering and these continually recurring wars ; really you are too short-sighted, and you are forcing us to arm in self- defence, and giving us grudges to pay off instead of benefits to requite.” ^ Those opinions which Sir Robert Hart puts into the mouth of a Chinaman are becoming public opinion in China, and they have been intensified by the events of recent years. The so-called leases of Kiao-Chow, Port Arthur, Talienwan, and Wei-Hai-Wei, and especially the doings of the Russians in Manchuria, have raised very strong feelings among the educated Chinese. The excesses which are sometimes perpetrated in China are simply the blind, inarticulate reaction against the feelings of injustice which the people have with regard to the action of foreigners. These feelings are the causes of Japanese influ- the increasing influence of Japan in China, as enceinChma. the Chinese recognise that the Japanese understand their ways of thought better than Europeans, and it is becoming more and more evident that the idea is taking hold of the Japanese that it is the mission of Japan to bring China, as it were, into the sphere of her intellectual, moral, and social influence. Not only, as we have seen, is the trade with Japan increasing, but Japanese influence is rapidly extend- ing in educational, military, and police affairs in China. 1 Hart, These from the Land of Sinim, pp. 1 19-122. 352 Dai Nippon Many of the educational institutions throughout the country are superintended by Japanese, and in the training of Chinese troops Japanese have, to a large extent, taken the place of the Europeans who were formerly employed. Gunboats and other vessels are being built in Japan for the Chinese service, and it is understood that arms and ammunition are being purchased in Japan. Hundreds of Chinese students are now in Tokyo and other parts of Japan fitting themselves, in many ways, for their future work in China ; so that in a sense Japan is repaying to China the debt she owed to her for her former civilisa- tion. We are safe in assuming that if the foreign policy of Japan ever brings her into collision with a European power, the real (whatever the apparent) casus belli will be the control of China, and that not merely on account of the commercial and industrial interests involved (which, of course, are very great and more than sufficient to give the controlling Power a preponderating influence on the Pacific) but probably even to a greater extent because of the special mission which Japan believes herself to have in the rejuvenation of China.^ Korea being the nearest part of the Asiatic continent to Japan, is, of course, the part which commands the first atten- japan and tion. The earlier relations which existed between Korea. Japan and Russia have been briefly indicated.^ The interference of Russia, Germany, and France to pre- vent the Japanese permanently occupying any part of the mainland of China was evidently prompted by jealousy and selfish ends. Not only did Russia see that such an occupation would prevent her progress towards the Pacific, but probably also the representatives of the three Powers named shared the opinion of the German Emperor that it might lead to a combination of Eastern forces which would threaten the safety of Europe, and ^ For an excellent and condensed account of the doings of the Foreign Powers in China and their results reference may be made to Brinkley’s China and Japan^ vol. xii., and especially to the last three chapters. 2 Cf. pp. 69-73. 353 Foreign Politics indeed of the world. Such a thought was entirely unwarranted, and it had never entered the brains of any responsible Japanese ; while the Chinese have shown by their conduct that war will never be of their seeking, not because they are cowards, as is frequently supposed, but because they are philosophers and detest war. After the war with China (1894-95), Japan was for a time supreme in Korea, and if more prudent counsels had prevailed, that supremacy would not have been disturbed. It was admitted by every one who knew anything about Korea that its Government was in a most corrupt and decrepit condition, and that reform was a necessity before there was any hope of the country. The Japanese ought to have known from their own experience that real reform was only possible when it came from within, and that it could not be impressed from without, and that it was there- fore absurd to present the Korean Government with a cut-and-dried scheme of reforms as precise as their military plan of campaign, and to insist on it being carried out as if it were a school exercise. The programme included the reorganisation of the finances, the reform of the civil service and the institution of a national army, as well as educational and judicial reforms. When to all this was added a demand for the compulsory development of Korean resources by mining, railway, and commercial concessions, in which would be found a profitable outlay of Japanese capital, there was raised not only the opposition of the Korean Government but also that of the Foreign Powers. The hatred of the powerful family of the Queen, the members of which found themselves threatened with the loss not only of their offices but also of the opportunities which these gave them of enriching themselves, was found to be a great obstacle to the success of the Japanese, and in 1895 ^ party of Korean malcontents, accompanied and aided, if not actually led by Japanese soldiers, broke into the palace and murdered the Queen and a great number of her relatives. These unfortunate occurrences had most disastrous effects on Japanese 354 Dai Nippon influence. The King took refuge in the Russian Legation, and from that time date the troubles which now seem to be nearing a crisis. The Japanese minister who had served his country so badly was replaced by Baron Komura, the present Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, whose diplomatic tact and ability was as conspicuous as was the lack of it in his predecessor. From that time, Japan’s earnest wish has been to come to terms with Russia, and to secure the safety and indepen- dence of Korea by diplomacy. She has extensive interests both commercial and industrial in the country, and has large settlements at every port open to foreigners. Three- fourths of all the foreign trade and shipping of Korea are in the hands of Japanese, whereas Russia has practically no commercial interests. Two conventions with regard to Korea were agreed to between Japan and Russia. By the first each Power was allowed to have in Korea a sufficient number of troops, not exceeding 800, for the protection of its legation and settlements, and in addition the Japanese were allow^ed a certain number of gendarmes for the protection of their telegraph line between Fusan and the capital. By the second, concluded in Tokyo in 1898, between Baron Nishi, the Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Baron Rosen, the Russian Minister, both Governments “definitely recognised the sovereignty and entire independence of Korea, and mutually pledged themselves to abstain from every direct interference in its internal affairs ” ; and that of Russia further pledged itself “ not to obstruct the development of industrial and commercial relations between Japan and Korea.” Mr. Longford (late of the British Consular Service in Japan) remarks that “all these undertakings of both conventions were faithfully observed by Russia, as long as it suited her to do so, and that period only lasted until her military resources in the Far East reached a stage of development which she thought would enable her to meet Japan on equal terms.” The discussion of affairs between Japan and Russia oDO Foreign Politics became very acute during the summer of last year, when it was found that the Russians had taken possession of a concession which was said to have been granted by the King of Korea when he was a refugee in the Russian Legation in 1896, and the usual Russian methods were followed. Forts were erected commanding the Yalu River, and a claim was put forward that the valley of the Yalu was included in the sphere of Russian influence. The Japanese saw that this looked suspiciously like their methods of procedure in Manchuria. There they had commenced with the leasing of a small portion of the Liaotung peninsula, and they gradually extended their military occupation over the whole of Manchuria. They disregarded with cynical effrontery their promises to evacuate the territory by specified dates, and instead they steadily strengthened their military position, giving every indication that they meant to make their occupation permanent. The Japanese took these lessons to heart, and determined to bring the matter to an issue before Russia had time to make herself overwhelmingly strong. We need not follow all the discussions and corre- spondence which were carried on in the latter half of last year, the following Japanese official communique plainly states the case for Japan : — “ It is absolutely indispensable to the safety and welfare of Japan that the independence and territorial integrity of Korea should be maintained, and that Japan’s own para- mount interests there should be safeguarded. “ Accordingly, the Japanese Government find it impossible to view with indifference an action endangering the position of Korea. “ Russia, despite her solemn treaty with China and her repeated assurances to the Powers, not only continues in occupation of Manchuria, but has even taken aggressive action in Korean territory. “ Should once Manchuria be annexed to Russia, the independence of Korea would naturally be impossible. “ This must, no doubt, be acknowledged by Russia 356 Dai Nippon herself, because in 1895 Russia expressly intimated to Japan that the possession of the Liaotung peninsula by Japan would not only constitute a constant menace to the capital of China, but would render the independence of Korea illusory. “ Under these circumstances, the Japanese Government, being desirous of securing a permanent peace in the Far East by means of direct negotiations with the Russian Government, with a view to arriving at a friendly adjust- ment of mutual interests, in both Manchuria and Korea, where the interests of Japan and Russia meet, communi- cated such desire to the Russian Government towards the end of July last, and invited them to meet it. The Russian Government then expressed their willing consent. “Accordingly, on the 12th August last, the Japanese Government proposed to the Russian Government, through their representative at St. Petersburg, a basis of agreement on the subject, which was substantially as follows : — “ I. A mutual engagement to respect the independence and territorial integrity of the Chinese and Korean Empires. “ 2. A mutual engagement to maintain the principle of the equal opportunity for the commerce and industry of all nations in those two countries. “ 3. Reciprocal recognition of Japan’s preponderating interests in Korea and Russia’s special interests in railway enterprises in Manchuria, and mutual recognition of the right of Japan and Russia respectively to take such measures as may be necessary for the protection of the above-mentioned respective interests in so far as the principle set forth in Article i is not infringed. “ 4. Recognition by Russia of the exclusive right of Japan to give advice and assistance to Korea in the interest of reform and good government in the Peninsular Empire. “ 5. An engagement on the part of Russia not to impede an eventual extension of the Korean railway into Southern Manchuria, so as to connect with the East China and Shan- hai-Kwan and Ncwchwang lines.” Foreign Politics 357 The communique then gives a detailed account of the negotiations which took place; it states that “the Japanese Government have throughout the negotiations been actuated by the principles of moderation and impartiality, and have demanded of the Russian Government nothing more than the recognition of a principle which has been repeatedly and voluntarily declared by Russia herself, while the Russian Government have persistently refused to accede thereto. While unduly delaying to hand their reply, whenever they had to make one, they have, on the other hand, eagerly augmented their naval and military preparations in the Far East In fact, large Russian forces are already on the Korean frontier.” Enough has been said to make the question at issue clear from the point of view of Japan. In order, how^ever, that we may understand the whole position, it is necessary that we should look at it from the point of view of Russia. When we do that we The case for find many of the same forces at work as in the Russia, case of Japan. In a previous chapter I have noted some of the early relations of Japan and Russia, which showed that the difficulties between the two countries were of long standing. The history of Russian expansion in its details is, of course, beyond our present scope ; it is sufficient for our pur- pose to notice some of its main features. Since the Crimean war great industrial changes have taken place in Russia, and many parts of the country are being transformed from agricultural to industrial and the population has rapidly increased. As the methods of Russian agriculture are extensive rather than intensive it has become necessary to absorb more and more territory not only for purposes of trade but also for colonisation. These were, no doubt, the causes, in the first instance, which chiefly led to the construc- tion of the Trans-Siberian Railway, not only in order that the vast resources of Asia might be developed, but also that an outlet might be found for the rapidly increasing popula- tion. Russian foreign policy is therefore being guided by 358 Dai Nippon Russian ideas. what are believed to be the overpowering needs of the nation, and the expansion of her territory is now being planned on a truly imperial scale at all the borders of the Empire. In North and South Europe, in Persia, in North Asia, and on the borders of India we find a Russian question which is a sort of nightmare to the countries concerned. That question is made very difficult by the ambitions of the military leaders of Russia, before which the autocratic although peacefully inclined Czar is nearly powerless. These ambitions carry the foreign policy of Russia far beyond the national requirements. Internal difficulties are shelved by attracting attention to a spirited foreign policy, and the voices of Liberalism and of Nihilism are smothered in the universal acclamation over the extension of Russian territory and influence. Moreover, it must not be overlooked that the religious feeling of the masses in Russia has always been used as a motive power for political ends. The religious cant which is uttered in connection with tortuous diplomacy or in justification of aggression is sufficient to disgust all thoughtful Easterns, whose conduct, both national and personal, is very often an example which might well be copied by those who think themselves their superiors in civilisation. It cannot be doubted that the enthusiastic Russian believes that his country has a mission in the world, not only to civilise savage tribes but to combat and correct the diseases of Western civilisation by means of the Orthodox Church. He distrusts all liberal institutions as leading to anarchy and the dissolu- tion of society, and he believes that the Russian theocracy, religion, and such social organisations as the village com- munity are the best antidotes to socialistic and nihilistic agitation. It is evident therefore that in discussing Russian as well as Japanese foreign policy we must go below the surface and ascertain the forces which are behind it. Unless we do this all our ideas are of a haphazard and of a generally impotent nature. The opposition between Japan and Foreign Politics 359 Russia arises, at bottom, from the clash of two different ideals of civilisation. The rapid expansion of Russia across Northern Asia is easily explained when we look at the geographical conditions. The Siberian steppes offer facilities for unlimited Expansion of expansion, and the importance to a country almost Russia, completely landlocked or ice-bound on its European frontiers naturally drove it to the Pacific shores in search of ports which were open to the trade routes of the world. The construction of the Trans-Siberian railway intensified the need for such ports. At first, its terminus was intended to be at Vladivostock, and while it was constructed to that port, it soon became evident that that was only a stepping- stone to one farther south, and which was ice-free all the year round. British statesmen have, indeed, recognised the reasonableness on the part of Russia in taking this step, and probably this accounts for the seeming weakness of British policy and action. Russian diplomacy is an art which requires long study to understand, and it is difficult to describe it. It is not doing it any injustice to call it tortuous, prevaricating, and insincere. This was clearly shown in the events which followed immediately on the termination of the war between Japan and China, which we have briefly mentioned. The more recent doings in Manchuria are further illustrations of the same thing. After obtaining possession of Port Arthur by means of her clever, if somewhat unprincipled diplomacy, Russia always protested that she had no ulterior designs on Manchuria. On that pretext she was allowed to occupy the country during the Boxer rising lest her railway to Port Arthur should be cut up. Since then she has remained in Manchuria, notwith- standing her repeated promises not only to Japan, but also to Britain, the United States, and China, to evacuate the territory long ago. The official despatches of the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs must be read in order to understand how difficult it is to teach Russian diplomacy to be honest. That correspondence shows that Britain and 36 o Dai Nippon the United States are both agreed as to the necessity of preventing Manchuria from becoming a Russian province and preserve, but neither of these Powers seems inclined to take up a position which would put a stop to Russian aggression. With them, however, the decision on the matter, while affecting their trade, is of comparatively small importance, but with Japan it is a matter of life and death. It is absurd for Russia to hold that Japan has no special interests in Manchuria as distinct from the other Powers, and therefore that she could not enter into a discussion with her on the subject. The Japanese recognise that if Russia is entrenched in Manchuria she could easily collect troops and muni- tions of war, overwhelm Korea and bring the Russian territory up to the Pacific Ocean. Moreover, the fact that Russia filched the results of Japan’s victories in 1894-95 from her, and appropriated them for herself, gave Japan the right to raise the question in a form which will prevent the repetition of such a piece of deception. While willing to recognise the special claims of Russia in Manchuria, and especially those which arise from the construction of the railway connecting the main Siberian line with Port Arthur, the Japanese firmly insist on the political integrity of China as regards Manchuria. While Russia has promised to observe that integrity, she has shown most distinctly by her deeds that she will never give up possession until she is compelled to do so, and further, that she will, as soon as she can, take steps to obtain a firm hold on Korea. Looked at simply from a Russian point of view, and especially when sea power is considered, the possession of Korea, with its good harbours, most of which are open all the year round and capable of easy defence, is of enormous value. As Captain Brinkley puts it : “ Korea is a kind of half-way house between Liaotung and Vladivostock. It commands the maritime communications between the two places. Japan, holding Korea as Russia’s enemy, could close the Broughton Strait and the Tsugaru Strait to Russian ships Foreign Politics 361 and thus effectually isolate Vladivostock by water. Economic- ally it is equally necessary ; for neither Manchuria nor Siberia possesses a harbour offering first-class mercantile facilities, whereas Korea possesses many such. In fact, to become owner of Korea would secure for Russia the end she has so long sought to compass, free access to open seas in a temperate zone.” When we examine the whole case for Russia, we see, as has been stated by a well-informed writer in the Quai'tej'ly Review} that “ not only is there no real difference between the earth appetite of the Muscovite and that of other great colonising nations, but there is also nothing in the policy which has enabled it to achieve such stupendous things that differentiates it in any essential way from the motives and methods of rival empire builders. The enormous expansion of the Russian dominion and the rapidity of its advance have been mainly due, not so much to conscious statesmanship, as to ethnological and geographical conditions. The vast scene of that expansion is a prolongation of the mere patrie^ generally analogous to it in physical features, and peopled with races with whom the Russian colonists easily establish terms of sociability, if not of assimilation. In these circumstances Russian colonisation was a comparatively natural and rapid process, and the political consolidation of the conquests thus effected was correspondingly accelerated.” It can scarcely be doubted that if it had not been for the rise of Japan as a strong Eastern Power, ere this Russia would have extended her territories to the Pacific coast, down to and including the Gulf of Pechili, and she would not have been content until she had obtained possession of Japan. A distinguished Japanese statesman expressed the opinion to me that the work of the students of the College of Engineering had been the chief means of preventing Japan from falling under the domination of Russia. The gradual aggrandisement of Russia in the remote solitudes of Eastern Asia was regarded with comparative 1 April 1904, p. 578. 362 Dai Nippon indifference by the European Powers, but for fully a century it has given rise to very serious apprehension in Japan. Especially since the termination of the war Reasons which .