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We have on hand a large asortment of all the New Books, Magazines, Cheap Publications, Maps and Travellers’ Guides of all descriptions, which we will sell at the lowest prices. . All orders from Country Agents, Booksellers, Pedlars and Canvassers, are respectfully solieited, and all r) orders attended to by return of mail, stage, steam-boat or express, at publisher’s lowest cash prices. ( ADDRESS, T. B. PETERSOJT, JTo. 98 Chesnut St., Phila. ( Gv . . /ZOA i 'i ANCIENT EGYPT. Twelfth Edition, Revised and Corrected, with •>' Appendix. T. B. PETERSON, Publisher. No. 98 CHESNUT STREET, ONE DOOR ABOVE THIRD, PHILADELPHIA. siekeotvY imim January, 1 8 48. feme ss esws. ANCIENT EGYPT A SERIES OF CHAPTERS ON EARLY EGYPTIAN HISTORY; ARCHAEOLOGY, AND OTHER SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH HIEROGLYPHICAL LITERATURE. vX BY GEORGE R. GLIDDON, MEMBER CP THE “ EGYPTIAN SOCIETY ” OP CAIRO CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE “ UNITED STATES’ NAVAL LYCEUM,” BROOKLYN, NEW YORK CORRESPONDENT OF THE “ ACADEMY OF NATURAL SCIENCES,” PHILADELPHIA CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE “ NATIONAL INSTITUTION,” WASHINGTON MEMBER OF THE “ ORIENTAL SOCIETY,” BOSTON, AND FORMERLY UNITED STATES CONSUL FOR CAIRO, IN EGYPT. ' (ini si fa quel che si sa ; E si sa quel che si fa.” V *1 nnnn/v 11 0 nil | ^ in * i i in YEAR 1843 MONTH 3 — DAY 15. TO RICHARD K. HAIGHT, Esq.: NEW YORK. In dedicating to you, my dear Sir, the first Chapters on Hierology, that have ever issued from an American Press, I acquit myself of a gratifying duty toward a gentleman who, by the deep interest he takes in Egyptian subjects, has been induced to render manifold and indispensable assistance to the Author. When we parted at Cairo, in the spring of 1836, we little ex- pected that circumstances would allow me the pleasure of sojourning in your vicinity ; still less did we contemplate, that I should turn my almost exclusive attention to Nilotic paleography. Some of the causes are hereinafter explained; with the others you are acquainted. At the time of your travels in the East, our “ Egyptian Society " had just been founded at Cairo ; and the encouragement afforded by Mr. Randolph and yourself, to our then embryo institution, is there on record. Since that period, our Society has become in Egypt, the central point of researches into all that concerns its most interesting regions ; but, it was not till 1839, that the larger works of the new Archaeological School were in our library ; or that it was in my power to become one of Ciiampollion’s disciples. In fact, it was not till about 1839, that the brilliant results of the recent, and still progressing discoveries were accessible in Egypt ; while, at the present day, the knowledge of these results is confined to a compa- ratively limited circle in Europe. A mass of erudite works, put forth by eminent Savans, chiefly at the expense of enlightened gov- ernments, have teemed of late years from the European press, and the most important of .these (Rosellini and others) now embellish your Library. '-Sfa It is to the effective r, and fostering counsel of our mutual friend, Richard RandI! _,*Esq., of Philadelphia, and y the public in this country are indebted, for whatever o: *bue and novel interest may be found in this unpretending essay ; and, through these marks of consideration is the Author enabled, to present to the American people, some of the more salient points of recent Hiero- glyphical discoveries, in a form corresponding to his free-trade principles. Our united object is to popularize information, that may tend to a better appreciation of these abstruse subjects, than has hitherto been deemed feasible ; as well as to induce abler hands to supply defi- ciencies. These Chapters will, it is believed, serve the Theologian, Ethno- logist, Historian, and general reader, as a Key to the successful la- bors of the Champollionists ; while their publication and general diffusion, through the elaborate machinery of the “New World” press, will enable the lecturer to spare his future audiences the oral infliction of much preliminary, though indispensable matter, by re- moving the prevalent doubts — “if Hieroglyphics be translated.” The instruclion and kind assistance I have received from the learned ethnographer, Samuel George Morton, Esq., M. D., of Philadelphia, and from the profound philologist, the Hon J >hn Pickering, of Boston, have been severally acknowledged. To Pro- fessor Charles Anthon, of Columbia College, I am under great obligations, for much classical information, and for free access to his valuable Library. As the matter, spread over the following pages, was originally prepared for delivery in oral Lectures, it has required some labor to change it into its present form ; and for suggestions on this point, as well as for many literary essentials, I owe my best thanks to my friend, E. S. Gould, Esq., of this city. In their pristine shape of Lectures, they were, during December and January last, listened to with much indulgence, by an intel- lectual and cultivated audience, in Boston, and spoken of with favor by the Press of that city. For the advantages accruing from this successful “ ddbtit,” I shall ever preserve a grateful remembrance toward Joseph W. Ingraham, Esq., the well informed Topographer of Palestine ; whose disin. terested cooperation was of material assistance to me. With renewed protestations of sincere attachment, I remain, dear Sir, Your obliged and obedient Servant, GEORGE R. GLIDDON. “Globe Hotel,” (New York,) March 15, 1843. NOTE TO THE PRESENT EDITION. Augusta, Georgia, 17 lh December, 1847 The seven “ Chapters,” herein contained, originally formed part of a series of thirteen oral Lectures on “ Early Egyptian History,” &c., delivered by the Author at Boston, from