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I 4 ^ 0F P,i'^ ( n> 4' U JUN17 ]944 ^ X^OGIG THE CONCEPT OF THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA BY / v/ RUTH FULTON BENEDICT 1 179_ 62 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 Thus among the Missouri village tribes of the Plains, though we have in some cases totemically named clans, we have never a trace of veneration. The Hidatsa origin story of the Prairie Chicken clan relates how a few young men on a war party stopped over night among some bushes such as prairie chickens frequent. Accordingly, the rest of the people called them Prairie Chickens.181 On the contrary, the fervor of the pursuit of guardian spirits and the veneration accorded the bundle scheme based upon them, are the most striking religious and ritualistic facts of their culture.182 On no one of these counts then can we identify the guardian spirit as “a particular aspect of the collective totem.” Durkheim also makes a claim of priority for totemism over against the guardian-spirit concept. “Individual totemism presupposes the totemism of the clan.” He denies that the “individual totem is really a primitive fact from which the collective totem was derived.”183 In this Dr. Haddon concurs, for the reason that “the conception of an individual spirit helper appears to me to be of higher grade than the ideas gener¬ ally expressed by purely totemic peoples.”184 And Sidney Hartland also, in speaking at any rate of British Columbia, expresses his belief in the modern date of the manitou con¬ ception “as part of the individualism which is tending to obscure the older communistic traditions.”185 Such conclusions are in opposition to a more strict pro¬ cedure for chronological determination. In general the larger the area of distribution, the older we may judge the trait to be. As we have seen, there is no area of North America in which it is not either present in recent practice, or may not be found in the older documents. It is clearly present also in Central America. Over the entire area, moreover, we have traced the 181 Lowie: Mandan and Hidatsa Social Organization, p. 20. 182 Wilson and Pepper: Hidatsa Shrine, p. 305 sq. 183 P. 179. 184 Haddon: Totemism, p. 702. 185 Hartland: Presidential Address, p. 68. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 63 association of the vision with that of the guardian spirit — a fact which makes it exceedingly unlikely that it was due to inde¬ pendent development, and its distribution thus a matter inde¬ pendent of chronology. As a trait of very ancient origin, moreover, the guardian-spirit concept is (1) universally reflected in tribal mythology, (2) knit in the most coherent fashion with diverse cultures from end to end of the continent — and beyond, and (3) “so ramified” over and over again “in cultural wholes as to meet us at every step.” Finally, if our analysis of the “overlays” among the Pawnee, Iroquois, and in the Southwest is correct, we must assume an antiquity in the case of the guardian-spirit concept sufficient to allow for the necessarily immense stretches of time which would be necessary for the growth, for instance, of the entire ceremonial systematization of the Southwest.186 There is no comparable case to be made out for the antiquity of totemism in North America. Even the clan-gens systems of the continent, which have a wider distribution than any sort of totemic phenomena, are very far indeed from any comparable distribution,187 and the evidence shows that this is not due to the loss of a primitive sib organization.188 On the contrary, sib systems have grown up in a number of different and isolated localities,189 with very different associated ideas. The associa¬ tion of totemic ideas with these sib systems is even less widespread,190 and seems in some cases a comparatively late development. Even today we may trace processes that are still acting to bring about the existence of totemic phenomena in previously non-totemic tribes.191 We must assume, I think, that nothing in the totemic situa- 186 For this paragraph, see especially, Sapir: Time Perspective. 187Swanton: Reconstruction, p. 170. 188 Ibid, p. 173. 189Lowie: Primitive Society, p. 122 sq. 190 Ibid, p. 144. 191 Swanton: Reconstruction, pp. 176-7; Goldenweiser, Social Organization, 64 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 tion in North America suggests an antiquity comparable to that which is manifest in the guardian-spirit concept. There is, however, another problem which from the point of view of this analysis is more significant than the sporadic development of totemism from the guardian spirit, or the very improbable development of guardian-spirit concepts from a preceding totemism. If, as we have attempted to show, the complexes formed by the union of guardian-spirit ideas with social organization depend upon specific factors, and vary far too widely to be reduced to a formula, there is left, nevertheless, the problem of the inter-action of their characteristic attitudes, one upon the other, in different parts of the continent. Dr. Goldenweiser in his study of Totemism has already suggested the importance of such reciprocal influences. “The particular religious coloring assumed by totemism in any given cultural area may be due to the presence in that area of beliefs which are in no way totemic in their origin nor in their manifestations, outside the totemic complex.”19- And Dr. Radin in his de¬ scription of Winnebago social organization remarks that “we must expect to find an explanation of the attitude toward them (totems) as clan animals in the attitude the Winnebago exhibits toward the guardian spirit.”193 Religious veneration of the totem, as has been shown by Dr. Goldenweiser,194 is very rare among primitive peoples outside of North America. Such an attitude, then, as that shown by the Osage, a Siouan tribe of the southern Plains, is all the more notable. At the great tribal rite of the chiefs, all gentes have simultaneous ceremonials according to a similar pattern. The words of the Black Bear gens are typical: Verily, at that time and place, it has been said, in this house, The Honga, a people who possess seven fireplaces, Spake to the Wacabeton, (the gens whose symbol is the Black Bear), saying: 192 P. 264. 193 P. 23. 194 Goldenweiser: Totemism, p. 258, sq. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 65 ”0, grandfather, The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies.” The Wacabeton made quick response: “O, little ones, You say the little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies. Let the little ones make of me their bodies.”196 And the chant of the mussel gens continues: “Verily, I am the person that hath made of the mussel his body. When the little ones make of me their bodies, They shall always live to see old age. Behold the wrinkles upon my skin (shell), Which I have made to be the means of reaching old age. When the little ones make of me their bodies, They shall always live to see signs of old age upon their skins. The seven bends of the river (river of life) I always pass successfully, And in my travels the gods themselves Have not the power to see the trail I make. When the little ones make of me their bodies, No one, not even the gods, shall be able to see the trails they make.”196 The religious attitude toward the totem is obvious. But the most interesting fact in this connection is that these chants, the expression of the relationship of the gens and its totem, are strictly analogous to the chants of the chief — might we not call him the high priest? — relating a triple guardian-spirit vigil, where, after fasts of seven days and nights, his tutelaries were revealed to him.197 The parallelism of thought and imagery, the equivalent symbolism, reveal strikingly the influence upon the totemic complex of the sacred character of the guardian spirit and of the nature of its gifts to those within its protection. From this point of view, the totemic area of the Central Algonkian forms a unit with the Omaha and Osage. Every¬ where there is a relatively heightened sense of a spiritual connection with the eponym. How definite this Fox attitude is, is shown in certain remarks of a Fox Indian. “There is no difference between a bear and one who goes by the name of a 195 La Flesche: Osage, p. 105. 