^i • • o 1 1 11 dominate the With China in 1 895, when through the action ^°oTjapan^^^^ of Russia, France, and Germany, Japan was compelled to relinquish a great part of the re- sults of her victories, Japanese statesmen have watched with great solicitude the action of Russia. They have carefully noted the trend of events, and they determined on a simple but clear and decided policy as regards China and Korea, in which while recognising all legitimate international rights of other Powers, they mean to insist on the independence and territorial integrity of these two countries. This policy explains the attention which they have given to the develop- ment of their army and navy. The expenditure on these two departments is really the price which Japan has had to pay for her membership of the comity of nations. With Russia they have shown every wish to be reasonable in their relations ; in fact their self-restraint under very difficult circumstances has been beyond praise. They recognise not only the legitimate ambitions of Russia, but also the economic forces which are compelling her to provide openings for her surplus population and her manufactured products. They mean also, however, to insist on what they believe to be their own rights. The Czar called a conference at the Hague for the purpose of discussing how war was to be prevented. Deeds which lead to the peaceful solution of international problems are far more useful than discussions which have no practical results. If the Czar and his Government made their policy in the Far East quite clear and reasonable, and if they respected the legitimate interests of other Powers, especially of Japan, there are no reasons why there should be a collision. Instead, however, of pursuing a reasonable policy, the Russians have not only broken their engagements, but they have ostentatiously and defiantly collected what they consider to be an invincible fleet, and they are parading that fleet in Korean waters, and while 363 Foreign Politics delaying an answer to the demands of Japan, they have almost seemed to invite a conflict. The other Powers interested have not taken a very noble part in the present crisis, but have thrown on Japan the task of defending their rights. If Britain and the United States had taken a firmer position, the crisis with Russia would never have arisen, as that Power never fights until she has exhausted the resources of her peculiar diplomacy ; although it must be admitted that that diplomacy in the Far East and the actions following upon it, since Japan laid bare the impotence of China, have been sufficient to provoke war many times over. The present crisis is likely to awaken China to a sense of her strength, and to the necessity of showing that she means to use it if her territory or her rights are violated, and with the help of Japan she would be able to repel any encroach- ments by whatever Foreign Power they were made. More- over, Russia ought to recognise that if her object is to become the absolute and uncontrolled mistress of the Far East, and to secure to herself and her traders a supreme monopoly of commerce, she will have to reckon not only with Japan but also with the other Powers which are interested. When Russia proposed to Japan that the latter should not oppose Russian action in Manchuria or her acquisition of Masampho — a port in Korea almost opposite Shimonoseki and the dockyard of Saseho (or Sasebo) — Marquis Ito is reported to have said to one of his colleagues : “ A free hand in Korea, with Masampho in the power of Russia, would be like a free hand in a bag of gold, with the mouth of the bag drawn tightly round one’s wrist.” If that were so with a comparatively small concession, we may well ask what would be the position if Korea were dominated by Russia t The national existence of Japan would be at her mercy, or to be more exact, at the mercy of the first ambitious Russian officer who thought he saw an opportunity of winning renown for himself and adding to the already overgrown possessions of the Russian Empire. The aim of Russia is 3^4 Dai Nippon evidently predominance both naval and commercial on the Pacific. That of Japan is not simply for additional markets and openings for her surplus population, and certainly not for territorial aggrandisement, but for the preservation of her life, her national identity, and the exercise of her natural and legitimate influence in the affairs of the Far East. Should she be compelled to defend her rights with her army and navy, she will bring to the contest with Russia’s enormous forces a living patriotism and a scientific completeness of preparation which will more than compensate for the comparative smallness of her numbers. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The foreign politics of a country cannot be understood from books and articles alone. One requires to live in the country to know the mind of the people and to understand existing conditions and the economic and political forces which have produced them. In the preceding chapters I have indicated the more important of these forces, and while not professing to give an official statement of Japanese foreign politics, I have endeavoured to show how the Japanese look at the problems which have arisen. Chapter ii. vol. v. of Captain Brinkley’s Japan a7id China contains a clear statement by one who is thoroughly acquainted with all the conditions, and will be found sufficient for the majority of general readers. For more than a year past many articles on the subject have appeared in British and American journals, and as these have generally been written by men who have had special experience, they are worthy of special study, although in some cases the personal equation requires to be taken into account. The subject of economic and political dynamics is beginning to receive attention, and such articles as those by Captain Mahan are very valuable. World politics is gradually becoming a science, and when it is better understood, it will lead to the solution of international difficulties without resort to war. As an introduction to the subject, reference may be made to Professor Reinsch’s book on World Politics^ at the end of the Ni7ietee7ith Century^ in the “ Citizen’s Library,” published by the IMacmillan Company, New York, and to the list of books and papers bearing on the subject which are mentioned by the author. CHAPTER XVIII SOCIAL RESULTS The sketch I have given of the changes which have taken place during the past half-century or so, enables us to appreciate the economic and political signifi- The funda- cance of the sudden rise of Japan among the "lentai question, nations of the world and to form an estimate of the kind, and even of the amount, of influence which she is likely to exercise in the evolution which is going on not only in what is usually called the Far East, but also in the Pacific area generally, and indeed in the whole world. After all, however, these developments are of small importance to the Japanese compared with the answer to the question. Have they been gainers by the changes ? That is to say. Has the great body of the people been made healthier and happier and been enabled to develop their personalities to a higher degree than was possible under the old conditions ? All other questions sink into insignificance beside this one, and unless it is kept in mind at every stage of national develop- ment, both energy and means are simply wasted, and indeed possibly used to hasten national decay, if not destruction. Life in Old Japan had much to commend it to the thoughtful student of social conditions. The majority of the people lived their own lives and did not simply Life in Old struggle for the means of existence or for Japan, wealth and power, as is too often the case in Western countries. True, measured from the point of view of modern civilisation, the outlook must have been narrow, at least so 365 366 Dai Nippon far as the affairs of this world were concerned ; but their religion, or at any rate their philosophy, took them beyond those affairs and to a large extent made them indifferent to them and thus caused them to neglect the means which were necessary to enable them to realise their higher personalities. Intellectual activities and material means are however not necessarily the accompaniments of moral and spiritual development. Moreover, Western writers in dealing with Eastern conditions assume the truth of Western meta- physics and overlook the fact that Eastern civilisation is in great part built upon the idea of reincarnation (the possibility of the truth of which was admitted by an agnostic like Professor Huxley), which, if it be true, upsets all their estimates, as it indicates a much higher view of the doctrines of heredity and environment than is held in modern Western scientific thought. The discussion of this aspect of the subject, however, would take us far beyond our present limits, and it is simply mentioned to shov/ that it has not been overlooked. As in all feudal systems, it must of course be admitted that the military class dominated the rest of the people, whose welfare was made secondary to theirs. Life was held at a low value, no doubt because its existence at any time was considered insignificant when compared with the cycles through which it extended. In addition to this view, there can be no doubt that mere bravado and a domineering spirit led to a reckless use of their swords by the samurai class. Measured by Western standards, the lives of the majority of the people were empty, as education in the modern sense of the term was rare. Many, however, found pleasure in their work, and they asked for no other blessedness. Even the most common craft had something artistic about it which revealed the personality of the worker. Outdoor pleasures, which were taken advantage of by all classes and all ages of the community, prevented tedium and maintained health ; the absence of material wealth was not much missed, as life was simple and wants were few. There were no Social Results 367 great fortunes, but there was no degrading poverty ; for the semi-communism which prevailed provided for the wants of all without the machinery of a poor law. Children supported their parents in their old age, and even the poorest classes had friends or relations who supplied their wants. Modern industry, emigration, and war had not upset the provisions of nature, and practically all the women obtained husbands, who were able to provide for them in some way ; so that the woman question, as we know it, did not come to the front. No doubt, in some respects the position of women was very far from satisfactory, at least when measured from a Western point of view, and they were too much the mere subordinates of the men ; but in the great majority of cases their lives were not unhappy, and they proved themselves model wives and mothers. Any one who knows the con- ditions of the lives of the poorest class of women in Britain and compares them with what existed and still exists in Japan, would have no hesitation in saying that the lot of the Japanese was to be preferred. They had few who would compare with the best type of Western women, but, on the other hand, they had none who led the lives of the so-called leaders of society, who sacrifice not only themselves but also their families in the hunt for what they call pleasure, nor had they the degradation of extreme poverty and drunkenness. Men’s position and influence were measured by their personal worth and not by their riches. The samurai had their incomes secured from the revenues of the land, and they often supplemented these by a little amateur farming. The tiller of the soil was looked up to with respect, because it was recognised that he, above all others, was an efficient worker, as he produced the necessaries of life. Tradesmen, artists, and workers of all kinds carried on their employ- ments very much at their ease, as they had learned that real happiness was found in giving out to their work the best that was in them. Merchants and speculators occupied the lowest position in the category of vocations. Conse- 368 Dai Nippon quently commerce did not reach a high degree of develop- ment, and the obloquy attached to the calling naturally brought within its pale such as cared little for social repute ; a fact which, as I have already indicated, explains many of the characteristics which have given Japanese merchants a bad name among commercial men — a name which is rapidly disappearing as education develops and as a superior class of men enter into mercantile life. The development of commerce and industry has had a profound effect on social and economic conditions, and that Modern development has been hastened by the improve- conditions. ment which has taken place in the roads and by the introduction and extension of railways, steamboat services, telegraphs and telephones. These means of com- munication have had the effect of consolidating the empire and causing almost the last vestiges of the feudal system to disappear ; they have made intercourse between the people in all parts of the country not only possible but in the majority of cases very easy ; they have allowed its natural resources to be developed, have thus added greatly to its wealth and made it possible to undertake many national functions, the most important of which we have mentioned, and which have enabled Japan to take a position of equality among the nations of the world. On the other hand, as I have more than once indicated, these changes have not been without some very serious drawbacks. In many parts of Japan many of the old customs and methods of life still survive, but in the neighbourhood of large towns they are rapidly disappearing before the pressure of modern commerce and industry and the competition which they inevitably bring along with them. The results of that competition, with which we are so well acquainted in Britain, are beginning to appear, and Japan is now face to face with many of the social problems which have been the puzzle of Western social reformers and statesmen for several genera- tions. Large fortunes (comparatively speaking) are being accumulated at one end of the social scale, while degrading Social Results 369 poverty is appearing at the other, and as yet no effective means have been devised either to alleviate or to prevent it. The increased strain, worry, and anxiety, even among the well-to-do classes, make not a few of the older generation look back with regret on the conditions which existed in the days of their youth. Some of the most distinguished men in Japan indeed have been so impressed with the seriousness of the position that they have given up all their other pursuits in order that they may assist in the solution of the social problems which lie before their country. We are sometimes told that the Western civilisation of the Japanese is only skin-deep, for the most part confined to outward appearances, and that they are never really comfortable in their foreign clothes and in the use of foreign appliances. It is true that, notwithstanding all the developments which have taken place, in many respects the inner life of the people has not been much changed, and that many of them lead a kind of dual existence, conforming to the requirements of Western methods during the day, but reverting to purely Japanese customs in their own homes. Even those who have handsome houses on Western models always have an annexe where their familiar alcoves, verandahs, matted floors, and paper sliding doors continue to be found, and where family and familiar life is carried on in Japanese style. In my opinion, these characteristics are praiseworthy rather than otherwise. All the time I was resident in Japan I always urged that while the Japanese should take full advantage of Western science and civilisation, in so far as these were necessary to make their country great and their individual lives full and complete, they should retain all the characteristics of Japanese life and character, and maintain their individuality not only nationally but also personally. The seeming reaction of recent years is therefore all in the right direction. A nation which forgets its past and gives up all its special characteristics neither deserves nor indeed is ever likely to attain true greatness. The richer classes and many of the middle and working (B 207) ^ p. 370 Dai Nippon classes have been able to add to the luxuries and con- veniences of their lives, but even among the wealthy there Life of the well- is an Utter absence of vulgar display, and the to-do classes, majority of them continue to live in a quiet, unostentatious way, just as if they were poor. “ Which of us,” asks a well-known writer who has been a long time in Japan, “which of us knows of even one very wealthy Japanese who makes a parade of his riches or devotes his money to purposes of glitter and display.” They have not forgotten the social canon of Old Japan which made osten- tation a sin. No doubt the increase of wealth has led to luxurious habits on the part of some who have become rapidly rich ; but almost without exception those with whom 1 have come into contact are very temperate in their manner of living, and in some cases almost ascetic. Of course, I do not wish to particularise, but many of the most distinguished as well as some of the richest men in the country have, for the most part, retained their simple personal habits, and they look upon their wealth as a trust which they must use not simply for their own gratification but for the good of their country. Notwithstanding the development of industry and commerce in Japan, the number of men who would be considered rich is still comparatively small, and even their incomes are insignificant compared with those of the millionaires of America. According to a return recently published in a Japanese economic journal, there are only 2 men who pay an income tax on over 250,000 yen, and there are only 1 3 men in the whole country who pay on 39,000 yen, only 67 who pay on 24,000 yen, 96 who pay on 17,000 yen, and 140 who pay on 11,000 yen. Out of every 1000 inhabitants there are only 7 persons who make 2700 yen a year. Measured therefore by income, the Japanese cannot be considered rich. According to Captain Brinkley, careful investigations now show that the number of men possessing property valued at i^5 0,000 sterling does not exceed 441. Comparing this record with Social Results 371 American statistics, for example, it appears that whereas there are 3828 persons in the United States credited with possessing, at least, £ 200 , 000 ^ or in other words i for every 20,000 inhabitants, there is in Japan only i owner of 0,000 for every 100,000 of the population. The contrast is very striking. The figures which have been quoted show that there is still considerable equality of economic conditions among all classes of the people in Japan. For the most part, the life of the common people remains simple. Their staple food is rice, with fish — fresh and dried — seaweed, beans and other fruits Life of of the earth. Meat and poultry form but the common a small part of their dietary. Their houses People, are plain wooden structures, their furniture is scanty and cheap, and their dress, both of men and women, is inexpensive. In short, the Japanese have solved many of the problems of life by simplifying their wants ; so that we can understand why even those who have the means and the opportunity of indulging in Western habits and methods prefer, as soon as they can, to return to the simpler life of their own country. Such a procedure is not blameworthy but rather the reverse. They have found that the increase of possessions and the multiplication of complex appliances lead neither to health nor to happiness, and they have recognised, what many foreigners have also recognised, that the simple Japanese life is in many respects to be preferred. While not neglecting the advantages to be derived from Western appliances, they are coming to the Greek ideal of life, and while keeping their personal and family wants simple, they are determined to make their civic and national life as full and complete as possible. We have had sufficient evidence to show that patriotism is the dominant feature in the Japanese character, and the aspiration of every educated Japanese is to keep up with Western nations in the race for progress. The problem, however, which they have to solve is to arrive at a clear understanding as to what constitutes real progress. 372 Dai Nippon In reviewing the general financial position of the country Captain Brinkley comes to the conclusion that the tax-payer is much more favourably circumstanced now than he was ten years ago. People receiving fixed salaries, as administrative and judicial officials, persons engaged in education, etc., have had no increase of income to compensate them for increased taxation or for the sharp appreciation of prices. But such persons form a small fraction of the nation. All the other classes are earning more and possess much larger property. On the other hand, their taxes have not undergone any pro- portionate increase, and instead of saying that the nation is embarrassed by the payments it has to make to the State, the truth is that it pays relatively less than it did ten years ago. In a previous chapter ^ figures were given which showed that the wages of workmen, and especially those engaged in Western industries, had in some cases nearly doubled, and that in nearly all cases there had been very considerable increases. We have also seen ^ that the prices of nearly all the necessaries of life have risen, although not so much as the wages ; so that on the whole the economic condition of the majority of the people has improved. On the other hand, their wants have also developed, and it is doubtful if there is a large proportion who find themselves better off than they would have been under the old conditions. Moreover, a considerable number have been unable to fit themselves to the altered circumstances, and as is the case in all com- petitive communities they have gradually drifted down to the lowest depths of poverty. Some very dark pictures have been drawn of the conditions of the poorest classes. Probably some of these have been exaggerated, but there can be no doubt that the problem of the “ submerged tenth ” is becoming as acute in Japan as in other countries. This indeed is the problem which confronts all industrial communities. The following interesting comparison between the cost of living in 1889 and 1 p. 183. P. 229. Social Results 373 1899 was given some time ago in the Japanese journal, the Miyako, and it is calculated to show the monthly expendi- ture of a family of six members— a married couple, a parent, two children, and one servant — -living with strict economy : — House Rent . 1889. Yen. 2.50 &• 5.00 Cleaned Rice 4-50 7.00 Soy 0-45 0-75 Salt and Miso 0.40 0.70 Oils 0.45 0.69 Sugar . 0.60 0.90 Milk . 0.90 1. 10 Newspaper . 0.25 0-35 School Expenses 0.80 0.90 Stationery 0.60 0.90 Hair-dressing 0-34 0.69 Bath . 0.90 1.50 Vegetables . 0.90 1.50 Fish . 1.08 1.80 Beef . 0.60 1.20 Auxiliary Foods 0.24 0.42 Tea 0.40 0.50 Fuel . 1. 00 1.80 Total . Security money for Rent 1 7.2 1 7.00 28.20 15.00 The above figures represent what may be considered the necessaries of life for a superior working-class family of six members, but when other petty expenses are included, the total will amount to fully thirty-five yen per month. The economic position of the agricultural classes does not seem to have improved to any great extent. The steady increase of population has been an important .. . .. Economic factor m keeping rents high, as the competition conditions of for farms has become much greater and the farmers and ^ labourers. consequence is that very often the share of the profits which falls to the tenant-farmers is barely sufficient to provide them with the means of subsistence and 374 Dai Nippon with the manure and tools required for their farms. Exact statistics are not available, but there are about one million and a half freeholders, about one million tenant-farmers, and about two million who are partly freeholders and partly lessees ; so that it is evident that the agriculturalists form a very important part of the population, and their economic conditions must be carefully considered when estimating the results of the recent changes in Japan. Mr. Yamawaki, the Private Secretary of the Minister of Agriculture and Com- merce, states that “ the farmers find it hard to keep up with the progress of the times ” ; and he adds, “ Something must be done towards ameliorating their condition, for though individually they are comparatively insignificant, their com- bined interests in the economy of the nation predominate considerably over all the others put together. The farming classes, for instance, constitute 6o per cent of the whole population and are largely sending their surplus population to cities and towns. In view of this circumstance, both the Government and the general public are doing their best to improve the mode of tillage, to encourage the use of labour- saving machines and devices, and also to promote all the important economic contrivances provided for the interests of the farmers ; so that it may safely be expected that the conditions of our farmers will become much better in the near future than they are now.” Some time ago the editor of one of the Japanese journals sent out a form making inquiries regarding the lives and work of the labouring classes ; the following are two of the family budgets which were returned, and they throw much light on the inner life of the Japanese workers : — No. I House, 2 rooms; a family — man, 30 ; wife, 23 ; mother, 53 ; two sisters, 14 and ii ; occupation, blacksmith. Yen. Working days in a month . . . 26 Working hours in a day . . . 12 Social Results 375 Yen. Daily Wages . . . . .0.52 Monthly Income . . . .13.83 Monthly Expenses . . . .13.65 House Rent . . . . .0.96 Rice . . . . . . .5.76 Fuel and Light . . . . .1.08 Vegetables . . . . . .0.87 Fish ....... 0.96 Sake . . . . . . .0.24 Soy . . . . . . • 0-73 Tobacco ...... 0.20 Hair-cutting and dressing . . .0.83 Bath 0.88 Pin Money . . . . .0.25 Sundries ...... 