December 1849, to February 1843. They were subsequently presented to the American Public, through the medium of the “ New World” press in New York, and have since passed through many editions of several thousand each. The objects of the Author, in the publication of the Pamphlet, being set forth In the dedicatory preface, it seems merely necessary to observe, that he has no pecuniary interest in its past or future circulation. Mr. T. B. PETERSON, having become proprietor of the Stereotype Plates by purchase from the “New World,” publish the present edition, wherein many typographical corrections have been inade ; while pages 45 and 46 have been recast, in order to embody the matured results of Dr. S. G. Morton’s “ Crania /EVyptrca,” Published at Philadelphia in March, 1844. Grit. G. 3 ANCIENT EGYPT. A SERIES OF CHAPTERS ON EARLY EGYPTIAN HISTORY, &.C. &.C. &c. , CHAPTER FIRST. INTRODUCTORY. *' Amicus Socrates, Amicus Plato, sed magis Arnica Veritas.” The great Expedition, that, in 1798, left the shores of France for Egypt, seemed, under the guidance of the mighty genius of Napoleon, destined to create an Oriental Empire, wherein the children of the Frank and Gaul would have sustained a supremacy over the North- western provinces of Asia and Africa, equal to that which has been established in the Eastern Hemisphere, by the Anglo-Saxon race. This enterprise was, however, fated to encounter obstacles, that, in 1800-1, turned the energies of Buonaparte into an European channel. How comprehensive, nay unbounded, were the projects of the Commander-in-chief for Asiatic and African conquest, is now a mat- ter of History ; although, after the lapse of forty years, it can scarcely yet be said, that we are acquainted with the limit of his matured schemes in regard to Oriental subjugation, nor have we completely sounded the depths of his penetration into Eastern political futurities. By the hand of inscrutable Providence, the sword of another Euro- pean nation was thrown into the opposite scale ; and the French Expedition to Egypt lives but in the memories of its few surviving actors — its military objects unaccomplished — its territorial aggrand- izements unattained — though the moral effect, consequent on these events, and now implanted in the mintE/ 5 Eastern Nations, can never be obliterated. .. In the*^' : of his cabinet, as in the turmoil of political conflict, Napoleon never forgot the cause of Science, or the patronage and ad- vancement of Literature and the Arts; and, amid the roar of his artillery, or the martial music of his camps, his mandate prompted, and his eye controlled the savans of France, while his finger directed their laborious efforts to the scrutiny of Egypt and her Monuments. The grave has closed over the Conqueror — the events of his period are gradual' y receding from the memory of man, to survive on the page of the chronicler ; but an impetus was given to Egyptian re- search by Napoleon — an impress was stamped by him on Hiero- giyphical studies, for which time will award him commensurate honor. We are now only beginning to derive a portion of the advantages accruing, from these events, to our inquiries into Early History. Ages yet slumbering in the womb of time, and generations yet un- born will perhaps enjoy the full effulgence of that light, of which, in our day, but the first gleams have reached the world. The circumambient darkness, that for two thousand years not only batlied every inquiry into primeval history, but rendered Egypt, her time-worn edifices, her ancient inhabitants, their religion, arts, sci- ences, institutions, learning, language, history, conquests and domin- ion, almost incomprehensible mysteries, has now been broken; and the translation of the sacred Legends, sculptured on monumental ves- tiges of Pharaonic glory, enables us now to define and to explain, with tolerable accuracy, these once-recondite annals, that were to the Romans “ a stumbling-block, and unto the Greeks foolishness.” It is the object of the present essay to give a summary of the re- sults of Ilieroglyphical researches, after a brief explanation of the process by which these results have been achieved. Prior to the year 1800, the published notices of the few travellers, who had ventured to approach the ancient ruins of Egypt, were so confused in description, so ambiguous in detail, so erroneous in at- tempts at explaining their origin and design, that the fact, that these monuments merited more than ordinary investigation, was the only point on which European savans were able to coincide. Paul Lucas, Shaw, Volney, Savary, Norden, Sonnini, Pococke, Clarke, Maillet, Bruce and others, whose names are precious to the i»vers of adven- ture, of research and general science, had explored afl much as their respective circumstances permitted; and great are the merits of their works : but the accumulation of knowledge, gained in the lapse of half a century, has so thoroughly revolutionized opinion, that it is scarcely possible to refer to the majority of these authors without a smile. That victim of ignorance and slander, the enthusiastic Bruce, is perhaps the most prominent exception to the above rule ; although only now receiving the mournful tribute of respect and gratitude, with which a later generation hallows his memory, while it repro- bates his detractors. The works of travellers, before the year 1800, had done little be- yond establishing the existence of immense vestiges of antiquity in that country, without affording much else of value in regard to them. Egypt, under the turbulent government of the Memlooks, was unsafe to strangers ; while Muslim arrogance and intolerancy, with the then-unsubdued pride of Turkish fanaticism, presented barriers to European explorers, which it required unusual skill and intrepidity to encounter. Egypt was then “ a sealed book,” whose pages could