196 Ibid, p. 94. 197 Ibid, pp. 84-91. 66 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 bear; both are one and the same. The fox and a member of the Fox clan are one and the same person. The fox is guardian to all those who bear the fox name.”198 Among the Winnebago, as elsewhere, this religious totemic attitude has gathered into itself the widespread medicine-bundle concept. The specific possessions of the clans are certain war bundles, one in each clan. The Winnebago winter feasts are ceremonies built up around these clan bundles, which “as their individual history shows, are merely gifts from one spirit. The winter feast is then a society of all those who have obtained blessings, (for example) from the thunder bird.”199 If, as Dr. Radin suggests, these clan feasts are really religious societies in which the influence of the sib idea has restricted participation to the membership of the clan — though with possible exceptions in the case of an outsider with a specific vision bundle from that spirit — the transference of attitude toward the guardian spirit to that toward the totem is absolutely direct. It is even a clearer example of the evolution suggested by Miss Fletcher for the Omaha. It is when we generalize this interpenetration in this central area of North America, that we falsify conditions elsewhere. We have noted the lack of any transference of attitude between the two in the case of the Mandan. Among the Wyandotte200 the religious feeling is strong for the tutelary, but rudimentary for the totemic animal. The situation is equally striking among the Lillooet of British Columbia. The Iroquois also must have presented the same picture in the time of the Jesuit Fathers. We have for that time no evidence of a religious attitude toward the totem, while, as we have seen, we have record of their guardian-spirit practices. In the Northwest, totemic phenomena are at every step intelligible only in connection with the guardian-spirit beliefs, 198 Jones: Notes on the Fox Indians, p. 216. 199 Radin: Winnebago Social Organization, p. 40. 200 Barbeau: MSS, Wyandotte. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 67 and the situation is too complicated to admit of dogmatic assertions. Still, it seems fair to point out that in the constant interaction between the two, it is the guardian spirit as an item of social organization that has triumphed over the guardian spirit as a religious experience. We have only to contrast the Kwakiutl requirements for obtaining a guardian, with the simple vision-experience of the Omaha, or the Winnebago. Or the assignment of a tutelary among the Kwakiutl or the Tshimshian to an infant, that it may be from birth a member of an upper, that is, initiated class.201 The influence of the guardian spirit upon totemism, as involving heightened religious coloring, is seen primarily in the origin myths, and in the attitude toward the spirit giving the crest. Totemism in North America, therefore, according to various patterns and in differing degrees, tends to take its coloring from the guardian-spirit concept, and the high-water marks of a religious attitude towards the totem, which beyond doubt are found on this continent, are intelligible from this fact. In spite of this, totemic societies are also found quite uninfluenced by this guardian-spirit cycle, however strongly it might be developed even in that particular totemic tribe. We are dealing, then, with a situation essentially similar to that of puberty rites, or the secret societies, which, in North America, did with great frequency stand in some sort of relation to the guardian-spirit cycle, but which might be, and often were, organized on entirely other bases. 5. Shamanism. Shamanism, unlike puberty ceremonials, totemism, or secret1 societies, is practically everywhere in some fashion or in somejaspect built around the vision-guardian- spirit complex, but|the two are associated according to very different patterns. A. According to thef democratic practices typical of the Plains, all men must seek the guardian spirit by way of the vision, and there is properly no shamanistic class. All men have 201 Boas: Fifth Report on Northwest Tribes, p. 854. 68 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 personal relations with the supernatural; those who become especially noteworthy in their success in healing, procuring desired weather conditions, or insuring a successful chase or war party, do, however, come to be singled out as medicine men. It is a demarcation only between those with more or less super¬ natural power, and no stronger than between those possessed of more or less bravery or wealth. B. All men may seek guardian spirits, and a certain class of tutelaries may entail the adoption of the shamanistic pro¬ fession. This is the practice of the Thompson, and of the Plateau in general. In a different setting, it plays a part on the Northwest coast. C. All men may seek the guardian spirit, and it may be regarded as the essential part of the shaman’s equip¬ ment. Nevertheless, the demarcation between shamans and non-shamans is drawn on lines aside from guardian-spirit considerations — usually payment, or apprenticeship to an experienced shaman whose place the candidate may occupy at his death. Or it may be that the shamanistic profession will descend only by heredity. D. Guardian spirits may be the prerogative strictly of the shaman, who alone seeks the vision. This is characteristic of California, and of the Penobscot, and the Eskimo. E. It may be not the guardian spirit but the vision that is the prerogative of the shaman. Guardian spirits meanwhile may be considered as belonging to every man in consequence of initiation into the clan.202 There is, then, no fixity in the tribal conventions by which shamans are related to their guardian-spirit vigils. The con¬ nections are in every case matters of social patterning. As we have already noted (pp. 32-40) , there are also noteworthy exceptions in North America to this interrelation of shamanism with tribal guardian-spirit practices; both among the Iroquois and in the Southwest it is built up, for the most part, upon 202 Speck: Yuchi. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 69 other considerations. It would seem that this divorce had taken place sporadically also, as among the Southern Wintun, the Patwin, of California. Among these people shamanism is an hereditary privilege of a paternal family, as salmon fishing, basket making, and ceremonial fire-tending are hereditary privileges of other families. An amulet or medicine was inherited by every member of the family who practised his rightful prerogative, but no vision experiences or special tutelary concepts are recorded.203 The similarity of the native attitude to that on Vancouver Island, for instance, in its stress on prerogative and inheritance, makes it all the more striking that where so small a shift could obliterate the vision and the guardian spirit from the tribal pattern, the sporadic case of the Patwin stands practically alone. Up to this point I have used the word shaman as a con¬ venient designation for all religious practitioners. This usage, however, is by no means an accurate reflection of native thought. In the majority of North American tribes there is no blanket term for any such group. Differentiation exists practically everywhere except in one area, which, from our present knowledge, seems to be continuous, centering in the Plateau and running north through the Dene and the Eskimo; in the east covering a strip of the Western Plains; and in the southwest a strip of central California. Everywhere else, native custom classifies, but the demarcations are various. For ease of discussion we may group the native distinctions into those