0.89 No. 2 House, 2 rooms, with kitchen ; a family — man, 27 ; wife, 2 5 ; boy, 6 ; girl, 2 ; business, iron-worker. Yen. Daily Wages . . . . .0.25 Overtime Income for one month . . 1.50 Monthly Income . . . . .8.28 Monthly Expense . . . .9.44 House Rent . . . . • o-75 Rice . . . . . . *3-25 Fuel and Light ..... 0.41 Vegetables ...... 0.60 Fish ....... 0.60 Soy and Miso . . . . .0.23 Tobacco . . . . . .0.25 Hair-cutting and dressing . . . o. 1 8 Bath . . . . . . .0.20 Pin Money . . . . .0.60 Sundries, including interest on debt . 2.37 The family life of a country and the position occupied by women are probably the best tests of its civilisation. In comparing nation with nation the position of we have no doubt in asserting that one of the most important forces in the progress of society is 3 7 6 Da i Nippon the education which the mothers convey to their children, and no nation can ever be truly great unless women rise to a high plane of thought and life, and kindle and foster similar ideas in the minds of the young. In the East the focus of civilisation is to be found in the idea which prevails with regard to the home. Very often that does not lead eitheV to physical or to moral efficiency, and this fact, no doubt, to a large extent accounts for the impotence of Eastern nations. In some respects Japanese home life affords an example to Western nations. The love of the Japanese for their children and the happiness of Japanese childhood requires to be seen to be appreciated. In fact, Japan has been called the paradise of children, and the name is not altogether undeserved. No such delightful children are to be found anywhere else in the world. It has been said that “ to the beauty and grace of childhood they add the roguishness, the playfulness, and the gentleness of puppies or kittens, and they are just as self-possessed. To describe adequately the children’s life in Japan, at least as it existed under purely Japanese conditions, would require a large volume. When, however, we inquire into the conditions which affect the intellectual and moral life of women, we find much that stands in need of improvement. Under the old regime women were entirely at the mercy of their husbands in almost every respect, and although great improvements have taken place, much more is to be desired. A very competent observer has said “ the woman of Japan is a charming personage in many ways — gracious, refined, womanly before everything, sweet-tempered, unselfish, virtuous, a splendid mother and an ideal wife, from the point of view of the master. But she is virtually excluded from the whole intellectual life of the nation. Politics, art, literature, science are closed books to her. She cannot think logically about any of these subjects, express herself clearly with reference to them, or take any intellectual part in conversations relating to them. She is, in fact, totally Social Results oil disqualified to be her husband’s intellectual companion, and the inevitable result is that he despises her.” A great deal has been written about the sexual morality of the Japanese, into details of which, however, I cannot enter ; but it is very doubtful if in this respect they are any worse than the people of other countries, although they make less effort at concealment. In these matters, however, improvements are taking place, and public opinion is strengthening against some of the customs which formerly prevailed. Women are no longer compelled to follow prostitution against their wills, and many who had entered on such a life have voluntarily given it up. The accounts of this aspect of Japanese life which have been given by foreign writers have often been grossly exaggerated, and give an altogether false impression of the actual con- ditions. It is a very significant fact that many of the foreign visitors who write about Japan seem to think it their first duty to visit the special districts licensed for these purposes. One thing is certain ; a person may live in Tokyo for years and not see anything to offend his notions of propriety. So long as the most important streets of London, Paris, and other European cities present such scenes as they very often do, the West has no grounds for criticising the East. Too often the pictures which are painted represent the degradation of the open ports, where the morals have been pared down to European requirements. The Geisha of Japan, under good conditions, is by no means the degraded, sensual person she is represented to be, but on the contrary is highly intellectual and accomplished ; her first function is to minister to purely intellectual pleasures, and with many it remains the only function. The accounts of the writers who gloat over the moral deficiencies of the Japanese should be received with a great amount of caution. A great improvement has in recent years taken place in the position of women. Mr. Gubbins, in the introduction to his translation of the Codes, says : “ In no respect has modern progress in Japan made greater strides than in the 378 Dai Nippon improvement of the position of women. Though she still labours under certain disabilities, a woman can now become a head of a family, and exercise authority as such ; she can inherit and own property and manage it herself ; she can exercise parental authority ; if single, or a widow, she can adopt ; she is one of the parties to adoption effected by her husband, and her consent, in addition to that of her husband, is necessary to the adoption of her child by another person ; she can act as guardian or curator, and she has a voice in family councils.” Meantime, as we have seen, attention is being paid to the education of women, and already a considerable number have shown both literary and artistic ability, and are able to discuss social and political problems with intelligence. The most thoughtful minds in Japan recognise that if their country is to be truly great, the women must be educated and animated with a conscious moral purpose which will always keep abreast of the highest level of the existing generation. Modern industrial conditions threaten to take away the joy of young life in Japan, and undermine the national Factory work health by the employment of women and of women and children in factories of all kinds in which the children. hours are long and the conditions of employ- ment insanitary. A great deal has been written on the subject in Japan recently, and although the descriptions of actual conditions have in some cases been overdrawn, there can be no doubt that the subject is one demanding careful attention on the part of the authorities. The industrial development of Japan will be bought at too dear a price if it causes the health of the rising generation to be undermined, and destroys that joyous life which has been so characteristic of the Japanese. On the whole, however, it is admitted by competent medical authorities that the physique of the Japanese people generally has improved in recent years. National health. ^ ° ^ f - Sanitary conditions have been bettered, the quality of the food of the majority of the people has Social Results 379 improved, and more attention is now being paid to systematic physical development than was the case under feudal con- ditions, when it was for the most part confined to the samurai class. During the past few years especially the purely Japanese system of physical training entitled jm-jitsu has been very much extended in its application (and indeed is becoming common both in Europe and America), with the result that wonders can be performed in the way of physical endurance. The soldiers, sailors, police, and others in official positions go through a systematic and thorough training. This training is in fact indicative of a great deal that is done by the Japanese, as their knowledge of scientific principles and their ability to apply them in an efficient manner enable them to surprise their adversaries, even although these surpass them in numbers and size. On the other hand, some of the conditions of modern industrialism tend to lower the state of the national health, and therefore to decrease the amount of the national wealth, in the true sense of that term. Since the revision of the treaties and the development of the means of communication with the Far East, the intercourse between Japan and foreign countries intercourse with has been greatly extended. Many Japanese foreigners, go abroad for purposes of study, commerce, and special investigations, and many foreigners now visit Japan, for the most part, however, for purposes of pleasure. Indeed, Japan is becoming somewhat like Switzerland in this respect (for there is no more delightful country in which to spend a holiday), and what may be called the “ tourist industry” is increasingly lucrative. It is doubtful, however, whether it does not do more harm than good to the people of Japan. It certainly causes prices to be raised to those who are engaged in more serious researches, and who are of more moderate means. Rich people who make Japan a mere holiday resort are likely to be somewhat extravagant in their habits, and some of them are objectionable from other points of view ; so that their influence on the people 380 Dai Nippon with whom they come into contact is not likely to be for good. Even when I went to Japan, the manners of the Japanese deteriorated as we approached a foreign settlement ; a fact which was a somewhat sad commentary on Western civilisation. The value of that civilisation will be estimated not by its material advantages or its profession of religion, but by its effects on the lives of those who represent it in the Far East. It is evident that the development of modern industry in Japan has brought it face to face with those labour Labour and problems which are to be found in Britain and social problems. other industrial countries, and which are the inevitable results of a transition stage of society, and it will be interesting and no doubt instructive to note how they are met in the Britain of the East. Meantime the same processes are going on as in the Britain of the West. Factory legislation is being proposed with the view of preventing the most apparent evils, and combinations of employers and workers are being formed for the purpose of safeguarding their respective interests. Both, however, are still in a very indefinite position, but the employers have the advantage on account of their capital, and while uniting for their own purposes, they are, as a rule, opposed to unions for the workers, and several of the large organisa- tions refuse to engage union men. The problems of the relations of capital and labour are in Japan, as in other industrial countries, the problems which are certain to attract most attention. While duly recognising all that has been accomplished in Japan, as I have said, many of the most thoughtful minds in the country look back with something like regret on the old state of affairs, and I must confess that I share in that feeling to a very considerable extent. What we call modern civilisa- tion does not captivate those who have imbibed something of the ideals and the spirit of the East. A writer from whom I have already quoted has truly said : “ There are two forms of the cultivation of Self. One leads to the exceptional Social Results 381 development of the qualities which are noble, and the other signifies something about which the less said the better. But it is not the former which the New Japan is now beginning to study. I confess to being one of those who believe that the human heart, even in the history of a race, may be worth infinitely more than the human intellect, and that it will sooner or later prove itself infinitely better able to answer all the cruel enigmas of the Sphinx of Life. I still believe that the old Japanese were nearer to the solution of those enigmas than are we, just because they recognised moral beauty as greater than intellectual beauty. And by way of conclusion I may venture to quote from an article on education by Ferdinand Brunetiere : — ‘All our educational measures will prove vain if there be no effort to force into the mind and to deeply impress upon it the sense of these fine words of Lamennais : “ Human society is based upon mutual givings or upon the sacrifice of man for man^ or of each mail for all other men ; and sacrifice is the very essence of all true society P It is this that we have been unlearning for nearly a century ; and if we have to put ourselves to school afresh it will be in order that we may learn it again. Without such knowledge there can be no society and no education — not, at least, if the object of education be to form man for society. Individualism is to-day the enemy of education, as it is also the enemy of social order. It has not been so always, but it has so become. It will not be so for ever, but it is so now. And without striving to destroy it — which would mean to fall from one extreme into another — we must recognise that no matter what we wish to do for the family, for society, for education, and for the country, it is against individualism that the work will have to be done.’ ” ^ These opinions are being shared to a considerable extent in Japan, and they are certain to influence the future of the nation ; but the transition which is going on is not yet sufficiently advanced to hazard a prediction as to the probable form of social organisation which will be the outcome. I believe that Japan will learn 1 Hearn, Kokoro^ p. 38. 382 Dai Nippon a great deal by a careful study of her former conditions, and thus may be able to temper the extreme individualism which is the cause of so many social evils. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE In Japan, as was the case in Britain, the social results of the industrial revolution are being forced on the attention of the people from the observation of actual conditions. These are freely dis- cussed in the Japanese newspapers and also in the foreign papers published in Japan, but as yet nothing systematic has been done either to solve the problems which have arisen or even to record the actual conditions. Many articles have appeared giving details of special cases, and the conscience of the country is being awakened. Actual observation and reference to the files of the daily newspapers are the chief means of obtaining information, although some of the recent books on Japan touch the subject; none of them deals with it thoroughly or in a systematic manner. A few years ago an investigation was undertaken by M. Andre Siegfried and pub- lished by the Musee Social (Paris), entitled Le Developpement Eco?ioinique et Social du Japon^ which contains a good deal of inter- esting and important information regarding the working of the factory system in Japan. Chapter viii. of M. Dumolard’s book on Japan treats of La Question Ouvri^re et le Pauperisme, and may be read with advantage, although some of the statements are one-sided. Alfred Stead, in Japan^ Our New Ally, also has a chapter on the Labour Problem, and in addition gives a good deal of interesting information on social and economic subjects. It is to be hoped that Japanese students of sociology will deal with social problems in the same thorough manner as scientific problems have been dealt with in Japan, and their efforts will be watched with great interest. CHAPTER XIX THE FUTURE The past history of Japan and China shows most distinctly how the economic and social conditions of a country may be influenced by the prevailing ideals of National ideals individual and national life. In Japan, under and the feudal system, everything was conditioned economics, by the fact that it had been determined that the country was to be self-contained and self-supporting. The position has thus been stated by a competent writer: “A population of twenty millions at a start — that number nearly doubling before the country was again thrown open— was to be sub- sisted solely upon the resources which the empire itself could supply, with only one-twelfth of its area susceptible of cultivation. At the same time, in the face of the tendencies to the contrary, which isolation is ordinarily sure to develop, the people were to preserve their self-respect and live in peace, happiness, and content with each other. “ That the policies adopted to secure these seemingly impossible ends were successful, the condition of the people at the present time when, after the centuries of seclusion, the barriers have been broken down and the feudal system abolished, is ample proof These people are indeed wretchedly poor, but their occupation being held in high esteem, their access of pride is to them and to the nation more than compensation for their poverty ; while the wonder- ful development of agriculture under the stimulus of that pride has made the arable twelfth of the empire more than 383 384 Dai Nippon sufficient to support its teeming millions. And, again, the pinching and searching economics enforced upon the masses, having not only the law but the fashion, even in the higher ranks of society, have resulted in that simplicity of living and consequent freedom from superfluous cares which have practically made the Japanese, in the best sense of the word, the most independent people of the world.” ^ Under these conditions a man’s value was not estimated by the amount of his wealth, but by his worth as a soldier, a statesman, an artist, or other useful worker, or as a citizen. The separation between power and riches kept the distribution of the latter fairly equable, as few thought the accumulation of wealth a sufficient object of life. It was true that new developments in science and industry were discouraged and that literature was repressed ; still, on the whole, life was simple and free and offered many compensations for what, from a Western point of view, would be considered its imperfections, and many thoughtful Japanese look back on the old days with feelings of regret. The Japanese theory of life was founded to a large extent on Confucian philosophy, and Japan owed practically Confucian chief features of its civilisation to China, philosophy and therefore it is to that country we must look if we wish to understand the Japanese mind. My old friends the first Chinese Ministers to Japan, Their Excellencies Ho Ju-Chang and Chang Sz-Kwei, with whom I very often discussed such matters, were in the habit of saying to me that while they gave Western people great credit for their knowledge of science and its applications to industry, they were of opinion that the steam and the electricity had got into their brains and that the machines were their masters, not their servants. Thoughtful social reformers have long recognised this fact, and have come to the conclusion that political, economic, and social problems are to be solved only by individuals and nations who have realised the object and meaning of life. Eastern people, as ^ Knapp, Feudal and Modern Japan^ vol. i. p. 117. The Future 385 I have already remarked, have as a rule neglected the means necessary to enable them to live the highest life, whereas those of the West exhaust a great part of their energy in the struggle for the means of life and for super- fluities which in many cases are of no real value. The Christian conception of life has been lost in the race for individual riches and for personal and national ambitions, and no country has suffered so much as China from those who profess the Gospel of Peace. It must not be imagined that I am placing the civilisa- tion of Old Japan or of China before that of the West ; what I wish to insist upon is, that the peoples of the East should retain all that is characteristically Eastern in so far as it helps the higher life, and adopt only those Western methods which will enable them to live their own lives . , . , , . , . The task of Asia. in their own way and according to their own ideals. As a Japanese writer from whom I have quoted has put it : “ The task of Asia to-day becomes that of protecting and restoring Asiatic modes ” ; and while keeping in view the ends of life, it should also develop the means of life in such a manner as to make the highest life possible. Instead of rushing into the competition for cheap production and spending a large part of their national resources on the materials of war, they must recognise that the production of souls of good quality is, after all, the most lucrative one. Ruskin was laughed at when he held up this ideal in Britain, but the necessity for it being kept in mind is being slowly recognised. One of the chief faults of the British people, and to a great extent of all Western peoples generally, is that they are so pleased with the advancement and excellence of their own institutions that they cannot understand why any other nation cannot be content with what contents them, and this tactless, unimaginative charity has been the main cause of their troubles in all parts of the world. Before ideals can be realised attention must be paid to the foundations on which they are expected to rest, and (b 207) 2 C 386 Dai Nippon therefore economic conditions must receive careful atten- tion. As I have already indicated, there are difficult Future financial pi'oblems before Japan, and each of these must and fiscal policy be Studied in all its aspects. Their solution of Japan. depend in great part on the national policy adopted with regard not only to home but also to foreign affairs. The problems connected with fiscal policy are now being very much discussed in all parts of the British Empire, and it will be interesting to observe how they are dealt with in Japan. The conditions of the two Empires, are, how- ever, very different, and the arguments which apply to the one will not apply to the other. The past history of Japan affords lessons which will not be forgotten by Japanese statesmen, although they are not likely to return to a policy of seclusion. While developing their own resources and taking advantage of the applications of science to industry, it is to be hoped that they will retain sufficient of their native philosophy not to allow the struggle for the means of life to cause them to forget the ends of national life ; namely, the highest welfare of the great body of the people, physically, intellectually, and morally. The financial arrangements connected with the develop- ments which have taken place in Japan have been managed with great skill and with comparatively little help from foreign countries. Large sums have been spent on the army and navy, but it is to be hoped that the policy pursued by European Powers will be such as to render unnecessary any great increase in that department of national expenditure, so that the resources of the country may be developed and prosperity increased. If intercourse with Foreign Powers brings to Japan the curse of militarism, with all its attendant evils, the people of the country will pay dearly for their admission into the comity of nations. The question of the use of foreign capital is one requiring great care. As a rule capitalists are too intent on securing large returns for their money to pay much attention to the social results of their undertakings, but still, with proper The Fuhire 387 precautions, it would be possible to employ foreign capital not only to the advantage of those who lent it, but also to that of the people of Japan. We cannot expect the Japanese to be content with modern manufacturing industries which are just sufficient for use in their own country. They must be able Manufacturing to obtain whatever they require for the develop- industries, ment of their national life, and as imports can be paid for only by exports, they must send to other countries some of their own productions. Not only their economic con- ditions but also their national ambition impel them to enter the markets of the world, and especially those of the Far East ; but if they are wise they will subordinate their external trade to the welfare of the great masses of their own people and estimate their national wealth, not by the value of their cheap productions, but by the results on the Japanese nation and on the world. The conditions which existed in the early days of the manufacturing system in Britain, and some of the worst of which are being reproduced in Japan, should be a warning against the adoption of any policy that would degrade the conditions of the working population. A thoughtful writer has pointed out that “ the industrial reformation for which Western Europe groans and travails, and the advent of which is indicated by so many symptoms (though it will come only as the fruit of faithful and sustained effort), will be no isolated fact, but will form part of an applied art of life, modifying our whole en- vironment, affecting our whole culture, and regulating our whole conduct ; in a word, directing all our resources to the one great end of the conservation and development of humanity.” ^ This may seem too much of an ideal to be of use in practical life, but the Japanese, above all modern nations, have shown themselves most capable of rising to a national ideal, and symptoms are not wanting that such a one as has been indicated would rouse their imagination and stir them ^ Ingram, History of Political Econo 7 ny^ p. 246. 