not be opened, until Napoleon’s thunderbolts had riven the clasps asunder ; and until the chivalrous cavalry' of the “ Ghuz ”* had been scattered, like chaff before the wind, by the concentrated vollevs of a French hollow square — their hitherto victorious sabres shivering on contact with the European bayonet. While however, in spite of these manifold obstacles, the travelling enthusiast, or the scientific explorer, collected in the talley of the Nile the information, which afforded to the scholar in Europe some crude and uncertain materials wherewith to prosecute his researches; the occasional transmission to European cabinets of some relics of Egyptian civilization, furnished evidences of the immense progress, which, at an ancient, but then undefined, period, had been made in all arts and sciences by the Egyptians. With the aid of such cor- roborations of the misshapen mass of classical knowledge, expended, from the days of Homer, in an attempted explanation of Egyptian Archteology, the attention of the most learned of all nations was di- rected to the Antiquities of Egypt; and, although in Europe these particular inquiries recommenced probably about three hundred years ago ; yet the 18th century was fruitful, beyond all preceding periods, in ponderous tomes, purporting more or less to cast some light on the important, but conflicting traefitions of that country. The Greek, the Hebrew, the Roman, the Armenian, the Indian, and the Coptic authorities were consulted. Passages, in themselves irreconcileable, were with more ingenuity than success collated, ana- lyzed, and mutually adjusted : but rather to the personal satisfaction of the compiler, than to the correct elucidation of any one given idea on Ancient Egypt, transmitted to us by these classical writers. Still, the spirit of inquiry was awakened ; the lamp of investigation was partially lighted ; the learned world became gradually more and more familiarized with the subject; and, at the present hour, if we laugh at the conclusions at which some of these students arrived, we must still render to them full credit for the profundity of their futile investigations, and admire the patient perseverance and resolution wfith which they grappled with mysteries, the solution whereof was to them as hopeless in expectation, as abortive in success. Vain would it be, without ransacking the libraries of every civi- lized country, and selecting from their dusty shelves the vast accu- mulation of works, published by the learned and the unlearned during the last three centuries, to attempt a detailed specification of the ex- traordinary aberrations of human intellect ; those manifold and incomprehensible misconceptions on Ancient Egypt ; that, at the present hour, excite our surprise and our regret. The mere mechan- ical labor of such an undertaking would be more tedious than any literary enterprise we can w-ell conceive ; while its result would be unprofitable, beyond the moral it would teach. In the present Chap- ters, a very few of such sapient illusions are enumerated ; affording, however, but a faint idea of their huge amount: and it may be laid down as a rule, without exception prior to the year 1790, that no ori- ginal light is to be obtained from European authors of the last gener- ation, whose works are merely repetitions of the few truths and the many fallacies transmitted to us by Greco-Roman antiquity. The following paragraphs will give a general view of the case. In the year 1636, a learned Jesuit, the celebrated Father Kircher.t published a mighty work, in six ponderous folios, entitled “ (Edipus zEgyptiacus,” wherein imagination took the place of common sense, and fantastic conjecture was substituted for fact. Kircher explained every Egyptian Hieroglyphic by the application of a sublimity of mysticism, from which to the ridiculous the transition is immediate. Dark and impenetrable as had been the “ Isiac Veil,” before Kir- cher directed his gigantic efforts to its removal, we do him but justice in declaring, that he succeeded in enveloping Egyptian studies with an increased density of gloom, it has taken nearly two hundred years to dissipate 1 Kircher had his disciples, his followers and his ad- mirers — he founded a school of mysticism, in which the students out- vied their master in love of the incomprehensible; and, abandoning the simplest elements of reason and sound criticism, they all pre- tended to discover, or to have the hope of finding, in the Papyri, Obelisks, Idols, Mummy Gases, Weapons, household utensils, &c. of the Ancient Egyptians, all the recondite combinations of cabalistic science, and the monstrous reveries “of a demonomania the most refined.” As an instance : The Pamphilian Obelisk, reerected, in 1651, in the Piazza Navona at Rome by Pope Innocent the 10th, was brought to Europe by the Roman Emperors. It contains, among other subjects, the following oval. f Phonetic Hiero- glyphics.) U T o K (Latin pro- R A T O R nunciation.) EMPEROR. (English meaning.) This Cartouche, according to Kircher’s interpretation expressed emblematically, “ the author of fecundity and of all vegetation, is Osiris, of which the generative faculty is drawn from heaven into * Arabice— Memlooks. t See Champ. Precis, and Spineto’s Lectures. ANCIENT EGYPT. 