classes (1) where members of one class may be also members of the other, and (2) where they are mutually exclusive, perhaps mutually opposed. (1) In by far the most extended center of this first, not mutually exclusive, type, the different classes of medicine men are so little related that it is almost impossible even to contrast them one with another. The Central Algonkian have the strongly developed organized rite of the Midewiwin, “which 203 McKern: Functional Families of the Patwin, p. 246 sq. 70 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 has developed from the cohesion of different cultural elements. Yet outside of, and disassociated from, this organization, two professional classes of shamans — Wabano and Djesakid — occur in practically all the tribes of this group.’’204 The initiation in all three is on the basis of guardian spirit revelation, except that purchase is today standardized for the Midewiwin205 There is no feeling of differentiation between those practising good and evil magic; the myths describe the activities of all classes with equal approbation;206 in fact all three are set over against the evil witches’ society.207 It would be easiest to understand these widespread disassociated and yet parallel coexisting types of medicine men as separate cults of quite similar pattern; yet there is no organization except for the Midi and these seem once to have been individual practitioners.208 The shamanistic classes may be representative of different strands introduced by diffusion — for example, the Wabano specialize in fire tricks which are identical with those of the Dakota Heyoka.209 Or they may have had their origin in the vision of individuals in this area and thus naturally conform closely to a similar pattern. There is no restriction as to a medicine man of one type joining also the ranks of the other. This non-exclusive type of shamanistic categories we find again on the southern Pacific Coast. The Wasco, a Chinook tribe on the southern shore of the Columbia, and the Maidu to the south, may be taken as examples. The distinctions they drew, however, were not the same; the Maidu set over against the curing doctor the dreamer who was also able to communi¬ cate with ghosts, but all healers also spoke with spirits, though not vice versa.210 The Wasco had shooting doctors and cura- 204 Speck: Penobscot Shamanism, p. 275. 205 Radin: Winnebago Medicine Dance, p. 183. 206 Jones: Ojibwa Texts, p. 315. 207 Hoffman: Menomini, p. 182 sq. 208 Radin: Winnebago Medicine Dance, p. 180. 209 Skinner: Menomini, p. 191. 210 Dixon: Northern Maidu, p. 271. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 71 tive ones, the shooting ones being the higher.211 Wherever we have direct statement in this area, the power of the medicine man in every category came from guardian spirits in a vision. (2) Usually, however, the two or more categories of shamans were looked upon as mutually exclusive. This was probably the rule along the Atlantic seaboard. Heckewelder distinguishes among the Delaware the Medeu, the physician, from the Powwow, or juggler, the shaman proper, much higher in rank, gifted with divination.212 Among the Lenape, medicine men were organized in two societies, holders of good medicine and of bad.213 Among the Cherokee, tradition preserves the story of a hereditary caste of priests which was murdered by the tribe leaving the field exclusively to the individual shamanistic practitioners.214 Among the Penobscot we meet again the distinction between dreamers and magicians. The dreamers were a much humbler sort to whom the future was foretold in dreams; balls of fire sometimes issued from their lips during revelation.215 They never caused harm, as the shamans proper were only too likely to do. The Hupa distinguished a dancing doctor who diagnosed the disease, and a sucking doctor, who was able to cure. At initiation the sucking doctor got the “pain” — the usual crystal object of northern California — and the dancing doctor, the vision. Both again were set over against the witches.216 Among the Takelma, the relation between the two classes was one of recognized hostility, the beneficent shaman being often hired to counteract the work of the malig¬ nant. They appealed to entirely different spirits as super¬ natural helpers and made use of different medicine songs.217 It was possible, when it was suspected that one of these danger- 211 Sapir: Takelma Indians, p. 45. 212 Heckewelder: Indians of Pennsylvania, p. 228, sq. 213 Harrington: Preliminary Study of Lenape, p. 217. 214 Mooney: Cherokee Myths, pp. 392-393. 216 Speck: Penobscot Shamanism, p. 288. 216 Goddard: Hupa, p. 65. 217 Sapir: Takelma, p. 45. 72 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 ous shamans had over-indulged his power to “eat up people/’ for the good shaman to drive out his guardian spirits visibly from his bound body. As many as twenty such tutelaries were known to have been driven out of one such goyo.218 But the helper of either type was obtained in the same way, by vision. But it is among the Pawnee that the theoretical distinction between their holy men becomes of greatest importance. The whole sanction and authority for the Skidi federation rests on the bundle scheme presided over by the priests; the shamans are a thing apart.219 Shamans received their power from the animal lodges, priests from the gods of the heavens;220 shamans have to do with healing, priests with war and the procuring of food; shamans specialize in sleight of hand, priests are occupied in following the nearly unbroken ritual throughout the year. In theory, no shaman enters the rites of the priestly cycle, and vice versa. The vision, however, is an essential for both orders and the myths stress it equally in the stories of priests and of shamans. For both orders the predisposition is stressed along with emphasis on the extraordinary experience: “Crow Feather was very peculiar. He never took part in ceremonials; he never consecrated buffalo to propitiate the gods. Every night he went out in the hills, gazed at the sky, wondering at the powers there.” He was blest with a vision.221 “As the child grew he developed many mysterious ways and acted pecu¬ liarly.”222 Over and over again this peculiarity is stressed in all visions. In certain myths the two groups are put specifically on a par as far as supernatural experience goes; one, for instance, tells the story of one who was eventually struck by lightning and heard its language. “He had been wandering over the 218 Sapir: Takelma Texts, p. 183. 219 Wissler: Pawnee Religion, MSS. 220 Dorsey: Traditions of Skidi Pawnee, xix. 221 Murie: Pawnee Societies, p. 609. 222 Dorsey: Pawnee, p. 241. See also pp. 62, 261, 346; Skidi Pawnee, p. 44, 199. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 73 land, and the gods in the heavens had refused to listen to him; the animal gods had also refused to hear him crying.”223 Various attempts have been made to represent in some way these enormously common classifications of the tribal medicine men. It has been proposed that the word “shaman” be limited to denote those psychically sensitive individuals who derive their religious prestige from supernatural experience, and be set over against that of “priest,” the keeper of the rites and traditions and sacred things of the tribe. “The priest then must master with infinite detail the arbitrary forms of rituals. In last analysis, the priest must be a man of intellect; the shaman may be a veritable idiot.”224 However closely this follows the distinction in the Maya and Aztec centers of the south, for North America it seems to be significant in very few settings. It is not easily applicable even in the extreme case of the Pawnee, for the supernormal experience was stressed with apparently equal emphasis for both groups. For the Central Algonkian it is more applicable since the Midi did develop complex ritual and did continually substitute purchase for the vision, as a requirement for admis¬ sion. But, as a category of clairvoyants and of priests, I doubt whether it would be recognized by an Ojibwa or a Menomini. The classes are too far disassociated — unorganized cults with different practices and tricks — but essentially moulded by the same tribal pattern. The Cherokee myth, if it is indeed history, suits well with the priest-shaman distinction, as does all we know of the Natchez Suns and medicine men,225 though whether the demarcation represented a distinction between supernatural experience and guardianship of sacred lore, we shall never know.226 On the Atlantic seaboard we should judge that tribal tradition was in the keeping of the civil chief; of the classes of the medicine 223 Dorsey: Skidi Pawnee, p. 95. 