388 Dai Nippon to practical action, and their example would have a powerful influence on the nations of Europe and America. While that ideal should be kept in mind and approxi- mated to as rapidly as possible, a strong army and navy Effects on will be national necessities for Japan for a very foreign policy, considerable time, and her statesmen recognise that fact. Gradually, however, the attempt to carry out the ideal I have mentioned would have great effect, not only on the home but also on the foreign policy of the country, and would do more to strengthen Japan than doubling her army and navy. The position of Japan in the Far East is a matter which concerns, to a greater or less degree, every nation in the world ; and a policy such as I have indicated would gather allies round her whose friendship would be sufficient to ward off the aggression of any one Power, even if Japan felt herself unequal to the task, which I do not believe she would. The policy of the Britain of the West has often seemed to other nations too self-assertive, and the increase of her naval armaments has led to great expenditure and to a great increase in the navies of the other Powers. Surely, if civilisation has any meaning, it should give us confidence in the good intentions of our neighbours, or at any rate, if these intentions prove bad, it should lead to such action on the part of all the other nations as would bring the troublesome party to its senses. A small inter- national naval force, acting as a police for the Pacific area, and under the orders of a Council representing all the Powers concerned, should be all that was required in the way of naval expenditure, and then the resources of the various countries could be employed in advancing the welfare of the people. The real and ultimate solution of the problems of the foreign policy of Japan, and indeed of every other country, is not to be found in the struggle for foreign of the problems markets, but in the development of the home of foreign policy, ^nd in the improvement of the social, in- tellectual, and moral conditions of her own people. Colonisa- The FzUure 389 tion and emigration can only be temporary ameliorations of the population question, as it is evident that when all the industrial nations of the world pursued the same policy, every part of the surface of the globe would soon be overcrowded, and the difficulty would be greater than ever. Poverty, in all its forms, not only in so far as it arises from absence of wealth, but also, much more, in the want of spirit and in a low state of morality, combined with the severe struggle for merely material ends, is the main cause of the rapid increase of population. A general improvement in the standard of comfort and intelligence would tend more than anything else to prevent an undue increase of population, and, there is good reason to believe, would bring about an equilibrium between the birth and death rates. As the world becomes wiser the waste of infant life will be much reduced and longevity extended. In the past, Japan was able to solve her population question, and there can be no doubt that if, with her greater knowledge, she studies all the factors in the problem, she will be quite able to do it in the future, without returning to a policy of seclusion, with all its results, or even resorting to emigration on a large scale, but by raising her people to a high standard of intellectual, moral, and social conditions which would make them not only respected abroad but also prosperous at home. The solution of this problem involves the solution of many other social problems, and it would put an end to all troubles connected with foreign policy. The sketch which has been given in a previous chapter of the development of constitutional government in Japan, as well as the historical notes on the events of recent years, show that, notwithstanding the constitutional introduction of representative institutions into Japan, the old principles of loyalty to the Emperor and of implicit obedience to his will still have a great hold on the people of the country. On several occasions an indication of that will has quelled party spirit and compelled Parliament to look at the questions before it 390 Dai Nipp 07 i from a patriotic point of view. As we have seen, the Japanese Constitution makes the Ministers independent of Parliament and responsible only to the Emperor ; but while that is so, it cannot be disputed that, indirectly, the decisions of Parliament have had a great deal to do with the making and unmaking of Ministries. The Emperor has adhered faithfully to the terms of the Constitution, and the proofs which he has given of his wisdom and patriotism show that there is no danger of a return to the old state of autocracy. Moreover, popular influence is increasing so rapidly that no Minister of the Crown, however reactionary, dare advise a suspension of the Constitution. As Mr. Tokiwo Yokoi has put it : “ How these two principles of the divine right of the sovereign and the divine right of the people, which in Europe have so often waged fierce contests for ascendency, are to be harmonised, is the problem which is at present taxing the efforts of the most thoughtful politicians of the country. These politicians all see that it has been the intense loyalty of the people which, more than anything else, has carried the ship of state through the troubles of recent times, and that it is the Imperial House which to-day gives unity to the nation, notwithstanding the presence of a hundred divisive forces. At the same time these statesmen also see that the rights and liberties of the people are not only to be preserved and guarded intact, so far as they exist already, but that they must be more and more increased in proportion as the people prove themselves capable of a larger exercise of their powers.” The future evolution of government and administration in Japan will form a most interesting study, and there are many difficult problems to be faced. On the one hand, the demand for a popular form of government, directly responsible to the elected representatives of the people, will become stronger, while on the other there will be great opposition to any change which will seem to diminish the glory of the crown and make the government less stable. What form the government will ultimately take it is The Futtire 391 impossible to say, but there are not likely to be any violent changes. The intense loyalty to the Emperor and the spirit of patriotism which compels all Japanese to lay aside merely personal and party reasons, and probably also the danger arising from the aggressive policies of some of the great Powers of Europe, will cause the ancient “ Bushido ” of Japan to reappear in a form suited to the new conditions, and solve the difficulties which at present are appearing on the political horizon. It is sincerely to be hoped that Japan, in her own interests, will continue her present policy, abstain from any attempt at territorial aggrandisement in . . , , Japan in Asia. Asia, and confine herself to commercial and industrial intercourse and to guidance in the rejuvenation of that vast continent. There are too many interests involved to allow any one Power to obtain a dominating influence in the Far East, and especially in China. Free intercourse, without any sign of political aggression, is the only bond which will bring about the brotherhood of nations. Unless the Foreign Powers interested in China recognise this fact, they are only transferring to China the problems with which they are confronted in Europe. Their duty is, therefore, to aid in the peaceful development of Asia and to *give all assistance to the Chinese and the other peoples to reform their own Government and to take advantage of Western methods, in so far as these are necessary for the purpose of raising the standard of life. Whatever the result of the contest between Japan and Russia may be, both Powers should remember that the peoples of the countries con- cerned have rights which should not be overlooked, and that their object should be to raise them to a higher state of national life. As I have frequently pointed out, this cannot be done by imposing a civilisation on them from without ; the impetus must come from within. Education should be developed in all its departments so that the people of China and Korea may learn what is necessary in order to hold their own in the international struggle for existence. 392 Dai Nippon Probably, as the representatives of the Western Powers become wiser, they may recognise the futility of a great part of that struggle, and decide, as many of the Chinese have done, that the object of life is to live, and not simply to struggle for the means of existence. Intercourse with Western people and with the Japanese will, however, show the slow-moving people of China and Korea that a knowledge of science and of its applications to the develop- ment of the national resources is necessary for the fullest individual and national life. All the Powers interested in the Far East may rest assured that the civilisation of the future demands the maintenance of strong independent nations, fearless of oppression, entering into closer commercial and social intercourse with each other ; that thus by the practice of material aid upon the plane of physical life, they may lay the foundation of a higher spiritual fellowship. Any attempt at military or political domination simply leads to the suppression of all real national life and hinders the cause of true world civilisation, the object of which is, not to extinguish individual nationality, but rather to bring it into strong organic harmony with the life of other nations. The bogey of the “Yellow Peril” has been raised as a reason why Eastern nations should not be encouraged to The so-called Strengthen themselves with all the appliances “Yellow Peril.” of Western arts, both of peace and war, and the rapid development of Japan has led to the fear that she may place herself at the head of an Asiatic combination which might overwhelm the civilisation of Europe. Mr. Charles H. Pearson has drawn a gloomy picture, not only of the possibilities but also of the probabilities of the future ; and Mr. Meredith Townsend has argued that Asia, which has rejected Christianity and hates the European mind, will one day attempt to shake itself free from the Western world. If that day ever comes, it will have been brought about by the conduct of the European Powers, which have so long taken advantage of the weakness of Asia. It is just possible that the ends of The Future 393 eternal justice require such a retribution, but I believe it is not yet too late to prevent it. To the Eastern nations the “ White Peril ” is a reality, while to the Western nations the “Yellow Peril” is only a speculation. I am inclined to agree with the opinions of Professor E. G. Browne of Cambridge University, who in a recent lecture said : “ The curious thing is that nobody has any idea of whether there would be any ‘ Yellow Peril ’ even if the other Asiatic Powers shook off their weakness as Japan has done. For it is to be remembered that while our civilisation has developed very largely on military lines, that of China (which is the dominant factor in the case) has tended away from militarism. The Chinese despise fighting as a propensity of brutes, beasts, or savages, and leave it to the riff-raff of the populace. And even if, under the influence of Japan and the pressure of European rapacity, they should organise themselves to resist the violence of others, it does not follow that they will embark on a career of aggression. On the contrary, it is possible that China may yet give the world a lead in the direction of peace.” If that lead be not followed, we are not likely to be far wrong in assuming that, if the unexpected ability of the Japanese and the Chinese to defend themselves against the “White Peril” means a “Yellow Peril,” that peril is certain to appear. Meantime Japan is face to face with some of the problems of a similar nature to those which have appeared in Europe and America. The inevitable result of the developments of industry and commerce binations of and the increase of competition has been, as capital, we have seen, the formation of large combinations of capital which are beginning to have very important effects on the con- ditions of the people, and one of the most important problems of the future is : — What forms will these combinations ultimately take and to what will they lead ? Will they cause a return, in a modified form, to the semi-communistic conditions of the feudal system in which the due mainten- ance of the lives of the people was considered the first 394 Dai Nippon charge, or will they tend to become more and more capitalistic in their nature, and dividends for the fortunate few be ground out of the lives of the workers? Under modern conditions, in all industrial countries, wealth has increased at one end of the social scale and poverty at the other, and already in Japan these two features have given rise to a considerable amount of socialistic writing and speaking. Indeed a prominent Japanese politician has written a book in which he has pictured a socialistic Utopia where poverty will be unknown, but he has copied his picture too closely from Western models and has not sufficiently considered the idiosyncrasies of the Japanese mind. While the philosophy and former social order of the Japanese was, to a very considerable extent, communistic in its nature, still their genius is individualistic, and they are not willing to sacrifice results to a rigid organisation. What ultimate form the combinations will take it is of course impossible to say ; but it is to be hoped that the organisation of the future will allow the work which is done to be representative not only of the Japanese ideals of life and art but also embody many of the features of the new civilisation, and in this way Japan would be able to exercise great influence on the life and thought of every country in the world. The amount and nature of this influence would depend on the moral standard in Japan. At present that is very Future of ethics indefinite. Old ideas have to a large extent in Japan. disappeared, and during the transition nothing very definite has taken their place, although the discussion of ethical problems is now occupying the attention of many thoughtful men in Japan. In a previous chapter I have indicated some of the steps which have been taken in the direction of arriving at an ethical basis for modern Japanese life. Probably the process will be slow, and in the interval many different opinions will be expressed and many experi- ments be made. Mr. Tokiwo Yokoi, from whom I have already quoted on this subject, says: “The Japanese The Future 395 professors of morals cannot appeal to the authority of a religious system. After the failure of the attempt to revive Confucianism, no other similar project can succeed. Educa- tion has never been, at least during the last three centuries, in the hands of the Buddhist priests. Their ethical interests are to-day too weak to seek to influence the policy of moral education. Christianity is not to be thought of. It is yet new and untried, and its position, though highly respectable, is not commanding enough to take the lead in this work. The only available course left to the educators of Japan is to appeal to the sentiments of loyalty and patriotism which lie latent in the breast of every Japanese. Such appeals carry immense weight with the young, and go no doubt a great way in solving the problem.” He points out, however, that they are apt to become one-sided, and to forget that in order that efficient public service may be performed, there must, in the first place, be men of good personal character, and that the rising generation must not only have impressed upon them that truthfulness, temperance, generosity, and thrift are indispensable to those who would be loyal and patriotic subjects of the Mikado, but that they are so im- portant in themselves, they ought to be freed from the domination of any other class of virtues and given in- dependent positions. He thinks, however, that most likely this one-sided emphasis on the importance of public virtues to the neglect of the private is a momentary phase in the educational development and will gradually pass away, and with the increase of intelligence among the people and the growth of private schools which are conducted on less formal and more liberal lines than the Government institu- tions, there will be evolved a system of ethics suitable to the new conditions. There are at present three distinct trends in Japanese ethical thought. In the first, it is argued that the religion and ethics of Old Japan, if maintained in their purity, are sufficient for the wants of the future ; in the second, that the materialistic and utilitarian philosophy is all that is necessary; 396 Dai Nippon and in the third, that a higher development is required in the direction of Christianity, although it may be necessary to present it in a form different from that which is common in Western countries. The ideals of “Bushido” which inculcate right -doing combined with the highest code of honour have still a great Future of minds of many of the people of religion in Japan. Life without honour is not worth living, Japan. death is faced without fear if either personal or national honour is in question. Buddhism, which permeates the thoughts of the common people ; Shintoism, which makes the bond of personal loyalty to the Emperor so strong ; Confucianism, which guides their practical ethics ; and the influence of Western science, philosophy, and religion must all be reckoned with in considering the possibilities of the future. That future is therefore difficult to forecast. Marquis Ito may be taken as a representative of the spirit of the Revolution. Some years ago when a suggestion was made that national education should be put on a religious basis, a Japanese interviewer reported that Marquis Ito “ did not hesitate to dismiss the rumour as a baseless fabrication. That religious votaries should endeavour to push their evangelical efforts in every direction, educational or political, was intelligible enough. But it would be the height of folly for educationists to invoke the aid of religion. . . . The modern progress of Japan was, in his opinion, due, among other things, to the fact that all religious entangle- ments had been wisely avoided in the domains of education and politics. ‘ Look,’ said he, ‘ look at those Oriental countries which are still in a state of religious bondage. Do we not observe in those countries that religious prejudice still constitutes a fatal barrier to the introduction of an intelligent system of administration ? Do those among us who would have religion introduced into the field of educa- tion desire to follow in the footsteps of the backward countries of the East ? ’ He did not mean to say that religion should be banished altogether from society ; the The Future 397 people were perfectly free to believe and profess any form of religion, only .... with re-affirmation of the drastic and sufficing efficiency of Education, pure and undefiled.” He continued : “ In the view of the ruling classes, religion is a secondary affair. The important thing is to conserve the national morality, which inculcates love of country, loyalty to the Sovereign, filial piety, family harmony, respect for parents, goodwill among sons and daughters, the worship of ancestors, etc. These are civic and family observances, not religious. This moral system limits its aims to this world, and its practice contemplates no celestial reward.” The religion of the Revolution is evidently not a religion in the ordinary sense, but a civic and family morality, and seems to be very similar to that inculcated by Comte. On the other hand, it cannot be disputed that Christianity, in some of its varied forms, is having considerable influence, both direct and indirect, in Japan, but it will be presented to the people in a form widely differing from that of Western countries. Count Okuma has expressed the opinion that “ Civilisation does not depend upon religion. The old characteristic civilisation of Japan has assimilated Christianity, giving birth to something better. Japan’s progress for the last thirty years does not depend on Christianity, but upon the peculiar attractiveness of the Japanese character. Japan has her own philosophical system, based on Chinese ethics, and strictly speaking she has no religion ; but she has capacity for Western civilisation, which enables her to assimilate the best that the Western nations possess.” Mr. Shimada Saburo, a professed Christian and a well-known journalist and politician, writes ; “ The Christianity that gains the hearts and minds of the people of Japan will be our own — a Japanese Christianity. It will not be exactly like that of England or of the United States. Just as we have united the Benevolence of Confucius and the Mercy of Buddha, and have made a product peculiar to Japan, so Christianity will be tinged with the national characteristics.” Dr. Nitobe (from whom I have so often quoted) believes that the profit and 39 ^ Dai Nippon loss philosophy of utilitarians and materialists finds favour only among logic - choppers with half a soul ; an opinion which is rather hard on the scientific men in Japan, who are for the most part inclined to this way of thinking. He explains his own position (which may be accepted as that of many thoughtful men who have had opportunities of studying Western thought and its results) in the following words : “ It is with ecclesiastical methods and with the forms which obscure the teachings of Christ, and not with the teachings themselves, that I have little sympathy. I believe in the religion taught by Him and handed down to us in the New Testament, as well as in the law written in the heart. Further, I believe that God hath made a testament which may be called ‘ old ’ with every people and nation — Gentile or Jew, Christian or heathen.” He further believes that before Christianity can make much progress in Japan or in the East generally, it must divest itself of its foreign accoutrements and the superstructure of Western metaphysics with which it has been loaded. At a religious conference held in Amsterdam last year, Mr. Z. Toyosaki, of Tokyo, said that “ the Japanese are usually said to be indifferent towards religion, but this is not their real attitude. In fact, their dissatisfaction with popular Buddhism and orthodox Christianity has led them to stand aloof from all religions. They have found that popular religious conceptions are incompatible with the scientific and philosophic thought of the present day. Yet they have come to acknowledge the possibility of a higher religion capable of satisfying the intellectual as well as the spiritual cravings of mankind.” Any one who keeps himself acquainted with Japanese thought, as that is expressed in their journals and current literature, must admit that moral and religious subjects claim a large share of attention. The Japanese, indeed, must find it very difficult to ascertain zvJiat Christianity really is, as it has been presented to them in so many