3 his kingdom, by the Saint Moptha.” And who is this Saint Mop- tka? An Egyptian genius invented by Kircher himself! The same obelisk contains the following oval also — viz. -REDUCTION- vM % K A iSaRoS ToM I T 1 AN 0 S SeBa S ToS CAESAR DOMITIAN AUGUSTUS. Kircher translates it— “ The beneficent Being, who presides over generation, who enjoys heavenly dominion, and fourfold power, com- mits the atmosphere, by means of Moptha, the beneficent (principle of?) atmospheric humidity unto Ammon, most powerful over the lower parts (of the world,) who, by means of an image and appro- priate ceremonies, is drawn to the exercising of his power. (•) The Pamphilian obelisk contains in its legends “ Son of the Sun, Lord of the Diadems (i. e. Ruler of Rulers) Autocrator Caesar Domi- tian Augustus”— besides the usual titles found on Egyptian Obelisks. These monuments are granite monoliths, cut by order of the kings of Egypt ; and were placed, always in pairs, before the entrances of temples or palaces, to record that such kings had built, increased in extent, repaired, or otherwise embellished these edifices. This was, however, cut at Syene, in Roman times, in honor of Domitian. According even to a more recent authority, quoted in the Precis, of the year 1821 (!) “ Genoa- Arch ipiscopal press,” this identical obelisk “ preserves the record of the triumph over the Impious, ob- tained by the adorers of the most Holy Trinity, and of the Eternal Word, under the government of the 6th and 7th kings of Egypt, in the 6th century after the deluge.” This obelisk was cut in Egypt about eighty years after Christ. By the above interpretation , the doctrines of Christianity must have existed some 25U0 years before its founder. And one of the pious adorers and good Christians, who must thus have ruled in Egypt, was, in later times, (about 970 B. C.) Shishak — or Sheshonk, who, according to hieroglyphical legends at Karnac, conquered the “ king- dom of Judah;” and, according to 2nd Chron. XII, 1st to 10th ver- ses, and 1st Kings, XIV. 25th, deposed Rehoboam, plundered Jerusa- lem, desecrated the Temple, and removed the golden bucklers from the sanctuary with the treasures of the house of David ! Again, in 1812, the learned mystagogue, Chevalier de Palin, boldly undertook the deciphering of all Egyptian hieroglyphics, and asserts to the effect, that we have only to translate the Psalms of Da- vid into Chinese, and transpose them into the ancient characters of that language, to reproduce the Egyptian papyri ! that Hebrew translations of some Egyptian records are to be found in the Bible (!) and, while the portico of the temple of Dendera contains, among various subjects, dedications of the Roman Emperors, T. iberius, Cali- gula, Claudius and Nero (dating between the years 14 and 60 after Christ,) another theorist, Count Caylus, combining what he terms the “ Symbols of Nations” in Africa, Asia, Europe, and America, ap- plied his results to this unfortunate temple ; asserting, that the hiero- glyphics thereon contain merely a “ translation of the 100th Psalm of David, composed to invite the people to enter into the temple of God.” Others have maintained, that the hieroglyphic legends, sculptured and painted on every temple of Egypt, in all the tombs of her people, and on almost every article that now embellishes the museums of Europe, are nothing more or less than Hebrew — that the pyramids were built by Moses and Aaron ;* while another scholar, the Abbd Tandeau, in 1762, maintained, that hieroglyphics were mere arbi- trary signs, only employed to serve as ornaments to the edifices on which they are engraved, and that they were never invented to pic- ture ideas. Yet these illusions were not unproductive of some advantages. Some faint glimmers were thrown on certain points of history ; and Kircher’s voluminous collection of passages regarding Egypt from Greek and Roman authors, w r ith the attention excited, through his researches into the Coptic tongue (of which language numbers of manuscripts have since been drawn from obscurity,) has led to most important results. The vast erudition of Jablonsky came in aid of the same object; and his “Pantheon ASgyptiorum” has spared many of his successors a great deal of trouble. It may, however, be maintained, that the first real step made into hieroglyphical arcana, is to be dated from 1797, when the learned Dane, George Zoega, published at Rome his folio, “ De Origine et Usu Obeliscorum,” explanatory of the Egyptian obelisks. It was the first time, that learning and practical common sense had been utiited in Egyptian researches ; and likewise the first time, that an attempt had been made to give facsimile copies of hieroglyphica texts. George Zoega was the first who suggested, that the elliptica ovals (now termed “Cartouches,”) containing groups of then-un known characters, were probably proper names; although he wa. not aware, that (with the exception of a few instances, wherein they contain the names of Deities) they exclusively inclose the titles Ol names of Pharaohs. A similar idea was maintained, I believe, b) the Abbe Barthelemy ; but a quarter of a century elapsed, before this fundamental principle of hieroglyphic writing was determined To George Zoega also belongs the merit of employing the terra phonetic (from the Greek tfroerr meaning “expressive of sound;”) and the conjecture, tW>9ome of the figures of animals, &c., found in the legends of Egypsf piust represent sounds, and we»ipossibly letters. By such, and similar extremely partial results, so wearied had the learned become with speculations devoid of probability, and theoret- ical systems unsupported by reason, that Egyptian studies were, by the mass, considered as unsatisfactory as astrology — the hope of ever unravelling the legends of the Nilotic Valley, was looked upon to bo as illusory as the expectations of the alchemist. The real progress in Egyptian studies dates from the appearance of the great French work, better known as the “ Description de l’Egypte ;” compiled at the expense of the French government, after the return to France of Napoleon’s expedition, by the enthuei astic and laborious savans who had accompanied it. This truly great work presented, for the first time, faithful architectural copies of the monuments of Egypt to the student : and if experience has since shown that the French artists, of that day, were not scrupu- lously exact in delineating the hieroglyphical legends