224 Wissler: American Indian, p. 191. 225 Swanton: Tribes of the Lower Mississippi, pp. 80 and 174. 226 But see ibid, p. 178. 74 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 men, the Powow had much the higher prestige, the Medeu being a sort of religious herbalist.227 On the Northwest coast, nothing in all the varied native classifications suggests align¬ ment as priests and shamans. Essentially priestly functions were however exercised in the Northwest quite outside the ranks of religious practitioners. The chief has certain functions of conducting the ritual and making the spirits “come through” the candidates, which are very similar to the priestly character.228 Among the Thompson River Indians, the chief leads in all religious affairs, and is more of a high priest than a civil officer.229 Indeed, it is quite usual to find priestly functions exercised by tribal chiefs in many cases as among the Osage,230 Cheyenne,231 Iroquois,232 and the Natchez,233 and at least for the North American Indians, it is arbitrary to assign such functions to a subdivision of the category of medicine men. Just as priestly functions are at times exercised by religious practitioners, and at times by those outside their ranks, so it is equally significant that at the other extreme of shamanistic practices witchcraft is sometimes within, and sometimes with¬ out, this complex. The Central Algonkian, the Takelma, the Penobscot, and others (see above pp. 44-45) regard witchcraft as one of the gifts of tutelaries, and the powers are acquired in the same fashion as more legitimate guardians. On the contrary, witches on the Northwest Coast are entirely outside the religious realm. For the Tsimshian, as for the Kwakiutl, witchcraft and shamanism were entirely distinct.234 Witches achieved their purposes by burning pieces of the enemy’s clothing with a 227 Heckewelder: Indians of Pennsylvania, p. 228, sq. 228 Swan ton: Haida, p. 38. 229 Swanton: Article, Shamanism, in Handbook. 230 La Flesche: Osage, pp. 70, 71, 84, ff. 231 Grinnell: Cheyenne Mysteries, p. 544. 232 Hale: Book of Rites, p. 59, sq. 233 Swanton: Lower Mississippi Tribes, p. 175. 234 Boas: Tsimshian, p. 563. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 75 corpse, or by a more complicated ceremony, operating however with the same paraphernalia.233 For the Dene, “ordinary mortals” practised witchcraft.236 Among the Haida, “anyone might become a wizard, if he possessed himself of the proper formulae.”237 Much less obvious distinctions were also made on the Pacific Coast, between the functions of those having supernatural experiences and those not having them. Thus among the Nootka, those having fasted and obtained guardians “caught souls,” that is, they knew when souls were absent, and could go after them and restore them to the body, and so prevent death; but the doctors proper, the “workers” who cured all diseases due to all other causes than the wandering of the soul, required no supernatural experiences. The soul-catchers were the higher in prestige.238 Among the Songish, of southern Van¬ couver Island, the duties of both these classes were combined in the squna/am, the higher class of shamans, who became such by intercourse with supernatural beings; but a second class, the si'oua, were taught by other sl'oua, upon payment of heavy fees for instruction. Her functions — for this person was gen¬ erally a woman — were the appeasing of hostile powers. She addressed them in a sacred language summoning good luck. She had, too, along with the squna/am, certain powers over diseases not due to absence of the soul from the body.239 The native categories into which medicine men are divided in North America are hardly, then, represented in any signif¬ icant way by a priest-shaman distinction. Priesthood, on the one hand, and witchcraft on the other, exist sometimes with, and sometimes without, the accompanying requirement of supernatural experience. On the other hand, the distinction between the functions of those having visions, and those not 233 Boas: Tenth Report on Northwest Tribes, p. 581. 236 Morice, Dene, p. 208. 237 Swanton: The Haida, p. 41. 238 Boas: Sixth Report on Northwest Tribes, p. 596. 239 Ibid, p. 580 sq. 76 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 having them may be that between doctors and appeasers of evil spirits; between soul-catchers and curers. The whole situation is entirely without rule; the categories which occur in any case are due again to specific factors, and have no universal or functional significance. They may be reflections sometimes of the differentiated activities of the shamans — as of good and evil, prophesying and curing; still more often, perhaps, the outstanding fact is that a practice of definite geographical dis¬ tribution has been drawn in different parts of this area into different antitheses. So the dreamers who are familiar to us in Iroquois practice, among the Penobscot are contrasted with the magicians; and the fire-handlers of the Plains become among the Algonkian a shamanistic group set over against the Midi and the Djesakid. 6. Economic Life. Just as the guardian spirit enters in certain localities into the closest relationship with totemism, secret societies, or puberty rites, so in equivalent fashion, it enters the economic life of a people. There are of course areas where the one is entirely divorced from the other. This is especially true, for instance, of Central California, where the characteristic involuntary visions of the shamans were for healing, or the knowledge of procedure in mourning, and the like; and had the slightest possible relation to wealth, directly, or indirectly. This is true in general wherever guardian spirits were prerogatives of the medicine men, as for example among the Penobscot. Among the Haida, wealth itself might be a guardian spirit in the character of Property Woman and her child240 and there, as also generally upon the Plateau and the Plains, one sought a tutelary for success in obtaining the things of this world. The vision, that is, was an instrumentality turned chiefly toward the social life, one aspect of which is always economic. ‘‘Through visions one might rise from abject poverty to social prestige.”241 It depended on the idea of success current in the 240 Swanton: Haida, p. 29. 241 Lowie: Crow Religion, p. 323. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 77 tribe, what aspect was emphasized. Among the Central Algon- kian, the stress on economic success was more than equalled by that on long life and divination and success in passing the dangers of the world to come.242 But here, too, among the neighboring Winnebago the counsels of the elders emphasize the presence of the economic motive. “Fast for your position in life.” “You have it in your power to see to it that you will never be hungry,” that is, by obtaining a vision.243 Such counsels are unthinkable on Puget Sound. Here, there was apparently no connection with wealth, or with any kind of prestige. A powerful man might have a tutelary, but he might not. And one who was not a shaman, and had a guardian spirit, was regarded as “just harmless.”244 It is, however, through purchase that the guardian spirit enters the economic life directly, and becomes a corner stone of it. This has happened among the Blackfoot. Visions are salable. Each man must go out once in his life to seek a vision on his own account. In order to obtain a recognized position in the tribe, however, he must also buy ' other men’s visions. These he will recount in the first person, exactly as he tells those which have appeared to him personally. Such transfer is known as “purchasing the medicine bundle,” but what he really buys is the vision, and its song and special powers; the bundle he often makes up anew according to specifications.245 This exchange of commodities as represented by visions has become the basis of the tribal economic system. Young men were urged to purchase medicine bundles as those with us are urged to open a savings bank account. They were good investments. Dandies purchased them to display their wealth.246 The Blackfoot held tribal gatherings where they recited the bundles they had owned, and the property they 242 Jones: Ojibwa Texts, pp. 537, 577. 