different forms ranging from the Salvation Army to the Roman Catholic and Greek Churches, The Fuhire 399 and all claiming to spread the true Gospel. They must have a further difficulty in discovering where Christianity is, when they observe the results on either the individuals or the nations with whom they come into contact. The former are, as a rule, more intent on the worship of mammon and the pursuit of pleasure than the service of God and their fellow-men, while the latter in their dealings with Eastern peoples constantly deny the religion which they profess. When they visit Europe and America and study the results of Western civilisation they find many things with which they are by no means enamoured. The effects of Christianity in Japan must be measured, not by the number of professing Christians, although that is now considerable, but by the influence of Western civilisation on the national life and thought. Modern Japan has, to a large extent, as Count Okuma has expressed it, assimilated the best that Western nations possess, and to a very considerable degree has justified the opinion that the nation which has from ancient times imbibed and assimilated the elements of Oriental civilisation, may produce a new and strong tissue, and this may be done not by a suddenly professed change of religion, but by a slow process of evolution in which many forces — economic, intellectual, and spiritual — will co-operate. Those who are working in this direction may rest assured that personal and national example will have more effect on Eastern ethics and religion than formal teaching and preaching, especially if these be conducted entirely on the lines of Western thought. Lafcadio Hearn says : “ With the acceptance of the doctrine of evolution old forms of thought crumbled, new ideas arose to take the place of worn-out dogmas, and we have a general intellectual movement in directions strangely parallel with Oriental philosophy.” The probability of the doctrine of pre-existence is being admitted not only by theologians but also by scientific men, and even the modern theories of stellar evolution and dissolution seem to confirm the general principles of Eastern cosmogonies. Changes in 400 Dai Nippon religious thought as a rule are slow, and are usually more the result of unconscious permeation than of deliberate con- viction. This is strikingly illustrated by the developments in religious thought which have taken place in the West during the past quarter of a century. These developments, combined with greater experience of Eastern peoples, have led to great modifications in the methods of presenting to them the fundamental truths of religion. Much of the crude anthropomorphism and many of the materialistic ideas regarding the future life which formerly characterised Christian theology have disappeared, and have been replaced by teaching which commends itself to the intellect and the conscience, and many of the narrow sectarian doctrines formerly preached are now seldom heard. Most important of all, religious toleration has been greatly developed. A great deal, however, still requires to be done before Western theology can appeal to cultivated Eastern minds. It must be admitted by all who know much of the subject that while astronomy is no longer geocentric but heliocentric. Western theology is still largely geocentric, and has not been much affected by the developments of science, although there has been a somewhat indefinite demand for a roomier universe. If they wish their work to prosper, religious teachers must not only take to heart the lessons of science, but they must also free themselves from the fatal distinction and breach between the Church and the world which is the very negation of the central teaching and privilege of Christ. They must not only place the doctrines of their religion on a proper basis, but they must remember that it is not only a creed but a life. No society has a right to call itself Christian which lives by principles that turn the earth into a battlefield, and in the evening summons the ambulances, picks up the wounded and sheds tears of pity over the dead. Intelligent Easterns will be inclined to judge of a religion, not so much by its dogmas as by its results on the lives of the individuals who profess it, and on the social con- ditions of the people. On the other hand, we may rest The Fuhtre 401 assured that they will not be content with the cast-off theological garments of the West. The work of doctrinal reconstruction is only beginning, but already some of the most repulsive beliefs have been replaced by others of a more rational nature. The old material Hell of the theologian has practically disappeared, and a new Heaven is being imagined which shall have at least its foundations laid on this earth and its superstructure in similar parts of the universe ; while Buddhism, that wondrous creed by which every human life is the Heaven or Hell of a life which pre- ceded it, is insensibly permeating the best thought of our modern preachers and scientific men. If its fundamental principles were clearly understood and acted upon, they would have most important results not only on individual conduct but also on social conditions. It is gradually being recognised that if religion has any meaning, science, industry, and commerce must not be used as ends in themselves, but as means to raise the standard of life of the people, not only materially but also intellectually, morally, and spiritually. The Easterns, as a rule, in con- templating eternity forget terrestrial realisation of individual and social life, and consequently fall into a degraded con- dition. The civilisation of the West is in danger of ex- tinction through social upheavals and moral decomposition, and faith is disappearing before the most dangerous form of scepticism ; namely, that which arises from the doubt of the possibility of regenerating society and making the Kingdom of God stretch over the earth. For the highest culture we require a combination of Eastern with Western thoughts and methods, so that in this way may be reconciled the forces which on the one hand make for the renunciation of the world, and on the other for the accumulation of wealth. Science must become religious, and religion must become scientific, and both must be applied to the solution of social and political problems. The most thoughtful men in the West are beginning to recognise that these problems are most likely to be solved by calling in the old world to (B207) 2 D 402 Dai Nippon redress the balance of the new. One of them recently wrote: “England, as the member of the Anglo-Saxon family least possessed by the passion of industrial progress, may then discover in her imperial position a historic signifi- cance as yet unrealised, and having still her share of Anglo- Saxon energy and virility, but with a more mellowed temperament, and perhaps a more rooted hold in the past, she will find that the fortunate accident of conquest has called her to mediate between East and West, ancient and modern, and so in due time to contribute no mean illumina- tion to lessen the obscurity in which we now find ourselves. For only a race of the highest virility can learn from the East with profit — a race possessing the implicit faith of the West that the Wheel of Being does not merely revolve but moves forward. It is only some such expansion of thought beyond racial limits that will save modern philosophy from self-stultification.” ^ We may rest assured that there is no peace for the intellect and heart until science, philosophy, and religion are not merely reconciled but are seen to be one, as root, stem, and leaves are organic expressions of the same living tree. Then the highest truth of reason will be one with the highest object of faith, for only the thought which trusts can truly indicate faith in the God which gave it. Then, and then only, will national welfare be laid on a solid foundation. A new Power has arisen in the Far East which has not only a large share of Anglo-Saxon virility, but is also deeply imbued with Eastern thought, and it may have very im- portant functions to perform not only in the domains of industry, commerce, and politics, but also in the realms of thought. The tendencies of the present day seem to show that Eastern philosophy streaming back to the West will produce a fundamental change in our thought and know- ledge, and profoundly affect social and political conditions. It has been argued with no little force that “ to reconcile the East with the West ; to be the advocate of the East 1 W. r. Alexander, Contef/ipora 7 y Review ^ April 1904, p. 531. The Fuhcre 403 and the harbinger of the West ; this we believe to be the mission which Japan is called upon to fulfil.” It will be interesting to watch how far the Britain of the East is in alliance with the Britain of the West, not only for political purposes, but also how far the two Powers are able to co-operate in the solution of the most important problems which lie in the future, and thus promote the highest welfare of the human race. CHAPTER XX (^SiLpplementary) RECENT EVENTS In the original plan of this book it was intended to conclude with the preceding chapter, but early in the present year, The methods of war broke out between Japan and Russia, and history. ^s it will mark a most important epoch in the history of the Japanese Empire, and probably of the world, I propose in this supplementary chapter to indicate how far recent events have justified the opinions expressed in the preceding chapters, and at the same time to mention some of the chief lessons which the Britain of the West may learn from the experience of the Britain of the East. As I have stated in my preface, my object is not to give a history of modern Japan, but rather to indicate the forces which have been at work in bringing about what is admitted to be the wonder of the latter half of the nineteenth century, and to note some of the chief results. Political conditions are considered up to the end of last year, when the question of war with Russia still hung in the balance. A systematic history of modern Japan, and indeed of any other part of the world, would be a sort of dramatic poem in which every scene and person is determined not by imagination or accident but by conditions which all lead up to the purposeful plan of the whole. All that I have attempted to supply are some materials for such a history by a preliminary study of the dynamics of the subject. What Ranke designates as the “ art ” of writing history consists, not simply in the 404 Recent Events 405 narration of facts, but in the arrangement of these facts in such a manner as to show their relations in the causal and teleological connection of an organic whole which is de- veloped by individuals or nations acting as the conscious organs of the general tendencies dominating their times. For some years past the Japanese have been consciously making history with very definite objects in view. The events of the Restoration gave them many The making of difficult problems to solve. The feudal system Japanese history, had disappeared and the whole machinery of government had to be erected on a new basis. Administration and education received their first attention ; but contact with Foreign Powers soon showed that these, in themselves, were not sufficient to enable them to attain a position of equality with the other nations of the world. The long negotiations in connection with treaty revision awoke within them the consciousness of the need of a national policy which would make them strong and cause their just claims to be con- sidered with respect. The fear of aggression from European Powers, especially from Russia, developed that conscious- ness ; and the action of that Power, along with France and Germany, after the conclusion of the war with China, almost turned it into a passion. Without rest, but also without haste, they strengthened their army and navy and developed their means of communication and other appliances, and thus made themselves a strong military Power. They dis- claimed all intention of aggression, but at the same time they studied carefully the trend of events and determined to resist to the death any action by outsiders which injuriously affected their welfare or threatened their national existence. The doings of Russia had long been a cause of anxiety to them, and especially those in Manchuria after the war with China filled them with grave apprehension. They were anxious to come to an understanding with Russia on the subject, and their self-restraint has been admired by all disinterested parties. Negotiations were commenced in August of last year 4o6 Dai Nippon with regard to affairs in Manchuria and Korea, and the Japanese Cabinet drafted a treaty embodying its proposals on the lines which I have indicated in a previous chapter. They proposed to place Manchuria and Korea on approxi- mately the same basis, and assimilated the position of Russia in the one country and Japan in the other, and thus afforded a clear proof of their wish to arrive at an understanding on the subject. In order to safeguard the supposed rights of Russia, Japan expressed her readiness to define the interests accruing to Russia, through her railway in Manchuria, as comprising the administration, military and civil, of a strip of territory measuring thirty miles on each side of the line and including the town of Harbin, situated at the junction of the Manchurian railway with the main Trans-Siberian line to Vladivostock. These proposals did not satisfy Russia, and believing that Japan would not dare to go to war, she put forward counter-proposals which clearly indi- cated her ambitions. They limited the treaty to Korea, and even for that, restrictions were placed on Japan, while Russia was to be allowed to do as she pleased in China. Russia declined to pledge herself to the policy of the “ open door,” or indeed to anything which in any way restricted her freedom of action in Manchuria. On the other hand, she made three further and uncompensated demands stipulating for (i) no fortifications on the Straits ; (2) a neutral zone exclusively Korean ; and (3) the abandonment by Japan of all political interest in Manchuria. These demands clearly showed that Russia did not wish a reasonable settlement. Negotiations dragged on till the end of last year, and on 2 1st December Japan presented what she called her “ last amendments,” the object of which was to guarantee the independence and integrity of China by defining strictly the position of Russia in Manchuria. About the middle of January of the present year the Japanese Minister in St. Petersburg was instructed to ask for an “ early reply.” Meantime Russia was busily employed in strengthening her naval and military position. Every ship that could be Recent Events 407 spared was being sent out to the Far East, evidently for the purpose of overawing the Japanese. On 26th January the Japanese Minister at St. Petersburg was informed that the Russian Government had resolved not to yield on the Manchurian question, but to make substantial concessions to Japan on other points. Still no formal reply had been sent to the proposals of Japan, and it was evident that the whole object of Russia was to gain time. On 5 th February, and not until after Russian troops had already invaded Northern Korea, Mr. Kurino, the Minister for Japan in St. Petersburg, was instructed to break off negotiations. The Japanese were at once ready to strike a determined blow, as they were well aware that the first blow counts much. On 9th February, Admiral Togo made a successful attack on Port Arthur, disabling seven ^ Russian warships. The Russian Government issued a memorandum to their representatives abroad giving their version of the negotiations, and complaining that Japan had not waited for their reply and had commenced war without a formal declaration. I shall deal with that complaint further on, but it is evident that the object of Russia was to gain time so that she might have a sufficient naval force in Eastern seas to settle the matter without any operations on land. At the outbreak of the war the naval forces of Japan and Russia in the Far East were so nearly equal that a very slight superiority in skill might have been sufficient to have decided the struggle in favour of Russia, but the Japanese showed such brilliant qualities of strategy and such bravery that they soon obtained a practical command of the sea. The Russian military authorities must have recognised the difficult position a large army would be in, at a distance of 4000 miles from its base, and supplied only by a single line of railway. Some time ago an eminent Russian pro- fessor of the art of war solemnly declared that it was ‘'historically and philosophically impossible for Japan to prevent Russia from fulfilling her manifest destiny in Asia.” 4 o 8 Dai Nippon To this it has been answered that such a saying reminds us of Huxley’s definition of Herbert Spencer’s conception of a tragedy as “ a syllogism strangled by a fact.” The Russian officials, despite all their bluff, must have seen that they were placed on the horns of a dilemma which is this : — “The army which can be fed by the Trans-Siberian Railway will not be strong enough to beat the Japanese; the army that is strong enough to beat the Japanese cannot be fed by the Trans-Siberian Railway.” It is therefore easy to understand why the Russians were anxious, if possible, to confine their operations to sea. The position of Japan was clearly shown in the Imperial Proclamation of War, which was as follows : — “ We, by the Japanese Grace of Heaven, Emperor of Japan, seated on Proclamation the Throne occupied by the same Dynasty from of War. immemorial, do hereby make Proclamation to all Our loyal and brave subjects as follows : — “ We hereby declare war against Russia, and we com- mand Our Army and Navy to carry on hostilities against that Empire with all their strength, and We also command all Our competent authorities to make every effort, in pursuance of their duties and in accordance with their powers, to attain the national aim with all the means within the limits of the law of nations. “We have always deemed it essential to Our inter- national relations and made it Our constant aim to promote the pacific progress of Our Empire in civilisation, to strengthen Our friendly ties with other States, and to establish a state of things which would maintain enduring peace in the Extreme East, and assure the future security of Our Dominion without injury to the rights and interests of other Powers. Our competent authorities have also performed their duties in obedience to Our will, so that Our relations with the Powers have been steadily growing in cordiality. It was thus entirely against Our expectation that We have unhappily come to open hostilities against Russia. Recent Events 409 “ The integrity of Korea is a matter of constant concern to this Empire, not only because of Our traditional relations with that country, but because the separate existence of Korea is essential to the safety of Our Realm. Neverthe- less Russia, in disregard of solemn treaty pledges to China and her repeated assurances to other Powers, is still in occupation of Manchuria, and has consolidated and strengthened her hold upon those provinces and is bent upon their final annexation. And since the absorption of Manchuria by Russia would render it impossible to maintain the integrity of Korea and would in addition compel the abandonment of all hope of peace in the Extreme East, We determined, in these circumstances, to settle the ques- tions by negotiation and to secure thereby permanent peace. With that object in view. Our competent authorities, by Our order, made proposals to Russia, and frequent con- ferences were held during the course of six months. Russia, however, never met such proposals in a spirit of conciliation, but by her wanton delays put off the settlement of the ques- tion, and by ostensibly advocating peace on the one hand, while she was, on the other, extending her naval and military preparations, sought to accomplish her own selfish designs. “We cannot in the least admit that Russia had from the first any serious or genuine desire for peace. She had rejected the proposals of Our Government ; the safety of Korea is in danger ; the vital interests of Our Empire are menaced. The guarantees for the future which we have failed to secure by peaceful negotiations. We can now only seek by an appeal to arms. “ It is Our earnest wish that by the loyalty and valour of Our faithful subjects, peace may soon be permanently restored and the glory of Our Empire preserved.” The rapid action of the Japanese in attacking Port Arthur immediately after the negotiations were broken off, caused the Russians to bring against them the justification of charge of treachery. I cannot, of course, dis- Japanese action, cuss all the pros and cons of this subject, but the following 410 Dai Nippon are the conclusions of Dr. T. J. Lawrence, Lecturer on International Law in the Royal Naval College, Greenwich. After sketching the course of events which preceded the outbreak of the war. Dr. Lawrence states that “ the accusa- tion of treachery rests entirely upon the assumption that International Law imposes upon belligerents the duty of making to one another a formal declaration of war before commencing hostilities. Never was assumption more groundless. Nearly every war of the last two centuries has been commenced without a declaration. Sometimes one has been issued, as in the present case, a greater or less time after the forces of the combatants have begun their work of conflict. Sometimes there has been none from the beginning to the end of a war. Occasionally a manifesto by a State to its own subjects, or a diplomatic circular sent to foreign Governments, has taken the place of a formal notice delivered to the enemy. The constant practice has been for the better-prepared State to strike a sudden blow at her unready adversary, whatever form or absence of form seemed advis- able at the moment Nor is there in this anything that necessarily involves bad faith. A period of negotiation precedes a period of hostility. As relations grow more and more strained, a prudent State prepares for eventualities. Very often an ultimatum is presented ; that is to say, a demand, the refusal of which will be followed by war. The rupture of diplomatic relations is the constant precursor of armed conflict. Unless the first blow falls, like a bolt from the blue, in a period of profound peace, without previous complaint and demand for redress, there is nothing in it which savours of treachery.” Dr. Lawrence illustrates his conclusions by historical precedents and proceeds to say : — “ Unless we are prepared to maintain the ridiculous proposi- tion that the law of nations, instead of being deduced from, the practice of nations, has no connection whatever with it, we must acquit Japan of the charge made against her. Instead of being guilty of a breach of International Law, she went beyond it by giving her adversary ample notice of Recent Events 411 what he might expect. Relations between the two Powers had been strained for a long time. There would have been no treachery in a sudden attack. But the note delivered on 6th February by the Japanese representative at St. Petersburg not only broke off diplomatic intercourse — an act which is constantly followed by immediate war — but also expressly stated that Japan must take such measures as she thought fit for her own safety. Its exact words were : ‘ The Imperial Government reserve to themselves the right to take such independent action as they may deem best to consolidate and defend their menaced position, as well as to protect their established rights and legitimate interests.’ The merest tyro in diplomacy knows what this meant. It was a distinct warning that hostilities might be expected at any moment, and the first blow was not struck till about sixty hours after it had been given. As a matter of fact, Russia was not taken unawares. She had expected war for some time, and had prepared for it, though her preparations were ill-conceived and badly carried out.” ^ On the other hand, Sir John Macdonell, C.B., LL.D., has some doubts on the subject. He says : “ On the night of the 8th or 9th Admiral Togo torpedoed the Russian vessels at Port Arthur. It was an attack of surprise. Was it a treacherous and disloyal act ? The question m.ust be put with the knowledge that a nation which is patient may be duped ; that the first blow counts much ; and that under cover of continuing negotiations a country unprepared might deprive another better equipped of its advantages. But it is a nice question whether the negotiations had reached, on the 8th or 9th of February, a point at which discussion had been abandoned, and both sides had accepted the arbitrament of battle. I will only say that the recent precedent is of evil omen, and that it is to be feared that, in future, we may see blows struck, not merely without formal notice, but while diplomatists are still debating. I am not expressing an opinion on the particular act in saying that there has been 1 War and Neutrality in the Far East, pp. 27-32. 412 Dai Nippon an unfortunate — perhaps inevitable — retrogression. Since 1870 there has been a tendency to abide by the old rule, which regarded a war without a declaration or ultimatum as disloyal.” ^ Baron Suyematsu, a high Japanese authority, while appreciating Sir John Macdonell’s contention that no blows should be struck without adequate warning or while diplomatists are still debating the matters in dispute, under- takes to prove that Japan, so far from taking her enemy unawares, did actually do precisely as Sir John Macdonell is anxious to show she ought to have done, and that, in the sense of his comment on the operations, there was no room for the Russians to be surprised in any degree whatever. I can only give a brief r^sum^ of Baron Suyematsu’s facts and arguments ; for details the original article must be consulted.^ He gives an outline of the negotiations which were carried on at the end of last and the beginning of this year, and makes it quite clear that the Japanese Government pressed on the Russian Government the urgent necessity of accelerat- ing the despatch of an answer to the proposals of the Japanese Government as much as possible, because further prolongation of the existing conditions was not only undesir- able but dangerous. On the evening of the 31st of January Count Lamsdorff admitted to Mr. Kurino, the Japanese representative at St. Petersburg, that he fully appreciated the gravity of the situation. Notwithstanding this admission, the delay continued, and it was not until the fifth day after this interview which Mr. Kurino had with Count Lamsdorff, and the third day after the reply had been promised to be given, namely, on the 5th of February 1904, at 2.15 P.M., that Baron Komura (the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in Japan) telegraphed to Mr. Kurino that further prolongation of the existing situation being inadmissible, the Imperial Government had decided to terminate the pending negotiations. After a statement of the position of the Japanese Government on the subject under dispute (and 1 The Nineteenth Ce 7 itu>y, July 1904, p. 147. 2 Ibid., August 1904, p. 174. Recent Events 413 which was for the most part embodied in the Declaration of War already quoted) Baron Komura’s communication con- cluded with the sentence mentioned by Dr. Lawrence, reserving the right of the Japanese Government to take such independent action as they may deem best to consolidate and defend their menaced position, as well as to protect their established rights and legitimate interests. Simultaneously with the presentation of Baron Komura’s note, Mr. Kurino was instructed to write to Count Lamsdorff and inform him that as the efforts of the Japanese Government to arrive at an honourable understanding with the Russian Government had been unsuccessful, it was his intention to take his departure from St. Petersburg, with the Staff of the Imperial Legation. These notes were pre- sented to Count Lamsdorff by Mr. Kurino on the 6th of February, at 4 P.M., and on the same day Baron Komura conveyed a formal intimation to Baron Rosen, the Russian Minister in Tokyo, in the sense that : — “ Whereas the Japanese Government had made every effort to arrive at an amicable settlement of the Manchurian question with Russia, the latter had not evinced any disposition to reciprocate this peaceful purpose. Therefore Japan could not continue the diplomatic conferences. She was regretfully compelled to take independent action for the protection of her rights and interests, and she must decline to accept the responsi- bility of any incidents that might occur in consequence.” A perusal of these despatches should have left no doubt on the minds of the Russian statesmen that Japan had finally, though reluctantly, arrived at the conclusion that war was inevitable. As Baron Suyematsu puts it : “ The wording is polite, but who can doubt that it was a clear notice of war ? ” Those in command of the Russian fleet were evidently quite aware that their Government were determined on war, for as Baron Suyematsu points out : — “ At the moment when Admiral Togo actually made his attack the Russian ships lay outside the harbour in a perfect battle array, in front of 414 Dai Nippon the shore forts and batteries of the fortress, a position that they had taken up on their return from their cruise to the south-eastward. Wherein was the unpreparedness ? If the officers of the Russian ships were caught in an unguarded moment, blame must not be imputed to the Japanese. The cause must rather be sought in a misconception on the part of the Russians of the watchful strategy which the situation demanded. The facts are, moreover, that the Russian ships had lain under a full head of steam for days off the Port Arthur entrance, had been continually using their search- lights as though they apprehended an attack, the battleships had their decks cleared for action, and the instant that the first torpedo was launched the Russians opened fire on the Japanese boats.” The best proof of the determination of the Russian Government to settle the matter in dispute by the arbitra- ment of war is to be found in its actions for a year previous to the close of the negotiations. It had promised to complete the evacuation of Manchuria in April 1903, but instead of doing so, it strengthened its position as rapidly as possible. During that year, it despatched to Far Eastern waters Combined Tonnage Three battleships .... 38,488 One armoured cruiser . . . . 7,727 Five other cruisers .... 26,417 Seven destroyers . .... 2,450 One gunboat ..... i,344 Two mine-laying craft .... 6,000 Seven other destroyers were sent by rail to Port Arthur and there put together, while two vessels of the “ Volunteer ” Fleet were armed and hoisted the Russian naval ensign at Vladivostock. Considerable numbers of troops were sent to Manchuria ; but as I have already remarked it was evidently the intention of the Russian Government to have a sufficient naval force in Eastern waters to settle the conflict without any operations in Manchuria or Korea. How in the face Recent Events 4^5 of all these facts the Russian Government could complain of having been taken unawares is incomprehensible, and the charge of treachery seems to have been made for the purpose of covering the want of attention and skill on the part of those in command of the fleet. If it had not been for the self-restraint of the Japanese Government, war might have broken out some months before it actually did, when the Russians were still more unprepared than they were on the 9th of February. The operations carried on by the Japanese in the war, both by land and sea, have fully justified the opinions which I have expressed in the preceding chapters. Events Their intense patriotism has caused them to of the war. perform deeds of daring which have won for them the admiration of the world, their skill in strategy and in the application of the latest scientific methods in all they have done, has made them almost uniformly successful in their operations. They have demonstrated the importance of the work of the engineer. The railways which have been built in Japan have been fully utilised to convey men and materials and the ships to transport them oversea. The telegraphs have been used to communicate instructions and to keep the authorities informed regarding movements and requirements. The dockyards and shipbuilding yards have been ready to undertake repairs, and the arsenals and machine shops to turn out war material of all kinds as well as appliances which aid operations in the field. Light railways have been laid down on the way to battlefields and wireless telegraphy and telephones to convey instructions to the soldiers ; in short, all the latest applications of mechani- cal, electrical, and chemical science have been freely and intelligently employed. The barest notice of the events of the war is all that, meantime, I can give, not only on account of want of space, but also because the war has, to a large extent, been fought in camera and the circumstances attending it are only im- perfectly known to outsiders. The Japanese have shown 4i6 Dai Nippon that they look upon war as a serious matter and not simply as a game which is useful for the supply of interesting copy for the newspapers. Their strategy has been most skilful, but they did not think it part of their duty to allow correspondents to communicate their plans to the world and to the enemy, and it is probable that they have established a precedent which will become of universal application. If this be the case, the occupation of war correspondents is gone for ever. It would be well if those responsible for newspapers exercised some of the self-control of the Japanese and were more careful about the news they publish. In the absence of anything authentic, the reports of coolies or of other equally untrustworthy persons have been telegraphed round the world and announced on flaring bills, only to be contradicted or ignored in the next issue of the papers. It almost seems as if an extension of Japanese methods were required in order to prevent the newspapers becoming public nuisances if not public dangers. The assaults by the Japanese forces on Port Arthur, both by land and by sea, when accurately described will rank among the most heroic struggles in the history of the world. The sending of men to sink themselves and their ships in the fairway of Port Arthur, and the storming of the heights of Nanshan show that the Japanese military and naval commanders are able to reckon on a national instinct which Western peoples are scarcely able to appreciate in its full significance. The advance on the strong position of the Russians at Kinchau proves that Japanese soldiers do not hesitate to sacrifice themselves in order to gain the object they have in view. Wasteful self-immolation, however, is no part of their programme. It is stated that the Emperor has kept back the final assault on Port Arthur so that lives might not be uselessly sacrificed. He has at the same time shown a great regard for his enemies and has given orders that non-combatants may have an opportunity of leaving Port Arthur. The strategy of General Kuroki and the other Japanese leaders has been carried out with all the delibera- Recent Events 417 tion and skill of a game of chess. Military discipline and scientific training, of course, account for a good deal of the success which has attended the arms of the Japanese, but they do not give a complete explanation. A national consciousness of unprecedented intensity has enabled the Japanese army and navy to achieve ends of incommensur- able magnitude. At the date of writing this, events of great importance are proceeding rapidly. The Port Arthur fleet of the Russians has been dispersed, the Vladivostock fleet has been in part destroyed and the remainder badly damaged. The final assault on Port Arthur is impending and the operations in other parts of Manchuria are rapidly bringing matters to a crisis. For our present purpose it is not necessary to follow them further. Enough has been said to demonstrate the truth of the opinions expressed in the preceding chapters, and to show the results of the training to which Japan has subjected itself. The sequel must be left to another opportunity. One of the most interesting revelations to the peoples of the West regarding the Japanese character has been the behaviour of the troops during war-time. Behaviour of After referring to the absence of all attempts Japanese troops, to intensify racial hatred. Sir John Macdonell remarks that : — •“ Not more remarkable is the swift assimilation by Japan of the resources of military science than the assimila- tion, rapid and complete, of the best traditions, the courtesies and amenities of European warfare. Experience shows that if hostilities are long continued, passions kept in check at last break loose ; the vanquished are irritated and desperate ; the victors become impatient at resistance unreasonably continued. But, so far as things have gone, one may say that a non-Christian State has set an example to Christian nations in the conduct of war (as far as it is possible) on the lines of civilisation. The superior prestige of the West for humanity is gone. Touches of humanity (B207) 2 E 4i8 Dai Nippon and sympathy, never wanting in war, have abounded. The Japanese have tended their wounded adversaries and have resorted to no shabby subterfuges ; and on the death of Admiral Makaroff they paid the tribute of brave men to a fallen foe. They have paid for what they have taken. They have made friends of the population in which they have moved. Already the ring of European nations whose consent has made International Law is broken in upon by the admission of Turkey and Japan. International Law cannot be quite what it was if it henceforth expresses the consent of powerful Asiatic non-Christian States as well as of European nations.” ^ It is a remarkable fact that although the International Arbitration Tribunal was formed on the suggestion of the Czar, the Japanese have adhered more scrupulously to the rules of the Hague Convention than the Russians. In a recent interview Count Katsura, the Prime Minister of Japan, said that he did not think that any Government in the world at the outbreak of war ever took such pains as the Government of Japan has taken to emphasise to all the duty of conducting the war in strict accordance with the principles of humanity and the usages of International Law. Immediately upon the opening of hostilities, communications were sent to all the Governors of Prefectures reminding them of their responsibilities and especially with regard to any Russians that might be residing within their jurisdiction. Under the authority of the Minister of Education, directions were issued by which all the students in the empire, from the young men in the higher institutions of learning down to the children in the primary schools, have been instructed as to the principles and duties to be observed. In addition to this, communica- tions were sent to the recognised representatives of all the religious bodies in the country — Buddhists, Shintoists, and Christians alike — asking them to take pains to discountenance any wrong tendencies among the more ignorant of the people. Among the points emphasised by the Government 1 The Nineteenth Centujy, July 1904, p. 145. Recent Events 419 are these : — That the war is one between the State of Japan and the State of Russia ; that it is not waged against individuals ; that individuals of all nationalities, peacefully attending to their business, are to suffer no molestation or annoyance whatever ; and that questions of religion do not enter into the war at all. Perhaps the best proof of the power of self-restraint of the Japanese is to be found in the conduct of the great body of the people during war - time. I lived in japan in Japan during the Satsuma rebellion, and al- 'var-time. though affairs were sometimes in a very critical condition, there were no signs of alarm or even much to show an ordinary observer that there was anything serious going on. The arrangements which were made to meet the crisis were carried out quietly. When victory at last came to the Imperial Government there was no exultation, simply an official announcement that the war was at an end. Similarly in the war with China in 1894-5, there was little to show to visitors that the country was at war, everything being done in a quiet systematic manner. In the present war with Russia the same calm has been preserved. In a circular which has been issued by the chief Chambers of Commerce in Japan, it is pointed out that none of the arrangements for the convenience of visitors who wish to enjoy the attractions of the country have been dis- located, but that “ on the contrary, to the many objects of interest which invite inspection in normal years, there was added the remarkable spectacle of an insular people preserv- ing a demeanour of absolute calm and imperturbability while engaged in a struggle for life or death with the greatest of continental military Powers. Since the outbreak of this war, as well as during the period of suspense that preceded it, the quiet self-possessed attitude of the Japanese people has been a theme of constant admiration and surprise to foreign onlookers, and has been described in eulogistic terms by foreign journalists. In truth, the country is just as it has always been. The Japanese people are not swayed by any 420 Dai Nippon frenzy of revenge or fired by any heat of territorial ambition. They are fighting for what they believe to be the minimum of their just right ; for the cause of free institutions ; the cause of security against the spread of military despotism ; the cause of a commercial field untrammelled for all, and the cause of lasting peace : causes which they have fervently embraced and for which they are ready to make any sacrifice. Under such circumstances this war has not impaired in the slightest degree the friendly feeling entertained by the Japanese nation for the peoples of Europe and America. On the contrary, it has greatly intensified that feeling, inas- much as the crisis has elicited throughout nearly the whole of the Occident expressions of sympathy with Japan, which she welcomes with profound gratitude and satisfaction. She appreciates that the purpose for which she is shedding blood and treasure have the full endorsement of the enlightened nations of the West, and she sees that by lending her whole strength to the promotion of those purposes, she has drawn greatly closer the bonds of amity between herself and the Occident.” All this goes to prove that Japan will not use the results of the war, however victorious she may be, for purposes of merely national aggrandisement, but that while safeguarding her own interests and keeping in mind her mission in the Far East, she will do nothing which will forfeit the goodwill of Europe and America. The most remarkable feature in the domestic situation in Japan at the present time is the admirable reticence observed by the influential political parties and their organs. In view of the momentous issues at stake, all are agreed in refraining from saying or writing anything calculated to cause disunion or the appearance of it, and are united in giving the Government their support in bringing the war to a successful issue. That they are able to do this they are perfectly confident, and the events of the war justify their confidence. Its cost, so far, has proved to be less than was expected, it having been carried on at an expenditure equivalent to only two-thirds of the original estimate. They Recent Events 421 appreciate perfectly that the war may be a protracted one ; but if Russia is prepared to resort to the last extreme in order to maintain her national honour, Japan will not hesitate to sacrifice her last farthing in order to come out victorious from a struggle involving her very existence. The question has often been asked during the past few months — What is the secret of the weakness which has been shown by Russia since the beginning of The secret of the war with Japan ? The complete answer to Russia’s failure, that question would involve a disquisition on the educational, economical, social, and religious conditions of the Land of the Czar. Dr. Emil Reich has pointed out that, “ Every one of the great Western nations has had to stand the test of a triple trial before it could reach its actual condition. It has had to pass through an intellectual Renaissance, a religious Reformation, and a political Revolution. And we may suppose that Russia will not escape the necessity of passing through a like series of stages.” Russia dare not educate her people, and the consequence is that three out of every four are illiterate. Hierarchy and bureaucracy alike dis- courage the schools of the local councils. The universities are being more and more dominated by stupid officialism, and freedom of thought and teaching is impossible. An attempt has been made to build up modern industries under a system of protection which fosters artificial conditions and perpetuates antiquated methods, and thus throws a great burden on the agricultural classes. These latter are very often drunken and barbarous, and their methods of work entirely wanting in the applications of modern science. The bureaucracy is corrupt and brutal, and there is no intelligent public opinion to correct abuses. The most hopeless barrier to Russian progress, however, is the Greek Church, which has sterilised and paralysed both the intellectual and the moral powers of the people. The Russians are, for the most part, patriotic, for their religion is also a patriotism ; but it is not to be compared to the burning patriotism of the Japanese, which causes them to look upon death for their 422 Dai Nippon country as the highest honour for which they can compete. The Russian soldiers are no doubt brave when put in a position of danger, but for the most part it is mere brute courage, without that intellectual activity and scientific knowledge which are the most important factors in modern warfare. Many of them have been forced into the army against their wills and have little enthusiasm for the work, a considerable proportion indeed have a strong aversion to it. From men like these little is to be expected. The Russian Government has still to learn that the most powerful means either of offence or defence in a modern State is a well- educated enthusiastic people. Another cause of the failure of Russia is the contempt in which they have held the Japanese. Those responsible for the negotiations preceding the outbreak of war seem to have had a very inadequate idea of the developments which had taken place in Japan and of the forces which had pro- duced these developments. On this subject Baron Suyematsu has remarked : “ In the eyes of the Russians there was no such Japan as they have, or rather the world has, begun to see since the opening of the war. They trusted, no doubt, either to be able to bluff through or crush at a blow if necessary. Even in the battle of the Yalu, nay, even in the battle of Kinchow, or Wafangu, they were unable to believe that the Japanese were not after all ‘ monkeys with the brain of birds ’ ! Only a little time ago an eminent French states- man told me that France understood Japan little ; Russia still less. It was the sole cause of the present unfortunate war. ‘ In that respect,’ he continued, ‘ England was sharper, for she understood the Far East, and, consequently, the changing circumstances of the world, before any other Occidental nation.’ ” While the Japanese owe much to their utilisation of Western science, appliances, and methods, the secret of their The secret of phenomenal success in every department of Japan’s success, national life lies in the spirit with which they have been animated. In a previous chapter I have given a Recent Events 423 sketch of what is involved in that spirit, but a study of the doings in Japan of the past thirty years is its best illustration, if not explanation. I may, however, repeat a sentence or two of what I have quoted from Dr. Nitobe : “ Needless to repeat,” he says, “ what has grown a trite saying, that it is the spirit that quickeneth, without which the best of implements profiteth but little. The most improved guns and cannon do not shoot of their own accord ; the most modern educational system does not make a coward a hero. No! What won the battles on the Yalu, in Korea and Manchuria, was the ghosts of our fathers, guiding our hands and beating in our hearts. They are not dead those ghosts, the spirits of our warlike ancestors. To those who have eyes to see, they are clearly visible.” These are not simply the opinions of a philosopher (some might be inclined to call him a mystic) like Dr. Nitobe ; they are held even more strongly by the practical and by the fighting men. A few months ago Engineer-Captain Matsuo, one of my Kobu-Daigakko students, came to Glasgow to bid me good-bye before return- ing to Japan after he had despatched the cruisers Kasuga and Nisshin, and in the course of my conversation I showed him the chapter of this book which dealt with the army and navy, and he asked me to make it quite clear that while he valued Western ships and appliances he attached far more importance to the spirit which animated the men in charge of them. The present war has shown most distinctly that the spirit of Old Japan still lives in its modern army and navy. I can only give one or two illustrations. When volunteers were asked to undertake the blocking of Port Arthur, over 2000 offered themselves for the dangerous task, and some of the applications were written with the blood of the men who sent them in. Seventy-seven officers and men were selected, and the farewell ceremonies which were held were of a strik- ing and touching nature. On board the battleship Asaina Captain Yashiro took a large silver cup presented to him by H.I.H. the Crown Prince, and filling it with water (it being 424 Dai Nippon an old Japanese custom to drink water on the occasion of permanent parting between near relatives), thus addressed the volunteers : “ In sending you now on the duty of blocking the harbour entrance of Port Arthur, which affords you one chance out of thousands to return alive, I feel as if I were sending my beloved sons. But if I had one hundred sons, I would send them all on such a bold adventure as this, and had I only one son I should wish to do the same with him. In performing your duty, if you happen to lose your left hand, work with your right ; if you lose both hands, work with both feet ; if you lose both feet, work with your head, and faithfully carry out the orders of your commander. I send you to the place of death, and I have no doubt that you are quite ready to die. However, I do not mean to advise you to despise your life nor to run needless risks in trying to establish a great name. What I ask you all is to perform your duty regardless of your life. The cup of water I give you now is not meant to give you encourage- ment but to constitute you as representatives of the bravery of the Asama. A great shame it would be if our men needed Dutch courage to go to the place of death ! I look forward to a joyous day when I see you again coming back with success. Submit your life to the will of Heaven and calmly perform your onerous duty.” Among the volunteers was Commander Takeo Hirose, who will always be remembered as one of the heroes of the war. Before the first attempt on Port Arthur he wrote : “ How can I refuse to die as a patriotic sacrifice for my country ? It will be a glorious death to go down with the ship at the entrance to Port Arthur.” Before the second attempt, in which he perished, he wrote : “ Knowing that the souls of the brave return seven times to this world to serve their country, I sacrifice with confidence this life, and expecting now to achieve final success I will go on board the ship cheerfully.” These and similar words are now printed on picture post-cards and sent all over Japan and indeed to Japanese in all parts of the world. Their en- Recent Events 425 thusiasm is thus raised to the highest pitch, and all merely personal considerations are put aside for what is believed to be the welfare or need of the country. This enthusiasm is the main cause of the success of Japan, in the arts both of peace and war, and her experience proves that a nation becomes whatever she believes herself to be. Without attempting to discuss all the transcendental effects of the beliefs of the Japanese, there can be no doubt that the practi- cal results are embodied in the rule which every one from the highest to the lowest unflinchingly obeys, namely, that “ it is the imperative duty of man in his capacity of a subject, to sacrifice his private interests to the public good. Egoism forbids co-operation, and without co-operation there cannot be any great achievement.” The application of this rule to its logical conclusion will take the Japanese a long way and will enable them to solve many of the social problems of the present time, the true meanings of which are only beginning to be dimly perceived by the statesmen of the West. The war with Russia is still in progress, and its immediate results are uncertain, but whatever they may be, we cannot doubt that it has opened a new chapter in the history, not only of Japan, but of the world, and when that is adequately written, the debt which is due to the Britain of the East will be fully recognised. Meantime, Great Britain should not be above learning a few lessons from Japan. I do not propose to enter into the lessons in military and naval administration Lessons for and strategy, which no doubt will be taken to Britain, heart by the proper authorities, but there are matters of more general interest on which a few remarks may be made. Already, indeed. Lord Selborne, the First Lord of the Admiralty, has in Parliament been directing attention to various lessons which may be learned from Japanese experience. He attached the greatest importance to the quality of the personnel, and he insisted that the officers and men were of more importance than the ships. This, as I have tried to make clear, has long been recognised by the 426 Dai Nippon Japanese. What is true of the army and navy is true of every department of national life. The real measure of the importance and even of the power of a nation is to be found ultimately in the quality of its people. The evolution in this country has been comparatively slow, and many of our industrial developments are due to conditions which are rapidly disappearing. Our supplies of raw materials in our most important manufactures, especially those connected with iron and steel, are becoming scarce and therefore expensive, and many of our manufacturers continue to use methods and appliances which are out of date on account of recent advances of science. Other countries, notably France, Germany, the United States, and above all Japan, have developed their educational arrangements and applied the results to national affairs in such a way as to affect profoundly economic and social conditions at home and trade abroad. We have seen that the educational arrangements of Japan are very complete, and that those who have had the advantage of them have been fitted to take an active and intelligent part in the great developments which have taken place. Five years after my arrival in Japan I drew up a somewhat exhaustive report on the work which we had accomplished, and indicated some of the aims which ought to be kept in view. I took occasion to point out that in many respects engineering education in Great Britain was very defective, and for this I was criticised by some of the foreign residents and even by some of my colleagues. Since that time, practically all the improvements which we had adopted in the Imperial College of Engineering, Japan, are to be found in almost all the colleges in this country. Engineering is no longer taught as a single subject but as a group of allied subjects, and the field which was formerly supposed to be taken up by one professor or lecturer is now divided among several, and engineering laboratories are parts of the equipment of every well- organised college. Two or three years ago, when Lord Recent Events 427 Kelvin was inaugurating the James Watt engineering labora- tory in Glasgow University, he reminded his audience that the Imperial College of Engineering, Japan, was the first educational institution which had a laboratory of this kind. The experimental and graphical methods introduced into every department of its course are now common in all the colleges of this country. The method of combining theory and practice in the training of engineers which I introduced into Japan is now being strongly recommended under the name of the “ sandwich ” system of apprenticeship. I am not, however, so sure that the spirit which animated the professors and students in Japan is yet very common in Britain. The distinction between instruction — the mere collection of facts and figures — and real education is not sufficiently kept in mind. The Japanese students were not crammed ; they were trained to think and to act for them- selves, and their subsequent careers have fully proved the success of the methods adopted. We have seen that in the arts of peace and war they have applied their knowledge in a manner which has surprised the world. Probably, however, the chief lesson to be learned from Japan is the need for a truly national spirit for the accomplishment of great ends. The present war has shown most distinctly that Japanese soldiers and sailors are care- less of personal survival if they feel that they are taking part in the accomplishment of a national aim. It is, of course, in war that this spirit is most distinctly shown, because in industry, trade, and political life merely personal interests are apt to interfere, but even in these the Japanese have shown that considerations of national welfare come before everything else. The guiding principles enunciated by the Emperor when he ascended the throne have always been kept in mind, not only by himself and the Government but also by the people, and the national policy has been directed to the attainment of the objects in view. Educa- tion, industry, the army and navy, foreign politics ; in short, the national life was subordinated to the attainment of these 428 Dai Nippon objects. Plans were carefully drawn out in every department, and were carried out with great deliberation. The national life was conscious. Can we say that this is the case in Britain ? Is it not rather true that we have no real national policy, and that our statesmen drift according to their own whims or to what may be called accidental circumstances ? Our greatest need is a conscious national aim to which all our efforts would be constantly directed, and to which the latest developments of science would be efficiently applied. In this connection, however, science must not be used in its limited sense, but include all that is essential to individual and national welfare. In one of his last addresses on technical education the late Professor Huxley pointed out the dangers of a one- sided treatment of the subject, and urged the necessity of keeping an anxious eye upon those measures which are necessary for the preservation of that stable and sound condition of the whole social organism which is the essential condition of real progress, and a chief end of all education. He added: “You will recollect that some time ago there was a scandal and a great outcry about certain cutlasses and bayonets which had been supplied to our troops and sailors. These warlike implements were polished as bright as rubbing could make them ; they were very well sharpened ; they looked lovely. But when they were applied to the test of the work of war they broke and they bent, and proved more likely to hurt the hand of him that used them than to do any harm to the enemy. Let me apply that analogy to the effect of education, which is a sharpening and polishing of the mind. You may develop the intellectual side of people as far as you like, and you may confer on them all the skill that training and instruction can give ; but if there is not, underneath all that outside form and superficial polish, the firm fibre of healthy manhood and earnest desire to do well, your labour is absolutely in vain.” Much of the time, money, and energy at present spent on Recent Events 429 education is spent in vain because this advice is overlooked. The applications of physical and natural science by them- selves may simply sharpen the tools which may drive us to destruction. The scientific method must be applied to ethics, sociology, and politics, and above all to the training of men and women, healthy in body, acute in mind, and animated with high ideals of individual, civic, and national duty. A writer in a daily paper says with a great amount of truth, “What makes Japan particularly valuable as an exemplar for us is, that the virtues in which it specially excels are precisely those we most need and lack. Among our most unpleasant traits are the worship and display of wealth, the lack of general courtesy, the insensibility to the charms of art, the feverish absorption in needless work, and the consequent inability to enjoy elegant leisure.” These remarks apply to a greater or less extent to all the nations of the world, but there are a few lessons in what may be called world politics to which Lessons for attention may be drawn. the nations of The first indeed should be evident to all who have taken any interest in Eastern peoples, and it is the profoundly significant phenomena of history, that the West, by itself^ is impotent to exert directly a real and vital influence upon the East. Japan, which seems a striking proof to the contrary, is its strongest confirmation. As a Japanese writer from whom I have quoted insists : “It was some small degree of self-recognition that re-made Japan, and enabled her to weather the storm under which so much of the Oriental world went down,” and he generalises that “ it must be a renewal of the same self-consciousness that shall build up Asia again into her ancient steadfastness and strength.” Probably it will be replied that it is no part of the plan (so far as they have any plan) of the Western Powers to help Asia to attain this object. If this be so, they are simply using the East for selfish purposes, and their efforts are doomed to failure. The second lesson which it is hoped the nations of the 430 Dai Nippon world will take to heart is that, in so far at least as Japan, China, and Korea are concerned, there must be a profound change in the methods of dealing with these nations. The days of crooked diplomacy, gunboat policy, veiled threats and monstrous indemnities must be looked upon as past, and all questions must be discussed and settled on a basis of international equity. I have already expressed the opinion that if the bogey of the “Yellow Peril” ever becomes a reality, it will be on account of the conduct of some of the Western Powers, whose aggressions will drive the peoples of the Far East into militarism. Neither Japan nor China has shown the slightest signs of aggression, they simply ask to be treated with justice and to be allowed to develop on their own lines. I believe Count Okuma when he says : “ The China- Japan war was the outcome of the feeling that Korea under the suzerainty of China was a constant menace to the future prosperity of our Empire. The same feeling is the cause of the present war, for Korea in the possession of Russia means the loss of our national independence. How patient we were during the protracted and tedious negotia- tions with Russia all the world knows. The war is not the result of any racial hatred, or of the spirit of revenge, or of aggressive designs. Having been forced upon us, it is purely defensive. When the war is concluded the whole world will be surprised to see, as after the war with China, that not a trace of enmity or any ill - feeling exists towards our temporary enemy. Not even towards the Russians shall we cease to possess the feeling of amity, which comes from confidence in our own strength, and from the fact that through 2500 years of our history we have never known defeat ; and as in the past, so in the future, it will be our sole guide in our efforts to attain a high stage of Western civilisation.” This is not merely a personal opinion on the part of Count Okuma, it is a national sentiment which was clearly reflected in an Imperial proclamation of 21st April 1895, in which the following passages occur : — “ We deem it that the Recent Events 431 development of the prestige of the country could be obtained only by peace. It is Our mission which We inherited from Our ancestors that peace should be maintained in an effectual way. The foundations of the great policy of Our ancestors have been made more stable. We desire that, together with Our people, We be specially guarded against arrogance or relaxation. It is what We highly object to, that the people should become arrogant by being puffed up with triumph, and despise others rashly, which would go towards losing the respect of Foreign Powers. Since the development of the nation can be obtained by peace, it is a divine duty imposed upon us by Our ancestors, and it has been Our intention and endeavour since Our accession to the Throne to maintain peace, so as to enjoy it constantly. . . . We are positively against insulting others and falling into idle pride by being elated by victories, and against losing the confidence of Our friendly States.” The action of Russia in seizing and in some cases destroying neutral merchant vessels because they were supposed to be carrying contraband of war has raised some difficult questions of International Law, which will require very careful consideration. It is impossible to say whether the difficulties which have arisen are due to deliberate Russian diplomacy or to the indiscretion of Russian naval officers ; but it is evident that the Russian Government’s declaration as to what it proposes to treat as contraband, and therefore, subject to seizure is unprecedently wide in its terms, and attempts to carr}^ it out are certain to bring Russia at once into hostility with the established law of nations. Articles which are the common exchange of peaceful life and commerce are by the precedents of that law not legally attachable, unless it can be shown that they are intended for the use of the military forces of the country of their destination. It has been laid down as unchallengeable by a great jurist that “ to divert food from a large population where no immediate military end is in view would be to stop all neutral trading during a war.” The action of 432 Dai Nippon Russia has been further complicated by the use to which the “ Volunteer ” Fleet has been put, not only when its position is considered from a general legal point of view, but also because of the special treaty obligations of Russia in con- nection with the Black Sea. If the doings of Russia be allowed to pass unchallenged, an end would be put to all peaceful commerce when any two Powers happened to be at war. Evidently the nations of the world must come to a distinct understanding on these points, not only on account of their bearings on the present war, but also in view of future possibilities. Russia cannot be allowed to become a law unto herself. Meantime I shall only mention another lesson which ought to be learned by the nations of the world in their dealings with Eastern peoples, and that is the necessity of looking from an international point of view at the political questions which arise. As ethical philosophy is no longer purely individualistic, so in like manner practical politics can no longer be purely national. The engineer has shrunk the world into small dimensions, and the social and economic conditions of the various countries -are closely connected. Statesmen must therefore study what may be called the dynamics of politics if they wish to carry on their work in a rational manner. We have been told very often recently that we must think “ Imperially.” I would rather put it that we must think “ Internationally,” and I am convinced that the greatest real successes will fall to those statesmen who are international in their conceptions and not insular and individual. In this respect the statesmen of Japan have given an example to the nations of the world, as in all their actions they have dealt with the other Powers with perfect frankness. This has been the case for years past, but it has been strikingly shown since the outbreak of war with Russia. The British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs when he concluded the alliance with Japan showed that he recognised the international nature of many of the problems in the Far East, and that alliance was the first definite, public and Recent Events 433 intelligible measure taken to prevent chaos in that part of the world. As a well-known American statesman put it : “ The immediate effect of the announcement of this treaty was to bring the world to its senses. Contemporaneously with its publication, our State Department sent a memo- randum both to Pekin and St. Petersburg, asserting in plain terms that the situation in Manchuria was a distinct breach of the stipulations of treaties between China and Foreign Powers, not only damaging the rights of American citizens by exposing them to discriminations, but tending also to cripple the Chinese Empire in the discharge of its international obligations. The terms of this memorandum indicate that it was written with the text of the Anglo- Japanese treaty within easy reach.” Even the Governments of Russia, France, and Germany approved of the treaty, and the Russian official press said that it contained exactly the idea they had long cherished, a statement which may be taken as an index of the sincerity of Russian professions. If Britain and the other Powers named had shown a little more distinctly than they did that they really meant what they said, the war would not have broken out. Russia’s diplomats are too shrewd men of the world to have allowed a conflict not simply with Japan but also with the other most powerful nations. Meantime Japan is fighting not only her own battle for freedom, it might almost be said for exist- ence ; she is also fighting the battle of Europe and America for liberty to develop international trade and intercourse, and to bring about a closer union of East and West. August 1 6 , 1904 . APPENDICES I 1 APPENDIX A Japanese Weights, Measures, and Moneys, with English AND French Equivalents Japan. Great Britain. France. Ri .... 2.4403382 miles. 3.9272727 kilometres. Ri (Marine) . 1. 1 506873 miles. 1.8518182 kilometres. Square Ri . 5.9552506 square miles. 15.423471 1 kilometres caries. Square Chd=io Tan 2.4507204 acres. 99-1735537 ares. ^ i Tiubo .... 3.9538290 square yards. 3.3057851 metres carres. Kokii=.\o 7 u=ioo Sho 39-7033130 gallons. J (Liquid). J^oku=io To=iOO Sho 4.9629141 bushels. J 1.8039068 hectolitres. (Dry). Koku (capacity of vessel). xV of ton. de tonne. Rwan ~ 1000 Momme 8.2673297 lbs. (Avoir.)) 10.0471021 ,, (Troy.) j 3.7500000 kilogrammes. Kin .... 1.3227727 lbs. (Avoir. )\ j 1.6075363 ,, (Troy.) / ! 2. 1 1 64364 drams (Avoir.)) 6.0000000 hectogrammes. Momme .... 3.7500000 grams. j 2.41 13045 dwts. (Troy.)/ Yen =100 Sen — looo ! 2.582 shillings. 