sculptured on the edifices, of which they gave measurements and descriptions in other respects correct, still a mass of facsimiles was thus furnished to the decipherer, and an immense step was effected in general Egyp- tian knowledge. The museums of Europe, in the mean time, were continually re- ceiving additions of antiquarian relics from the shores of the Nile. The “ A2gyptiaca” of the learned Hamilton threw, with the prece- ding antiquities, a flood of light upon the “ darkness” of Egypt, as known to Europeans in the first years of the 19th century : while the return of the victors at Abookeer and Alexandria, spread through- out Europe, a clearer conception of Egypt, as a country, than had previously been entertained. Other works, like that of Denon, kept up the revived interest ; until Belzoni’s discoveries of entrances to divers pyramids at Mem- phis, and of the tomb celebrated by his name at Thebes (now known as that of “ Osirei-Menephtha,” B. C. 1580 ;) and Cailleaud’s account of the pyramids, &. c. in Ethiopia, joined to the continued transfer to European cabinets of vast collections of Egyptian Antiquities, fur- nished to scholars the materials whereon to prosecute their investi- gations. In 1808, the learned work of Quatrem6re, Recherches, & c., demonstrated, that “ the Coptic tongue was identical with the Egyp- tian” language, handed down from mouth to mouth, and graphically in Greek characters, with the addition of seven signs taken, as sub- sequently shown, from the enchorial writings. The Coptic, as known to us, came into use with Christianity, and ceased to be orally preserved about a hundred years ago ; though, as a dead language, it is still used in the Coptic Christian liturgies in Egypt. The mul- titude of Greek and Latin inscriptions, existing in edifices along the Nile, with Greek, and a few bilinguar fragments and papyri, col- lected in various countries, enabled the classical Greek antiquary, Mons. Letronne, to bring before the world his invaluable “Researches to aid the History of Egypt,” and thus elucidate many curious points of Roman and Ptolemaic periods ; while Champollion’s “ Egypt under the Pharaohs,” in 1814, announced the appearance of another com- petitor on the stage of Egyptian archaeology, whom Providence seems to have created the especial instrument for resuscitating the long lost annals of Egypt. With these laborers may be classed (although their travels took place, and their works appeared some years after) the ingenious Gau, who explored Lower Nubia, and tho Baron Mi. nutoli, whoi visited Egypt, and the templed sanetuary ol Jupitei Amon, in the Oasis of Seewah, *See Calmet’s Dictionary, 1. «. 4 ANCIENT EGYPT. Such was the extent ot' modern inquiry into early Egyptian his- tory, about the year 1820, as known to the general reader : but for- tuitous circumstances, consequent upon the French expedition, had combined to supply not only the key to all the hitherto impenetrable mysteries of Egypt, but the mind to comprehend- the 30ul to master, and the hand to execute more, in ten short yotyfj, than all mankind had even dreamed of, much less been able in twenty centuries to achieve. I allude, of course, to Champoj-lion le Jeune. Bv the 1 6th article of the capitulation of Alexandria, all the objects collected by the French Institute of Egypt, and other members of the expedition, were to be delivered up to the British. After some discussion, Lord Hutchinson gave up all claim to objects of Natural History, but insisted on the complete fulfilment of the 16th article, ns to all other things. A vast amount of precious sculptures thus became the prize of the conquerors, and was conveyed in due course vo the British Museum in London; and among others the celebrated Rosetta Stone. I am indebted for the facsimile copy of this invaluable monu- mem, in my possession, to the kindness of the Hon. John Pickekino, of Boston, whose profound philological researches are justly cele- brated, while they have induced him to keep pace with Champol- lion’s discoveries in ancient Egyptian literature. My friend, Dr. T. H. Vfebb, likewise of Boston, possesses a beautiful plaster cast ot the original slnne ; and as I am on this point, I would observe, that the boat critical examination of the hieroglyphic portion of the Rosetta Stone, published up to 1841, may be seen in Salvolini’s “Analysis of various Hieroglyphical Texts,” issued at Paris, some six years ago. Prufessor Rosellini hints that his analysis of this Text will be a consequence of his work. To give an idea of the Rosetta Stone, I annex the following The dotted line at the top shows what was probably its original tabular form, when it was placed in the temple. This inestimable fragment (the Rosetta Stone) consists in a block of black basalt, which was discovered by a French officer of engi- neers, Mons. Bouchard, in August 1799, when digging the founda- tions of Fort St. Julien, erected on the western bank of the Nile, between Rosetta and the sea, not far from the mouth of the river. It was placed by the British commander-in-chief, on board the frigate “ Egvptienne,” captured in the harbor of Alexandria, and arrived at Portsmouth in February, 1802, whence it was deposited in the Brit- ish Museum. In its present state it is much mutilated, chiefly on the top, and at the right side. Its extreme length is about three feet, measured on the flat surface, which contains the writing ; its breadth, which in some parts is entire is about two feet five inches. The under part of the stone, which is not sculptured, is left rough. In thickness, it varies from -ten. to twelve inches. It bears three inscriptions, and is bilingual- — two of them being in ihe Egyptian language, though in separate and distinct characters, the third is in Ancient Greek. The first or uppermost inscription is in hieroglyphics, and much muti- lated — several