243 Radin: Autobiography of a Winnebago, p. 454. 244 Haeberlin : MSS. Puget Sound. 245 Wissler: Blackfoot Bundles, p. 288. 246 Ibid, p. 288. 78 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 had paid for them. Those who had a long list were cheered, while those having a short one were ridiculed.247 Other things besides visions were swept into this general procedure. Shirts of the ordinary Plains pattern ; privileges of performing certain portions of ceremonial, such as the torture, for instance — the Sun dance itself — were all treated in the same manner.248 Nowhere probably are guardian spirits as basic in the economic system as among the Blackfoot, but they may be purchased in the same way among the Crow,249 Arapaho,250 Hidatsa,251 Winnebago,252 Ojibwa,253 and Sarsi.254 Among the Copper Eskimo, control over any familiar may be obtained by purchase, but all that the owner can impart is his good will and the knowledge of how to approach and summon the particular spirit that has been bought. The aspirant must go out to some lonely place and summon the spirit, which may or may not appear.255 In such a case, the distinction between buying the guardian spirit and paying for instruction is impossible to determine; it may be that it is specifically the shamanistic instruction which is obtained by the required payment. So the Kwakiutl could buy the practice of shamanism at the throwing dance, and the purchaser and his instructor would then retire to the woods for four days.256 And among the Ojibwa if a man did not have a dream to that effect, he paid preliminary fees to an individual shaman, and additional amounts for every degree he under¬ took.257 247 Ibid, p. 276. 243 Ibid, p. 107, sq. 249 Lowie: Crow Religion, p. 323. 250 Kroeber: Arapaho, p. 450. 251 Lowie: Hidatsa Sun Dance, p. 416. 252 Radin: Autobiography of a Winnebago Indian, p. 459. 253 Skinner: Midewiwin of Ojibwa, p. 163. 254 Goddard: Sarsi Texts, p. 233. 255 Jenness: Copper Eskimo, p. 191. 256 Boas: Fifth Report on Northwest Tribes, p. 570. 257 Hoffman: Midewiwin of Ojibwa, p. 163. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 79 7. Miscellaneous Culture Traits. Whatever it is we fix our attention upon, the type of culture-trait association into which it enters with the guardian-spirit concept is equivalent. It is as true of an object of material culture as of puberty rites. There has been reported over a very large part of North America, from Alaska to Alabama, and from New Mexico to the Great Lakes, a most curious taboo, for the principal actor of a ceremony, against scratching the head or body with the hand. To this end there is provided a head-scratcher of bone or wood. The emotional stability of this trifle is very striking; its instability of objective association, equally so. Among the Creek of the Southeast, in 1800, the head-scratcher was obliga¬ tory during the guardian-spirit puberty fast. “During this period he must not pick his ears nor scratch his head with his fingers, but use a small stick.”258 Here then it is paraphernalia of the vision quest. Among the Thompson River Indians of British Columbia, likewise, boys wore a small bone during the puberty isolation for the same purpose,259 but here girls wore it also during their seclusion, which, as we saw, had usually no guardian-spirit objective.260 From British Columbia to New Mexico it is over and over reported as having entered exclusively into the girls’ puberty rites.261 Among the Pima, of the extreme Southwest, there exists a very elaborate ceremonial purification of the warrior who has slain an enemy, culminating in a tribal war dance. During the twenty days of this ceremony, the man who is purified must wear his hair knotted in a peculiar fashion, through which his scratching stick is thrust.262 But in Alaska, the scratching 258 Hawkins: Creek Confederacy, p. 78. 259 Teit: Thompson River Indians, p. 318. 260 Ibid, p. 312. 261 Teit: Shuswap, p. 588; Haeberlin: MSS, Puget Sound; Sapir: Nootka Girls’ Ceremonial, p. 78; Goddard: Hupa, p. 53; Dixon: Maidu, p. 233; Sparkman: Luiseno, p. 266; Goddard: (Apache) Handbook, p. 172. 262 Lloyd: Pima Myths, p. 90, sq. 80 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 stick is worn around the shaman’s neck as part of his dis¬ tinguishing costume.263 And among the Ojibwa it entered into still another complex, and the scratching stick was required on a novice’s first three war expeditions.264 Such an example from the realm of material culture reduces to its most obvious form this desultory association of culture traits. Perhaps it is equally obvious in the distribution of certain wide-spread folkloristic concepts, as, for instance, the loss of the soul before death. In native thought this entails illness and finally death, all of which it is the duty of the shaman to counteract. This concept is prominent among the Chuck¬ chee of northeastern Asia.265 It explains all illness among the Eskimo of Smith Sound;266 it occurs among the Haida, down the length of the Pacific Coast,267 and as far inland as the Thompson River.268 In Laguna, in the Southwest, it was the heart that was similarly lost and restored.269 In the region of Puget Sound, the idea was elaborated until it became one of the most prominent features of their cultural life. Only here it was not the soul that was lost, but the guardian spirit. That is, here this widespread mythological concept of the lost soul has been reinterpreted according to orthodox guardian-spirit formalae. There are among these Salish two types of guardian spirits: one shamanistic, of which all refer to the power of healing; one profane, in the sense that they are for individual profit in gambling, hunting and fishing, etc. It is this profane tutelary that is lost, and the shamans who seek it must have one particular subdivision of shamanistic spirits which gives them this prerogative. The ceremony which is dramatized out of the notion of the journey 263 Swanton: Tlingit, p. 464. 264 Tanner: Narrative, p. 122. 265 Bogoras: Traditions of Northeast Asia, p. 589. 266 Rasmussen: Life with the Eskimo, p. 110. 267 Goddard: Hupa Texts, p. 248; Boas: Kwakiutl, p. 561; Boas: Tsimshian, p. 558 sq.; Hooper: Cahuilla, p. 340. 268 Teit: Thompson River, p. 363 and 342. 269 Parsons: Laguna, p. 118, sq. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 81 of the shamans to the land of the dead in search of the tutelary is the most prominent in the whole cultural area. It requires the cooperation of eight shamans, and, since so many are never blessed with this type of guardian in any one tribe, the ceremony becomes thus a great intertribal affair. If on their return the shamans sing the guardian-spirit song of anyone at all, it is a sign that his tutelary, unknown to him, has been gone, and is now brought back by the returning shamans. He is of course grateful and willing to pay heavily for their services in restoring his guardian.270 Again, it is worth while to note the kinds of relationship which the mythological background in general sets up with the guardian-spirit concept. The Thompson River Indians are well at the one extreme. Great as is the part which guardian- spirit practices play in the life of the tribe, there is an almost entire absence of guardian-spirit incident or motivation in their myths and traditions.271 Moreover, not one item of the mytho¬ logical setting has influenced the guardian-spirit practices in any observable way: neither the notions of cosmology, nor the transformer cycle, nor the traditional tales. The Crow have a great bulk of guardian-spirit adventure in their myths, but of a reciprocal influence, there is almost as little as among the Thompson.272 The Plains as a whole have incorporated hardly one mythological notion in all their guard¬ ian-spirit practices. The Northwest Coast, on the other hand, could not conceive their guardian-spirit complex without the background of mythology; it is from these that the great number of the guardian spirits are derived, with all their gifts and personalities and life histories. In turn, the greater part of their mythology is made up of stories of the guardian-spirit type. That is, on the Northwest Coast, these two culture traits, kept so conspicuously separate in another region, 270 Haeberlin: Sbetetdaq, p. 249, sq. 271 Teit: Thompson River Myths. 272 Lowie: Crow Myths. 82 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 have cross-fertilized one another, and become unintelligible the one without the other.273 Perhaps this trait is most conspicuous, however, among the Eskimo whose customs in regard to the guardian spirit and its relation to the Sedna myth we have already described. Mythol¬ ogy, then, may or may not play an important part in the guard¬ ian-spirit cycle of ideas. This same fluid recombination of cultural elements is equally apparent when we trace the association of the guardian-spirit concept with the taboo against the killing or eating of the animal. Food taboo, in some connection or other, is universal in North America, as it is among all primitive peoples. In some tribes, its motivation was taken over emphatically by guardian-spirit attitudes, but there is no constant relation between the two. There are two antithetical attitudes in various parts of North America regarding the killing of the guardian-spirit animal: (1) Under no circumstances may the animal which represents the tutelary be killed or eaten; (2) the guardian spirit may be the animal its owner kills most readily, and may specifically grant him power to kill that species. The first attitude is sporadic in a number of parts of North America. The Assiniboine of the Plains will not kill or eat his guardian spirit.274 And the neighboring Hidatsa observe the same taboo, while observing none with reference to their clan organization.275 The Arapaho have a similar prohibition.276 The Blackfoot beaver-bundle owner may not kill or eat beaver or any of the birds in his bundle.277 Again, on the Pacific Coast, the Maidu regard the tutelary as prohibited food,278 but the widest area where this usage pre- 273 Boas: Indianishe Sagen. 274 Lowie: Assiniboine, p. 47. 275 Lowie: Hidatsa Sun Dance, p. 419. 276 Kroeber: Arapaho, p. 432. 277 Wissler: Blackfoot Bundles, p. 173. 278 Dixon, Maidu, p. 276. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 83 vails is that of the Dene, 2/9 where “under no circumstances would anything induce him willfully to kill or at least to eat the flesh” of his personal tutelary. The Copper Eskimo observe a similar prohibition.280 Much more widespread is an absence of such motivation of food taboos. The Montagnais obtains a vision of his guardian spirit which anticipates its capture.281 The Mistassini, to the west, depend upon their beaver tutelaries to direct them to the capture of one of their most important sources of food supply — namely, beaver.282 The Eskimo of Alaska have no taboo on eating the flesh of their tutelaries.283 The Thompson River and Lillooet have again the feeling that the guardian spirit is the animal he kills most readily.284 On Puget Sound one had a better chance of killing deer if one had a deer as guardian.283 The Winnebago hunt and eat at any time of the year the animal that they regard as their personal manitou.286 In all these areas, however, where the taboo on killing or eating, and the guardian-spirit motivation, have not become as¬ sociated, this taboo has made other cultural connections. For the Blackfoot the mere taboo on eating is overwhelmed in a heterogeneous assortment of prohibitions: the owner must not blow the fire; fat or tallow must not be broken in the tipi; he must never sit on bare ground; no one must walk between him and the fire; he must not go barefooted in the tipi.287 Among the Thompson, food taboos center chiefly around pregnancy;288 among the Eskimo, around the hunting of animals.289 The 279 Morice: Dene, p. 205; Petitot: Monographic, p. 36. 280 Jenness: Copper Eskimo, p. 192. 281 Speck: Game Totems, p. 17. 282 Ibid, p. 16. 283 Dali: Alaska, p. 145. 284 Hill-Tout: Salish Tribes, p. 230. 285 Haeberlin: MSS. Puget Sound. 286 Radin: Clan Organization of the Winnebago, p. 12. 287 Wissler: Blackfoot Bundles, pp. 164 and Ui 3. 288 Teit: Thompson River, p. 303. 289 Boas: Eskimo of Baffin Land, p. 120 sq. 84 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 Menomini have a varied assortment. To discuss taboo, then, as standing in a general functional relation to the tutelary is outside the question. It is another of the cultural traits which have made desultory connections with the idea of guardian spirits. Conclusion There is then no observed correlation between the vision- guardian-spirit concept, and the other traits with which it is associated, as it were organically, over the continent, and we have found no coalescence which we may regard as being other than fortuitous — an historical happening of definite time and place.290 The miscellaneous traits that enter in different centers into its make-up are none of them either the inevitable fore¬ runner, the inevitable corollary, or the inevitable accompani¬ ment of the concept, but have each an individual existence and a wider distribution outside this complex. In one region it has associated itself with puberty ceremonials, in another with totemism, in a third with secret societies, in a fourth with inherited rank, in a fifth with black magic. Among the Black- foot, it is their economic system into which the medicine bundles have so insinuated themselves that the whole manner of it is unintelligible without taking into account the monetary value of the vision. Among the Kwakiut.1, their social life and organi¬ zation, their caste system, their concept of wealth, would be equally impossible of comprehension without a knowledge of those groups of individuals sharing the same guardian spirit by supernatural revelation. It is in every case a matter of the social patterning — of that which cultural recognition has singled out and standardized. It is, so far as we can see, an ultimate fact of human nature that man builds up his culture out of disparate elements, 290 See Wissler: American Anthropologist, 1912, p. 22, and Anthropology in North America, p. 117. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 85 combining and recombining them; and until we have abandoned the superstition that the result is an organism functionally interrelated, we shall be unable to see our cultural life objec¬ tively, or to control its manifestations. BIBLIOGRAPHY de Angulo, Jaime. MSS. Pit River Indians. (University of California.) Barbeau, C. M. MSS. The Wyandotte. (Geological Survey of Canada.) Benedict, Laura W. A Study of Bagobo Ceremonial, Magic and Myth. (Annals of the New York Academy of Science, vol. xxv, pp. 1-308, May, 1916.) Benedict, Ruth F. The Vision in Plains Culture. (American Anthro¬ pologist, New Series, vol. 24, 1922, pp. 1-23.) Boas, Franz. The Central Eskimo. 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Myths and Traditions of the Crow Indians. (Ibid, vol. xxv, pt. i, pp. 1-308, 1918.) 