2.583 francs. i?m= 10,000 Mo. i 437 APPENDIX B Treaty of Alliance with Great Britain Agreement between Great Britain and Japan^ signed at London^ January 30, 1902. The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, actuated solely by a desire to maintain the status quo and general peace in the Extreme East, being, moreover, specially interested in maintaining the independence and territorial integrity of the Empire of China and the Empire of Korea and in securing equal opportunities in those countries for the commerce and industry of all nations, hereby agree as follows : — Article I The High Contracting Parties having mutually re- cognised the independence of China and of Korea, declare themselves to be entirely uninfluenced by any aggressive tendencies in either country. Having in view, however, their special interests, of which those of Great Britain relate principally to China, while Japan in addition to the interests which she possesses in China is interested in a peculiar degree politically, as well as commercially and industrially, in Korea, the High Contracting Parties recognise that it will be admissible for either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable in order to safeguard those interests if threatened either by the aggressive action of any other Power, or by disturbances arising in China or Korea, and 438 439 Appendix B necessitating the intervention of either of the High Contract- ing Parties for the protection of the lives and property of its subjects. Artilce II If either Great Britain or Japan, in the defence of their respective interests as above described, should become involved in war with another Power, the other High Contracting Party will maintain a strict neutrality, and use its efforts to prevent other Powers from joining in hostilities against its ally. Article III If in the above event any other Power or Powers should join in hostilities against that ally, the other High Contract- ing Party will come to its assistance, and will conduct the war in common, and make peace in mutual agreement with it. Article IV The High Contracting Parties agree that neither of them will, without consulting the other, enter into separate arrangements with another Power to the prejudice of the interests above described. Article V Whenever, in the opinion of either Great Britain or Japan, the above-mentioned interests are in jeopardy, the two Governments will communicate with one another fully and frankly. Article VI The present agreement shall come into effect immedi- ately after the date of its signature, and remain in force for five years from that date. In case neither of the High Contracting Parties should have notified twelve months before the expiration of the said five years the intention of 440 Dai Nippon terminating it, it shall remain binding until the expiration of one year from the day on which either of the High Contracting Parties shall have denounced it. But if, when the date fixed for its expiration arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war, the alliance shall, ipso facto^ continue until peace is concluded. In faith whereof, the Undersigned, duly authorised by their respective Governments, have signed this Agreement, and have affixed hereto their seals. Done in duplicate at London the 30th January 1902. (L. S.) (Signed) Lansdowne, His Britannic Majesty's Princi'pal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. (L. S.) (Signed) Hayashi, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipote7itia7y oj His Majesty the ETnperor of fapan at the Court of St. fa7nes. With this treaty as published (Japan, November 1902) appeared the following explanatory letter from Lord Lansdowne to Sir Claude Macdonald, British Minister in Tokyo : — The Marquis of Lansdowne to Sir C. Macdonald Foreign Office, 30M fanuary 1902. Sir — I have signed to-day with the Japanese Minister an Agreement between Great Britain and Japan, of which a copy is enclosed in this despatch. This Agreement may be regarded as the outcome of the events which have taken place in the Far East, and of the part taken by Great Britain and Japan in dealing with them. Throughout the troubles and complications which arose in China consequent upon the Boxer outbreak and the attack upon the Peking Legations, the two Powers have been in close and uninterrupted communication, and have been actuated by similar views. 441 Appendix B We have each of us desired that the integrity and independence of the Chinese Empire should be preserved, that there should be no disturbance of the territorial status quo either in China or in the adjoining regions, that all nations should, within those regions, as well as within the limits of the Chinese Empire, be afforded equal opportunities for the development of their commerce and industry, and that peace should not only be restored, but should, for the future, be maintained. From the frequent exchanges of views which have taken place between the two Governments, and from the discovery that their Far Eastern policy was identical, it has resulted that each side has expressed the desire that their common policy should find expression in an international contract ot binding validity. We have thought it desirable to record in the Preamble of that instrument the main objects of our common policy in the Far East, to which I have already referred, and in the first Article we join in entirely disclaiming any aggressive tendencies either in China or Korea. We have, however, thought it necessary also to place on record the view enter- tained by both the High Contracting Parties that, should their interests as above described be endangered, it will be admissible for either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable in order to safeguard those interests, and words have been added which will render it clear that such precautionary measures might become necessary and might be legitimately taken, not only in the case of aggressive action or of an actual attack by some other Power, but in the event of disturbances arising of a character to necessitate the intervention of either of the High Contracting Parties for the protection of the lives and property of its subjects. The principal obligations undertaken mutually by the High Contracting Parties are those of maintaining a strict neutrality in the event of either of them becoming involved in war, and of coming to one another’s assistance in the event of either of them being confronted by the opposition 442 Dai Nippon of more than one hostile Power. Under the remaining provisions of the Agreement, the High Contracting Parties undertake that neither of them will, without consultation with the other, enter into separate arrangements with another Power to the prejudice of the interests described in the Agreement, and that whenever those interests are in jeopardy they will communicate with one another fully and frankly. The concluding Article has reference to the duration of the Agreement, which, after five years, is terminable by either of the High Contracting Parties at one year’s notice. His Majesty’s Government have been largely influenced in their decision to enter into this important contract by the conviction that it contains no provisions which can be regarded as an indication of aggressive or self-seeking tendencies in the regions to which it applies. It has been concluded purely as a measure of precaution to be invoked, should occasion arise, in the defence of important British interests. It in no way threatens the present position or the legitimate interests of other Powers. On the contrary, that part of it which renders either of the High Contracting Parties liable to be called upon by the other for assistance can operate only when one of the allies has found himself obliged to go to war in defence of interests which are common to both, when the circumstances in which he has taken this step are such as to establish that the quarrel has not been of his own seeking, and when, being engaged in his own defence, he finds himself threatened, not by a single Power, but by a hostile coalition. His Majesty’s Government trust that the Agreement may be found of mutual advantage to the two countries, that it will make for the preservation of peace, and that, should peace unfortunately be broken, it will have the effect of restricting the area of hostilities. — I am, etc. Lansdowne. APPENDIX C Some of the More Important Recent Books, etc., ON Japan. Japanese Government Reports issued by the various Departments. British and American Consular Reports. Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. Transactions of the Japan Society, London. Murray’s Handbook of Japan, by Chamberlain and Mason. Latest edition. Chamberlain, Professor B. H. — Things Japanese. London, 1902. Yamawaki, H. — Japan in the Beginning of the Twentieth Century. Tokyo, 1903. Stead, Alfred (Editor). — Japan by the Japanese; a Survey by its highest Authorities. London, 1904. This is a valuable collection of papers written by distinguished Japanese statesmen and administrators. It was published after my book was printed. Brinkley, Captain F. — Japan and China, 12 vols. London, 1903. , Article on “ Japan ” in supplementary volumes of Encyclopcedia Britannica. Von Wenckstein. — Bibliography of the Japanese Empire. London, 1895. Oliphant, L. — Narrative of the Earl of Elgin’s Mission to China and Japan. Edinburgh and London, 1859. Alcock, Sir R. — The Capital of the Tycoon. London, 1863. Black, J. R. — Young Japan. Yokohama, 1880. Adams, F. D. — History of Japan. London, 1875. Griffis, W. E. — The Mikado’s Empire. New York, 1876. , Townsend Harris, First American Envoy. London, 1895. Mounsey, a. H. — The Satsuma Rebellion. London, 1879. Murray, D. — The Story of Japan. New edition. London, 1904. 443 444 Nippon Reed, Sir E. J. — Japan : its History, Traditions, and Religions. London, 1880. Dickens and Lane-Poole. — Life of Sir Harry Parkes. London, 1894. Bird, Miss (Mrs. Bishop). — Unbeaten Tracks in Japan. London, 1888. Diosy, a. — T he New Far East. London, 1904. Von Siebold, A. — Japan’s Accession to the Comity of Nations. London, 1901. Knapp, A. M. — Feudal and Modern Japan. London, 1898. Norman, H. — The Real Japan. London and New York, 1892. , Peoples and Politics in the Far East. London and New York, 1896. Stead, A. — Japan, our Ally. London, 1902. CuRZON, G. N. (now Lord). — Problems of the Far East. London, 1896. Davidson, J. W. — The Island of Formosa, Past and Present. Yokohama and London, 1903. Brownell, C. L. — The Heart of Japan. London, 1903. Fraser, Mrs. H. — A Diplomatist’s Wife in Japan. London, 1899. Rittner, G. H. — Impressions of Japan. London, 1904. Morris, J. — Advance, Japan. London, 1895. , Japan and its Trade. London, 1902. Watson, W. P. — Japan, Aspects and Destinies. London, 1904 Davidson, A. M. C. — Present Day Japan. London, 1904. Hartshorne, a. C. — Japan and her People. London, 1904. Del Mar, W. — Around the World through Japan. London, 1903. Ransome, S. — Japan in Transition. London, 1899. Leroy-Beaulieu, P. — The Awakening of the East. London, 1900. Clement, E. W. — Handbook of Modern Japan. Chicago and London, 1904. Scherer, J. A. B. — Japan To-day. London, 1904. Weston, W. — The Japanese Alps. London, 1896. Dickson, W. G. — Gleanings from Japan. Edinburgh, 1889. Dixon, W. G. — The Land of the Morning. Edinburgh, 1882. Peery, R. B. — The Gist of Japan. Edinburgh, 1896. Vladimir. — The China-Japan War. London, 1896. Eastlake and Yamada. — Heroic Japan. Yokohama, 1896. Jane, F. J. — The Imperial Japanese Navy. London, 1904. Nitobe, I. — Bushido, the Soul of Japan. Tokyo, 1901. Hearn, L. — Kokoro and other Works. London, 1896, etc. Lowell, P. — The Soul of the Far East. Boston, 1896. Appendix C 445 Gulick, S. L. — Evolution of the Japanese. New York and London, 1903. Okakura, K. — The Ideals of the East. London, 1903. Griffis, W. E. — The Religions of Japan. London, 1895. Mitford, a. B. — Tales of Old Japan. London, 1876. Hayashi, Viscount. — For his People. London, 1903. Watanna, O. — The Wooing of Wistaria. London, 1902. Aston, W. G. — History of Japanese Literature. London, 1899. Chamberlain, Prof. B. H. — The Classical Poetry of the Japanese. London, 1880. Riordan and Takayanagi. — Sunrise Stories. London, 1896. Lewis, R. E. — The Educational Conquest of the Far East. New York and London, 1903. Miyamori, a. — Life of Yukichi Fukazawa. Tokyo, 1902. Griffis, W. E. — Verbeck of Japan. Edinburgh and London, 1901. Bacon, A. M. — Japanese Girls and Women. Boston and London, 1891. Rein, J. J. — Japan, Travels and Researches. London, 1884. , The Industries of Japan. London, 1889. Anderson, W.— Pictorial Arts of Japan. Boston, 1886. Gonse, L. — L’Art Japonaise. Paris, 1883. Audsley and Bowes. — Ceramic Art of Japan. Liverpool, 1875. Huish, M. B. — Japan and its Art. London, 1889. Hartman, S. — Japanese Art. Boston and London, 1904. Morse, E. S. — Japanese Homes and their Surroundings. New York, 1903. PiGGOTT, F. T. — Music and Musical Instruments in Japan. London, 1903. CoNDER, J. — Landscape Gardening in Japan. Tokyo, 1893. Reference should also be made to the bibliographical notes at the end of each chapter of this book, and also, when possible, to files of the daily newspapers published in English in Japan, especi- ally the Japan Daily Mail and the Japan Times. INDEX Administration, problems of, 280 Administrative bodies, functions of, 284 Agriculture : in Old Japan, 238 ; new conditions, 240 ; improvements in, 241 ; means for encouraging, 245 ; legislation on, 246 Alliance with Great Britain, 76, 329, 438 Army and navy, 109 ; development of, III Art, characteristics of Japanese, 205 Art and music education, 95 Art industries ; art in Old Japan 204 ; Western influences, 206 ; Japanese Art Society, 207 ; criticism of foreign art, 208 : modern conditions, 209 ; Eastern ideals, 210 ; art and economic conditions, 21 1 ; present conditions in Japan, 212 ; comparison with India, 214 ; future of Japanese art industries, 216 Asia, Japan in, 391 Asia, task of, 385 Assembly, deliberative, 53 Associations, technical, 185 Balance of trade against Japan, 227 Banking system, 304 Books on Japan, 443 Brinkley Captain, opinions on : Japanese religion, 38 ; men of the Revolution, 52; Japanese officers, 113 ; Japanese press, 175 ; foreign advisers, 193 ; Japanese art, 213 ; foreign treaties, 316, 330 Britain, Great : alliance with, 329, 438 ; lessons for, 425 Britain of the East, ambition to become, 342 ; geographical advantages of Japan, 334 Budgets, family, 373-75 Budgets, national, in 1893 and 1903, 298, 299 Building industry, 177 ‘‘ Bushido,” 32 Business relations, international, 331 Cabinet, functions of, 283 Capital in Japan, future of, 394 Chemical industries, 176 China : war with, 71 ; results ot war with, 73 ; aggression of Russia and Germany in, 74 ; results of, 75 ; re- sults on Japanese policy, 74 ; Japanese influence in, 349 Chinese opinions and ideals, 349 Code of Education in Japan, 82 College of Engineering (Imperial). See Kobu-Daigakko Colonies, military, 254 Combinations of employers and workers, 191. 393 Commerce : in Old Japan, 219 ; results of new conditions, 220 ; development of foreign trade, 222 ; exports and imports, 222 ; distribution of foreign trade, 224 ; balance of trade against Japan, 227 ; current prices, 228 ; provisions for encouraging commerce, 229 ; commercial and industrial guilds, 231 ; tariffs, 231 ; commercial morality of Japanese merchants, 43, 232 ; position of foreign merchants, 234 Confucian philosophy of life, 384 Consular (foreign) tribunals, 315 Cotton spinning, 171 Debt, national, 303 Deliberative assembly, 53 Development on Western lines, 68 Diplomacy, future of, 429, 432 Distribution of Japan’s foreign trade, 224 Dockyards and shipbuilding yards, 122, Duty to State, 39 447 Dai Nippon 448 East and West, relations of, 46, 401, 429 Eastern people and Western thought, 46 Economic forces in Japan, 342 Education in Great Britain, 426 Education ; in Old Japan, 79 ; foreign schools, beginning of, 81 ; Code of Education, 83 ; primary, 85 ; second- ary, 87 ; university, 88 ; technical, 93 ; art and music, 95 ; special schools, 97 ; private institutions, loi ; moral, 104 ; results of, 106 ; statistics, 98, 99 Educators, some Japanese, 21 Embassy to United States and Europe, I, 26, 55 Emigration to Korea and China, 264 ; to other foreign countries, 265 Emperor : always source of power, 16 ; proclamation of, on accession, 27 ; religion of, 41 ; position in Japanese Constitution, 275 ; proclamation of war with Russia, 408 ; peaceful inten- tions of, 431 Empire, extent of Japanese, 76 Engineering, civil and mechanical, 162 Ethics in Japan, future of, 394 Ethics in the West, future of, 402 Exhibitions, industrial, 189 Exports and imports, 222 Extra- territoriality, discussions on, 316 Factory work of women and children, 378 Farmers and labourers, economic con- ditions of, 373 Feudalism, fall of, 48 Finance : financial position at Restora- tion, 292 ; taxation, old and new, 293 ; problems before new Govern- ment, 294 ; financial administration, 294 ; Land Tax, 296 ; Budgets for 1893 and 1903, 298, 299 ; burden on the people, 301 ; national debt, 303 ; local finances, 304 ; banking system, 305 ; present financial conditions, 307 ; future financial policy, 386 Fish and marine products, 246 Food, importation of, 249 Food supply, 238 Foreign advisers, 193 Foreign capital in Japan, 198 Foreign consular tribunals, 315 Foreign industries, introduction of, 151 Foreign merchants in Japan, 234 Foreign policy of Japan : diplomatic action, 344 ; opinions of statesmen. 345 ; Japan and Korea, 352 ; claims of Japan, 354, 362 ; case for Russia, 357 ; effects of financial policy, 388 ; ultimate solution of problems, 388 Foreigners : early relations with, 19 ; arrival of (modern), 23 ; attitude of Japanese towards, 53 ; intercourse with, 379 ; status of, 195 Forestry, improvements in Japanese, 156 Formosa : expedition to, 64 ; ceded to Japan, 256 ; Japanese population of, 256 ; administration of, 259 ; educa- tion, justice, etc. , 259 ; railways, shipping, etc. , 260 ; products and foreign trade, 262 ; effects of Japanese occupation, 262 Geographical advantages of Japan, 334 Government, central, 53, 281 Government, constitutional : first principle enunciated by Emperor, 269 ; first attempts at, 270 ; evolution of, 271 ; National Assembly, 273 ; Constitution, Marquis Ito on, 274 ; Constitution, difficulties in working, 275; legislation, 278 ; future of, 389 Government factories, 177 Government, local, 289 Guilds, commercial and industrial, 231 Hara-kiri, 39 Hayashi, Viscount : Secretary of Em- bassy, 2 ; Chief Commissioner Engineering College, 3 ; services in China, Japan, and St. Petersburg, 3 ; Japanese Minister in London, 3 ; Treaty of Alliance with Great Britain, 440 Health, national, 378 History, eaidy Japanese, 14 History, methods of, 404 Hokkaido : history of, 253 ; military colonies in, 254; agriculture, etc., 254 ; railways, mining, etc. , 255 ; immigration and population, 255 India and Japan, 214 Industrial competition with foreign nations, 335 Industrial developments : introduction of foreign industries, 151 ; conditions of native industries, 152 ; methods of native industries, 153 ; mining and metallurgy, 157 ; civil and mechanical engineering, 162 ; Imperial Mint, 163 ; shipbuilding and shipping, 164 ; sub- Index 449 sidies for shipbuilding and shipping, 169 ; cotton spinning, 171 ; silk in- dustries, 173 ; printing industry, 174 ; chemical industries, 176 ; building industry, 177 ; Government factories, 177 ; manufacturing establishments, 180 : working hours and wages, 182 ; industrial training, 182 ; technical associations, 184 ; patents, trade marks, etc., 185; industrial legisla- tion, 191 Industrial influence of Japanese, 337, 338 Industrial training, 183 Industries, Japanese, 152 International relations, 31 1 Inventions, Japanese, 187 Ito, Marquis : member of Embassy to Britain, 2 ; founds Engineering College, 2; early history, 25; Japanese Constitution, 274 ; Treaty with China, 73 ; President of Privy Council, 284 ; opinions of, 277, 363, 396 Japan, books on, 443 Japan, necessity for a strong, 33 Japan in war-time, 419 Japan’s success, secret of, 422 Japanese action, justification of, 409 Japanese ambitions regarding commerce and industry, 200 Japanese Empire, extent of, 76 Japanese history, early, 14 Japanese history, making of, 405 Japanese industrial influence : in Far East, 337, 351 ; in the West, 338 Japanese industries, 153 Japanese inventions, 187 Japanese mind, 31, 35, 39 Japanese power in Far East, 125 Japanese soldiers in Boxer troubles, 125 Japanese troops, behaviour of, 417 Japanese weights and measures, 437 Justice, administration of, 286 Kaitakushi, department of, 253 Kobu-Daigakko (Imperial College of Engineering) : institution of, i ; staff of, 3 ; work of, 3 ; courses of study of, 5 ; success of students, 6 ; results of work of, 7, 13, 129, 361 ; history of, 89 Korea : early relations with, 59 ; diffi- culties with, 69 ; China, relations with, 70 : Japan, relations with, 352 (b 207) Labour and social problems, 193, 380 Lansdowne (Lord) on Treaty of Alli- ance, 440 Laws affecting foreigners, 331 Legislation : industrial, 19 1 ; general, 278 ; affecting foreigners, 331 Lessons for Great Britain, 425 Lessons for nations of the world, 429 Life in Old Japan, 365 Life of common people, 371 Life of well-to-do classes, 370 Lighthouses, 144 Liu-Kiu (Loo-Choo) Islands, 64 Local finances, 304 Local government, 288 Manufacturing establishments, 180 Manufacturing industries, future of, 387 Marine engineering, 168 Matheson, H. M., London, i, 25 Mental characteristics of Japanese, 44 Mercantile marine, 140 Merchants, foreign, position of, 234 Mind, the Japanese, 31 Mining and metallurg^q 157, 158 Mint, the Imperial, 163 Modern conditions of life in Japan, 368 Moral education, 104 Morality, commercial, 43, 232 Motives of Japanese, 31 National health, 378 National ideals and economics, 383 Navy : foundation of modern Japanese navy, 115 ; Naval College in Tokyo, 1 17; development of, 118 ; present conditions of, 121 ; naval officers, training of, 123 Nobility, new orders of, 274 Officers, military, training of, 113 Officers, naval, training of, 123 Officials, grades of, 288 Old Japan : education in, 79 ; industry in, 152 ; commerce in, 219 ; agri- culture in, 238 ; life in, 365 Orders in the State, 17 Oriental and Occidental thought, 34, 46 Originality of Japanese, 47 Parkes, Sir Harry S., 27, 319 Parliament, Japanese, 275 Patents and trade marks, 185 Population and food supply, 238 Population, pressure of, 251 Po’-ts and harbours, 144 2 G 450 Dai Nippon Postal services, 148 Press in Japan, 175 Prices current in japan, 228 Primary education, 85 Printing industry, 174 Privy Council, functions of, 284 Progress, lines of, 54 Railways : beginning of railways in Japan, 132 ; history of railway con- struction, 133 ; working and financial returns, 136 ; legislation, 137 Rankine, Professor, Glasgow Univer- sity, I Religion, Japanese, 36, 285 Religion in japan, future of, 396 Representative institutions, agitation for, 67 Revolution, men of, 52 Revolution, problems of, 51 Revolution, spirit of, 49, 396 River improvements, 139 Roads under feudal system, 130 Russia and Japan : early relations, 60 ; Saghalin, cession of, 63 ; results on Japanese affairs, 63 ; Japanese foreign policy, 354, 362 ; case for Russia, 357 ; Russian ideas, 358 ; expansion of Russia, 359 ; negotiations with Russia, 405 ; war with Russia, 407 ; Russian preparations for war, 414 ; Russia’s failure, secret of, 421 Satsuma Rebellion, 65 Schools, private, loi Schools, special, 97 Schools, technical, 93, 183 Secondary education, 87 Shipbuilding, statistics of, 164 Shipping, modern mercantile marine, 140 Shogun (Tycoon) ; legal position of, 15 ; false ideas of, 17 ; treaties with, 23 Shogunate, fall of, 18, 24 Silk industries, 173 Social problems in Britain, ii Social problems in Japan, 12, 380 Social results in Japan, 365 Spirit of the Revolution, 49, 396 State, duty to, 39 Statistics of education, 98 Steel work. Government, 161 Students, Japanese, 47 Students, university, 91, 92 Subsidies for shipping and shipbuilding, 169 Sugar, sakd, tobacco, etc., 243 Tariffs, 231 Tea, 242 Technical associations, 185 Technical education, 93 Telegraphs, 145 Telephones, 147 Textile industries, 174 Thought, constituents of Japanese, 35 Timber, supply of, 155 Tourists in Japan, 379 Trade, foreign, of Japan, 222 Training, industrial, 93, 183 Treaties with Foreign Powers, 23, 312, 313. 328 Treaties (revised). Imperial Rescript on, 328 Treaty of Alliance with Great Britain, 438 Treaty of Shimonoseki, 73 Treaty revision, 318, 320-6 Treaty with Great Britain revised, 327 Universities, Tokyo and Kyoto, 89 Wages of workmen, 183 War, contraband of, 431 War, events of, with Russia, 415 War: with Formosa, 118 ; with China, 119 ; with Russia, 407 War, proclamation of, with Russia, 408 Weights and measures, Japanese, 437 Women and children, factory work of. 378 Women in Japan, 375 Working hours and wages, 182 Workshops, engineering, 162 World politics, 432 Yamao, Viscount ; student in Glasgow, 2 : Vice-Minister of Public Works, 2 ; early history, 25 ; President of Institu- tion of Engineers, 185 “Yellow Peril,” 392, 430 Yezo, see Hokkaido Young men who became leaders, 25 ^ 'M' ^ ^r . -. • •>'