lines being impaired or wanting — the second is the character, styled in the Greek translation enchorial, “ writing of the people,” or otherwise it is termed demotic, to designate its ordinary and popular use — the third is in Greek, and purports to be a transla- tion of the hieroglyphic and of the demotic texts. The English translations of the Rosetta stone, contained in the works enumerated in my first chapter, not being at present accessible to me, I render into English the French of Champollion Figeac. It is curtailed, in some measure, from the original Greek inscription ; wherein there is a long exordium in honor of Ptolemy Epiphanes, to be seen in “ Ameilhon’s Eclaircissements,” published by the French Institute in 1803. The general reader will find much interesting in- formation on this and other subjects, in “Sharpe’s Inscriptions” “ British Museum as likewise in the varied hierological and clas- sical works of this distinguished gentleman. The event recorded in the Rosetta Stone, the coronation of Epiphanes, took place at Mem. phis, in the month of March, 196 years B. C., or 2039 years ago. TRANSLATION. “ The year IX, (of the reign of the “ Son of the Sun, Ptolemy, ever living, beloved oj Pthah”) the tenth of the month of Mechib, the pontiffs and the prophets, those who enter into the sanctuary to clothe the gods, the ptern- phores, the hierogrammates, and all the other priests, who from all the tem- ples situated in the country, have come to Memphis, near the King, for the solemnity of the taking possession of that crown, which Ptolemy, ever living, the well beloved of Pthah, god Epiphanes most gracious prince, has inher- ited from his father, being assembled in the temple of Memphis, have pro- nounced, this same day, the following decree : “ Considering, that the King Ptolemy, ever living, the well beloved of Pthah, god Epiphanes, most gracious, son of the King Ptolemy, and of the Queen Arsinoe, gods philopatores (father-loving) has done all kinds of good, both to the temples, and to those who therein make their habitation; and, in general, to all those who are under his dominion; that being (himself) a god, born of a god and a goddess, like Horus, the son of Isis and Osiris, the avenger of Osiris his father; and ambitious of signalizing generously his zeal for the things which concern the gods, he has consecrated to the service of the temples, great revenues, as well of money as of wheal, and has been at great expenses to restore tranquillity in Egypt, and to raise temples. “ That he has not neglected any of the means that were within his power, to perform acts of humanity; that in order that in his kingdom the people, and in general all the citizens, should be in prosperity, he has suppressed altogether some of the taxes and imposts established in Egypt, and has diminished the onus of the others ; that, moreover, he has remitted all that was due to him on the royal rents, as much by his subjects, inhabitants of Egypt, as by those of his other kingdoms; although these rents were very considerable in their amount; that he has liberated by amnesty, those who were imprisoned, and under sentence from a long time ; “ That he has ordained, that the revenues of the temples, and the rents payable to them every year, as much in wheat as in money, as also those perquisitions reserved to the gods on the vineyards, the orchards, and on the other things, to which they were entitled from the time of his father, should continue to be collected in the country. “That he has dispensed those, who belong to the sacerdotal orders, from making every year a voyage by water to Alexandria. “ That he has ordered, that the citizens who had laid down their rebellious arms, and those whose sentiments had been, in the limes of trouble, opposed to the government, and who had returned to their duty, should be maintained in possession of their property. “That having entered Memphis, as the avenger of his father, and of his own rightful crown, he has punished, as they deserved, the chiefs of those who had revolted against his father, and devastated the country, and de- spoiled the temples. “ That he has made many gifts to Apis, to Mnevis, and to the other sacred animals of Egypt. “ That he has caused to be made magnificent works to the temple of Apis, and has furnished, for these labors, a large quantity of gold, and silver, and precious stones; that he has raised temples, and chapels, and altars; and that he has made the necessary repairs to those which required them, hav- ing the zeal of a beneficent god for all that concerns the divinity ; that, having informed himself of the state in which were found the most precious things inclosed in the temples, he has renewed them in his empire, as much as it was necessary — in recompense for which, the gods have given him health, victory, and other goods ; . . . .the crown having to remain to him, as well as to his children, down to the most remote posterity. “It has therefore pleased tlio oriests of all the temples of the land to de- cree, that all the honors belonging to the King Ptolemy, ever living, the well- beloved of Pthah, god Epiphanes, most gracious, as well as those which are due to his father and mother, the gods philopatores ; and those which are due to his ancestors, should be considerably augmented ; that the statue of King Ptolemy, ever living, be erected in each temple, and placed in the most conspicuous spot, which shall be called the Statue of Ptolemy, avenger of Egypt; near this statue shall be placed the principal god of the temple, who will present him with the arms of victory ; and everything shall be disposed in the manner most appropriate. That the priests shall perform, three times a day, religious service to these statues ; that they shall adorn them with sa- cred ornaments ; and that they shall have care to render them, in the great solemnities, all the honors which, according to usage, ought to be paid to the other deities ; that there be consecrated to King Ptolemy a statue, and a chapel, gilded, in the most holy of the temples; that this chapel be placed in the sanctuary, with all the others; and that, in the great solemnities, wherein it is customary to bring out the chapels from the sanctuaries, there shall be brought out that of the god Epiphanes, most gracious ; and that this chapel may be better distinguished from the others, now and in the lapse of time hereafter, there shall be placed above it the ten golden crowns of the king, which shall bear on their anterior part an asp, in imitation of tjjose crowns of aspic form, which are in the other chapels; and in the middle of these ANCIENT EGYPT. 