90 A MERIC A N A NTHROPOLOGICA L A SSOCIA TION [memoirs, 29 Notes on the Social Organization and Customs of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Indians. (Ibid, vol. xxi, pt. I, pp. 1-99, 1917.) The Religion of the Crow Indians. (Ibid, vol. xxv, pt. n, 1922.) Societies of the Crow, Hidatsa, and Mandan Indians. (Ibid, vol. xi, pt. hi, pp. 143-358, 1913.) Sun Dance of the Crow Indians. (Ibid, vol. xvi, pt. I, pp. 1-50, 1915.) The Tobacco Society of the Crow Indians. (Ibid, vol. xxi, pt. n, pp. 101-200, 1920.) Primitive Society. New York, 1920. Lloyd, J. Mythology of the Pima. Awawtam, Indian Nights. West- field, N. J., 1911. Lummis, Chas. F. Pueblo Indian Folk-stories. New York, 1910. Maximilian, Prinz zu Wied. Reise in das innere Nord-America in den Jahren 1832 bis 1834. Coblenz, 1841. McDougall, William. An Introduction to Social Psychology. Boston, 1913. McKern, W. C. Functional Families of the Patwin. (University of Cal. Publ. Am. Arch. Eth., vol. 13, no. 7, 1922.) Michelson, Truman. The Owl Sacred Pack of the Fox Indians. (Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology, no. 72, Washing¬ ton, 1921.) Mooney, James. The Ghost Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890. (Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1892-93, Washington, 1896, pp. 641-1110.) Myths of the Cherokee. (Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1897-98, Washington, 1900, pp. 3-548.) Morgan, Lewis H. League of Ho-de-no-sau-nee or Iroquois. 2 vols. New York, 1901. Morice, A. G. The Canadian Dene. (Annual Archaeological Report, 1905 (Toronto, 1905), pp. 187-219.) Murie, James. Pawnee Societies. (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. xi, pt. vn, pp. 543-644, 1914.) Parker, K. L. The Euahlayi Tribe. London, 1905. Parsons, Elsie Clews. Notes on Ceremonialism at Laguna. (Anthro¬ pological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. xix, pt. iv, 1920.) Notes on Zuni, pt. ii. (Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, vol. iv, number 4, pp. 227-327.) In: Dumarest, Notes on Cochiti, New Mexico. Pepper, George H. and Wilson, Gilbert L. An Hidatsa Shrine and the Beliefs Respecting It. (Memoirs of the American Anthropologi¬ cal Association, vol. ii, part 4, pp. 275-328.) Petitot, Le R. P. E. Monographic des Dene-Dindjie. Paris, 1876. Radin, Paul. Autobiography of a Winnebago Indian. (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 16, no. 7, pp. 381-473.) benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 91 Religion of the Indians of North America, in Anthropology in North America, pp. 259-305, New York, 1915. An Introductive Enquiry in the Study of Ojibwa Religion. (Reprinted from the Papers and Records of the Ontario Historical Society, vol. xii, Hamilton, Ontario, 1914.) The Ritual and Significance of the Winnebago Medicine Dance. (Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. xxiv, 1911, pp. 149-208.) The Social Organization of the Winnebago Indians, an Interpretation. (Museum Bulletin No. 10, Canada Department of Mines, Geological Survey, 1915.) Rasmussen, Knud. The People of the Polar North, A Record. Lon¬ don, 1908. Russell, Frank. The Pima Indians. (Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1904-05, Washington, 1908, pp. 3-390.) Sapir, Edward. A Girl’s Puberty Ceremonial among the Nootka In¬ dians. (Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 3rd series, 1913, pp. 67-80.) Time Perspective in Aboriginal American Culture, a Study in Method. (Memoir 90, Canada Department of Mines, Geological Survey, 1916.) Religious Ideas of the Takelma Indians. (Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. 20, 1907, pp. 33-49.) Takelma Texts. (University of Pennsylvania, The Museum Anthro¬ pological Publications, vol. n, no. 1, 1909.) Vancouver Island Indians. (In Hastings’s Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics.) Wishram Texts. (Publications of the American Ethnological Society. Leiden, 1909, vol. ii.) Yana Texts. (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. ix, no. 1, 1910.) Schurtz, H. Altersklassen und Mannerbiinde. Berlin, 1902. Skeat, W. W. Malay Magic. London, 1900. Skinner, A. Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini Indians. (Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. xiii, 1913, pp. 1-165.) Menomini Associations and Ceremonies. (Ibid, pp. 171-215.) Sparkman, Philip Stedman. Culture of the Luiseno Indians. (Uni¬ versity of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 8, no. 4, pp. 187-234.) Speck, F. G. Game Totems of the Northeastern Algonkians. (American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. xix, 1917, pp. 9-18.) Ethnology of the Yuchi. (University of Pennsylvania, Anthropologi¬ cal Publications of the University Museum, vol. i, 1909, pp. 1-154.) The Family Hunting Band as the Basis of Algonkian Social Organiza¬ tion. (American Anthropologist, 1915, n. s., vol. 17, pp. 289-305.) 92 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 29 Medical Practices of the North-eastern Algonkians. (Proceedings of the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists. December, 1915.) Penobscot Shamanism. (Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, vol. 6, pp. 237-288.) Spieth, Jacob. Die Ewe-Stamme. Berlin, 1906. Spinden, H. J. The Nez Perce Indians. (Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, vol. n, 1908, pp. 165-274.) Stevenson, Matilda Coxe. The Sia. (Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1889-90, Washington, pp. 3-157.) Swanton, J. R. Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida. (Pub¬ lications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. v, pt. i, Leiden, 1905-09.) Social Condition, Beliefs, and Linguistic Relationship of the Tlingit Indians. (Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1904-5, Washington, 1908, pp. 391-485.) Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley. (Bulletins of the Bureau of American Ethnology, vol. 43, Washington, 1911.) A Reconstruction of the Theory of Social Organization. (Boas Anniversary Volume, pp. 166-178, New York, 1906.) Tanner, John. Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner during Thirty Years Residence among the Indians in the Interior of North America, New York, 1830. Talbot, P. A. In the Shadow of the Bush. London, 1912. Teit, James. The Lillooet Indians. (Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. ii, pp. 193-300, Leiden, 1906.) The Shuswap. (Ibid, vol. n, pp. 443-789, Leiden, 1909.) The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. (Ibid, vol. i, pp. 163- 392, Leiden, 1900.) Mythology of the Thompson Indians. (Ibid, vol. vm, pp. 218 et sq., Leiden, 1912.) Traditions of the Thompson River Indians of British Columbia. (Memoirs of the American Folk-Lore Society, vol. vi, 1898.) Thomas, N. W. Animal: Nagual. In Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by J. Hastings. Turner, George. Samoa. London, 1884. Tylor, E. B. Primitive Culture. 2 vols. London, 1920. Walker, J. R. Sun Dance and other Ceremonies of the Oglala Division of the Teton Dakota. (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. xvi, pt. n, pp. 51-221, 1917.) Waterman, T. T. The Religious Practices of the Diegueno Indians. (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 8, pt. 6, pp. 271-358, 1910.) Webster, Hutton. Primitive Secret Societies: A Study in Early Politics and Religion. New York, 1908. benedict] THE GUARDIAN SPIRIT IN NORTH AMERICA 93 Wilson, Gilbert L. See Pepper and Wilson. Wissler, Clark. MSS on Pawnee, (American Museum of Natural History.) Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot Indians. (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. vii, pt. ii, pp. 65-289, 1912.) Societies and Ceremonial Associations of the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota. (Ibid, vol. xi, pt. i, pp. 1-99, 1912.) Sun Dance of the Blackfoot Indians. (Ibid, vol. II, pt. i, pp. 1-164, 1908.) The American Indian. New York, 1917. Wundt, Wilhelm. Volkerpsychologie: vol. iv, My thus und Religion, pt. I. Leipzig, 1914. INDEX Age limitation in vision pursuit, 49 Animals as guardian spirits, 48 Bagobo, guardian spirits among, 21 Bush soul, of Cameroons, 23 California; guardian spirits among the Shasta, 14; dreams and visions, 26; vision sought for every cure, 28; genii loci as guardian spirits, Maidu and Shasta, 47; Yana, 47; puberty rites and vision pursuit contrasted, 50; crowd situation in guardian-spirit experience, Wintun and Wailaki, 52; inheritance in guardian spirits, Maidu, 57; catego¬ ries of shamans, Maidu, 70; Hupa, 71 Central Algonkian, fasting in vision pursuit, 27; vision sought for every warpath, 28; vision inducement, Winnebago, 30, 42; multiple guard¬ ian spirits, 31; demons as guardian spirits, 44; genii loci as guardian spirits, 46; animals as guardian spirits, 48; inheritance in guardian spirits, 55; types of spirits as tutelaries, 58; religious attitude toward totem, 65; categories of shamans, 69 Central America, guardian spirits in, 35 Chukchee, tutelaries among, 20 Clan organization and the guardian spirits, 56 Crawley, on origin of religion, 5 Crowd situaiion in guardian-spirit experience, 51 Dead, the, as guardian spirits, 47 Delaware, authority of visions among, 23; categories of shamans, 71 Demons as guardian spirits, 44 Dene, no evidence of totemism, 61; witchcraft and shamanism, 75; food taboo, 83 Disguise, guardian spirit as a magic, 17 Diversity of role in guardian-spirit complex, 9, 19 Dreams and the vision experience, 26 Durkheim, on origin of religion, 5; on importance of crowd situation in religion, 51; on evolution of guardian-spirit concepts from totemism, 61, 62 Economic life and guardian-spirit phenomena, 76 Eskimo, Central, guardian spirits among the, 18; importance of mytho¬ logical background, 82; food taboo, Cooper Eskimo, 83; lack of food taboo in guardian-spirit practice, Alaska, 83 Euahlayi, guardian spirits among the, 20 Ewe, guardian spirits among the, 22 Failure in vision pursuit, 25 \ 94 benedict] INDEX 95 Fletcher, on development of totemism from guardian-spirit phenomena, 57 Folkloristic background, in guardian-spirit experience, Kwakiutl, 13; Central Eskimo, 18; general, 81 Food taboo and guardian-spirit practices, 82 Formalized visions, Shasta, 14; Penobscot, 17; Pawnee, 30; Dakota, 30; Tlingit, etc., 41 Frazer on origin of religion, 5 Genii loci, 46 Goldenweiser on totemism, 64 Guardian spirits without vision experiences outside North America, 20; atypical fo ms in North America, Pawnee, 30; Mohave, 32; Iroquois 32; Southwest, 35; Patwin, 69 Guardian spirits, kinds of beings serving as, in North America, 43 Hartland, on recent origin of guardian-spirit concepts, 62 Haddon, on time relation of totemism and guardian-spirit concepts, 62 Headscratcher, ceremonial, 79 Individualization of spiritual beings, Kwakiutl, 13 Inheritance in guardian spirits, 55 Iroquois, guardian spirits among, 32; Wyandotte, guardian spirits and to¬ tems contrasted, 58; lack of veneration toward totem, 66 Isolation as vision requirement, 41 Koryak, involuntary v'sions among the, 27 Lang on origin of religion, 5 Loss of soul before death, 80 Malay, guardian spirits among the, 22 Marett on mana, 5 McDougall on origin of religion, 5 Means of inducing visions, 26, 42 Methodological limitations in use of authorities, 8 Mohave, character of vision experience among, 32 Mota, guardian spirits on, 21 Mythology and guardian-spirit concepts, 81 Name, taken from guardian-spirit experience, 13 Northeastern Algonkians; guardian spirits among the Penobscot, 17; vision for every hunt, 28; demons as guardian spirits, 45; totemic aspects, 59; categories of shamans, 71 Northwest Coast; guardian spirits among the Kwakiutl, 12; failure in vi¬ sion quest, Bellacoola, 25; involuntary visions, Bellacoola, 27; cere¬ monial cleanness, Haida, 29; vision inducement, Tsimshian, 29; Kwakiutl, 42; Wishram, 43; formalized visions, Tlingit, 41; gods as 96 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs 29 guardian spirits, 44; the dead as guardian spirits, 48; puberty and the vision, 51; influence of rank in guardian-spirit phenomena, 55; divergence between guardian spirits and totems, 58; relation of totems and guardian spirits, Kwakiutl, 60; religious coloring in totemism, 67; witchcraft and shamanism, 74; categories of shamans, 75; wealth as guardian spirits, 76; importance of mythology in guardian-spirit con¬ cepts, 81 Origins in religion, various attempts to isolate, 5 Plains; guardian spirits among the Crow, 15; “adoption” by spirits, Crow, 16; authority of visions, 23; pattern of Blackfoot visions, 24; torture in vision pursuit, 27; vision pursuit outside of guardian spirit com¬ plex, 29; lack of age-limitation in vision pursuit, 50; neglect of crowd-situation in vision pursuit, 53; group ceremonial founded on, 54 inheritance in guardian spirits, Arikara and Hidatsa, 56; lack of veneration, Hidatsa, 62; religious attitude toward the totem, Osage, 64; categories of shamans, Pawnee, 72; wealth attained through visions, 76, among Bla kfoot, 77; lack of my hological background in guardian-spirit concepts, 81 ; food taboo in guardian-spirit practice, 82 Plateau; guardian spirits among the Thompson, 10; failure in quest, Nez Perce, 25; authority of visions, Kootenay, 24; the dead as guardian spirits, 48; professional groupings and guardian spirits, 53; development of recent totemism, 59; priestly functions assumed by chief, Thompson, 74; lack of mythological background in guardian- spirit concepts, 81; absence of food taboo in guardian-spirit practice, 83 Police functions assumed by guardian-spirit complex, Penobscot, 18 Predisposition in guardian-spirit experience, 14 Puberty ceremonial in guardian-spirit customs, 49 Puget Sound, involuntary visions, 27; lack of age-limitation in vision pursuit, 51; wealth not a function of guardian-spirit experience, 77; loss of soul before death, relation to guardian-spirit concepts, 80 Radin, on relation of guardian spirits and genii loci, 46; and totems, 64; on Winnebago winter-feasts, 66 Reality of Indian visions, 23 Sale of visions, 77 Samoa, guardian spirits in, 21. Schurtz, on puberty concepts in Northwest Coast ceremonial, 51 Secret societies, relation of, to origin of totemism, 59 Shamanism, patterns by which associated with guardian-spirit phenom¬ ena, 67 Shamans, categories of, 69; shamans and priests, 73; shamans and witches, 74 benedict] INDEX 97 Social organization, relations of guardian-spirit concepts to, 53-57; guardian spirit in Kwakiutl social organization, 12, 55 Southeast, guardian spirit in, 16; relation of guardian spirit and totem, Yuchi, 60 Southwest, 35; beliefs in regard to dreams, Zuni, 36; Sia, 37; ceremonial cleanness, 37; sought visions, Pima, 38; Laguna, 39; Cochiti, 39; scalpdance among Pima, 79 Takelma, demons as guardians, 44; puberty rites and visions, 50; cate¬ gories of shamans, 71 Thrill, the religious, as distinguishing mark of Indian visions, 24 Time perspective, in relation to guardian-spirit distribution, 62 Torture in vision pursuit, 27 Totemism, influence in guardian-spirit practice, Chickasaw, 16; Yuchi, 17; development of, from guardian-spirit concepts, 57; development of guardian-spirit concepts from, 61; case for antiquity of, in North America, 63; relation of, to guardian spirits, 67; on Northwest Coast, 66 Totems and guardian spirits not chosen from same categories, 58; venera¬ tion of, due to influence of guardian spirits, Osage, 64; Fox, 65; Winnebago, 66 Tshi-speaking peoples, guardian spirit among, 23 Tylor, on animism, 5 Unity, historical, of guardian-spirit concept, 9 Van Gennep, on social puberty, 49 Visions in guardian-spirit experience, 20 Visions sought for other purposes than securing a guardian spirit, 28 Watchanti, guardian spirits among, 21 Webster, Hutton, on puberty concepts in guardian-spirit phenomena, 49 Wiranjuri, guardian spirits among the, 21 Wissler, on priest-shaman categories, 73; on culture-trait association, 84 Wundt, on evolution of idea of god, 43 MEMOIRS OP THE American Anthropological Association CONTINUED VOLUME III Part 1. — The Idea of Fertilization in the Culture of the Pueblo Indians. 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