5 crowns, shall be placed the royal ornament termed pshent, that one which the kin;; wore.when he entered the Memphis, in the temple, in order to ob- serve the legal ceremonies prescribed for the coronation ; that there be at- tached to the tetragon (the cornice? or perhaps cover/) encircling the ten crowns affixed to the chapel above named, phylacteres of gold (similar to the Hebrew “taphilint” — amulets) with this inscription : “This is the chapel of the King; of that king who has rendered illustrious the upper and the lower region;” that there be celebrated a festival; and a great assembly (pane- gyrie) be held in honor of the ever living, of the well beloved of Pthah, of the King Ptolemy, god Epiphanes most gracious, every year ; this festival shall take place in all the provinces, as well in Upper, as in Lower Egypt ; and shall last for five days, to commence on the first day of the month of Thoth ; during which, those who make the sactifices, the libations, and all the other customary ceremonies, shall wear crowns; they shall be called the priests of the god Epiphanes — Eucliarislos (most gracious) and they shall add this name to the others, that they borrow from the deities to the service of whom they are already consecrated. , “And in order that it may be known why, in Egypt, he is glorified and honored, as is just, the god Epiphanes, most gracious sovereign, the present decree shall he engraved on a stela of hard stone , in sacked characters, ( i. e. in hieroglyphics) in writing of the country (i. e. in enchorial, or demo- tic) and in Greek letters : and this stela shall be placed in „ach of the temples of the first, second, and third class existing in all the kingdom.” Note — The Rosetta stone is the only one of these numerous tablets, that has yet been found ; but it is by no means impossible, that another copy be discovered among the excavations that will be made in the temples of Egypt. The importance of this stone and its inscriptions, indicating the probability of its supplying a Key to the deciphering of the long lost meanings of Egyptian hieroglyphics, was immediately per- ceived. The French general, Dugua, brought from Egypt to Paris, a cast and two impressions of the stone, made at Cairo ; and in 1803, an analysis of the Greek inscription, made by citizen Ameil- hon, was published by order of the Institute. Copies of the stone were subsequently given in the “ Description de 1’ Egypte.” The Royal Antiquarian Society of London, on receipt of the original, caused copies to be engraved, and disseminated throughout Europe. The Rosetta Stone excited the liveliest interest in all those who had devoted themselves to Egyptian Archaeology ; and the attention of the greatest scholars of the age was directed to its critical invest- igation. The Greek inscription engaged the scrutiny of Professor Porson, in London ; and of Dr. Ileyne, in Germany. By their critical labors, nnd those of the French Institute, the blanks occasioned by frac- tures in the stone were supplied, and the purport of the whole was completely and satisfactorily ascertained. With equal zeal, and in the end, with astonishing success, the Continental scholars were examining the meaning of the other two inscriptions. They demonstrated that the Greek was really a trans- lation ; and consequently, that the opinion of the ancients, no less than that of the moderns, was erroneous, in supposing that the hie- roglyphic and other Egyptian characters had ceased to be em- ployed, and their interpretation lost, since the Persian conquest of that country by Cantbyses, in 525 B.C. ; while Quatremere, by other processes, had established the present Coptic language to be the ancient Egyptian itself. The attention, however, of these learned inquirers, seems to have been mainly directed to the study of the second, or intermedial inscription — tok re Icpois, sat cy%wptois, cat iXXtjvtsois yyappanv — called in the Greek text, “ enchorial, or, writing of the people ; ” also, as above stated, termed demotic ; for the simple reason, that while it was the best preserved, at first sight it appeared to be the easiest to decipher. Time, however, has shown it to be the most difficult. The greatest Orientalist of the day, and most proficient European Arabic scholar, the lamented Silvestre de Sacy, was, in 1802, the first to discover in the demotic text, the groups which represent dif- ferent proper names; such as Ptolemy, Arsinoe, Alexander, and Alex, andria — as well as to indicate that the signs in these groups are letters. A Swedish gentleman resident at Rome, Akerblnd, extended the researches of De Sacy. He gave a skeleton alphabet of the de- motic text ; but, inasmuch as he omitted to observe the suppression of the vowels, (as customary in Hebrew, Arabic, and other oriental languages,) he failed in applying this alphabet to the greater portion of the demotic inscription. Yet a great progress had been made ; and to Akerblad belongs the merit of indicating a passage in the hieroglyphic character, which subsequent discoveries have con- firmed. The Key to Egyptian monumental legends seemed, how- ever, to be as fugacious as ever ; and years were spent in the dis- covery of a single additional letter, notwithstanding the intensity of the interest, and the laborious zealousness of the students. Under the title of “ Analysis of the hieroglyphic Inscription of the Rosetta Stone there appeared at Dresden, in 1804, a pretended translation of the mutilated hieroglyphics, wherein the author, re- peating the mystifications of Kircher, recognized in the fourteen lines still existing of the hieroglyphical characters, (being scarcely the half of the primitive inscription, before the stone was broken,) the entire and perfect expression of its purport, contained in the fifty-four lines of the Greek Text ! To outherod Herod in pre- sumption, the Dresden author reprinted his work at Florence, after Champoilion’s discoveries, as a sort of formal protest against the new direction given to Egyptian studies ! An interval oceurred, after Akerblad's discoveries, before any ostensible advancement was made in the deciphering of these in- scriptions, when the celebrated Dr. Thomas Young, famed for the universality of his acquirements, published in 1814, in the “ Archaeo- logia ” an improvement on the alphabet of Akerblad. He added a translation of the demotic inscription, placed by the side of the Greek, but distinguishing the contents of the different lines, with as much precision as he could then acheive. In May, lbl4, Dr. Young »published in the sixth No. of the “Museum Criticum,” the result of his labors on the enchorial text. In 1818, he communicated to the learned of Europe, a Memoir specifying his discoveries in hie- roglyphics, republished in the year 1819, in the Encyclopedia Bri- tannica — of which anon. Dr. Young’s interesting labors on the demotic text, &c., may be consulted in Dr. H. TattanTs Coptic Grammar. In 1816, the learned German, Tychsen, of Gottingen, following a different method of reasoning, was enabled to prove that the hie. ratio character (not included in the Rosetta Stone) was but a simple tachygraphy, or abridged mode of writing, a short-hand in fact, of tne hieroglyphical inscriptions. An opinion entertained likewise by Dr. Young. It would appear that, in 1812, Champollion held the same belief ; although, at that time, he drew from the fact conclusions dia- metrically at variance with those sustained in his Memoir, read, in 1821, to the Royal Academy of Belles Lettres at Paris. Amid all the above interesting researches, the secret of the inter- pretation of hieroglyphics, though nearly reached, or vaguely guessed at, from the times of Warburton, Zoega, and Prof. Vater, seemed to elude the grasp of the most comprehensive minds, and the pursuit of the most untiring examiners. Many had stated their conviction, that hieroglyphics constituted a real written language, applicable to all the pursuits of common, as well as of public and scientific life ; sus- ceptible of translation, and capable of being analyzed into an alpha- bet, consisting of litttUi. more than 30 letters. The number of signs used by the Copts in expressing their language, consists o£ the Greek alpliabet of 24 signs, with the addition of 7 characters taken from the demotic Egyptian alphabet, to express articulations, or sounds, for which the Greek alphabet is insufficient. But, of the many inquirers, none had at this time successfully demonstrated the fact. While these labors were prosecuted in Europe, there were two English gentlemen in Egypt, whose studies of the monuments them- selves had led them to the threshold of truth; and it is due to Messrs. J. W. Bankes and Consul-general Salt to record, that, in 1818, they had identified the name of “ Cleopatra ” in a hieroglyphical oval on the obelisk of Philae (subsequently removed to England for Mr. Bankes, by Belzoni,) to which conclusion they were led by a Greek inscription, on the same obelisk, confirmed by a variety of curious coincidences. About the same time, 1820, some very extraordinary comparisons were afforded, by the discovery of some Greek papyri — one of which is justly renowned as the property of George F. Grey, Esq.; another, containing the “ Sixth Book of Homer,” was found in Nubia by that most enterprising of Egyptian travellers, Monsieur A. Linant, now chief civil engineer in the service of Mohammed Ali. It is to be regretted, that the lamented Henry Salt should have delayed announcing to the world his own further discoveries in time ; because, while there seems every likelihood that he had identified the names of various other kings on the monuments of Egypt, before he was aware of Champollion’s discoveries ; yet, it must be allowed, that priority of publication is, by two or three years, in favor of the latter ; no less than that, to the latter exclusively belongs the merit of putting forth his system at once, and complete beyond all previous anticipa- tion, applicable to every epoch, and to every legend in Egyptian history. The supplement to the 4th and 5th editions of the Encyclopedia Britannica — Edinburgh, 1819 — under the article “ Egypt,” cast the first beam of true light on the method adopted by the Egyptians, in their peculiar art of writing ; and the renown of Dr. Young spread far and wide as the ingenious author of this interesting essay. To him belongs the merit of positively indicating in the hieroglyphical groups on the Rosetta Stone, the names of “ Ptolemy” and “ Bere- nice ;” and the probable values of each of the letters, contained in these two royal ovals ; although subsequent investigations reduced the number of Dr. Young’s positive demonstrations, to the phonetic value of fve distinct characters, corresponding to our I, N, P, T, and F. Dr. Young’s elaborate article explained the ingenious and curi ous mechanical process, by which he had arrived at nis conclusions. He likewise pointed out the probable meaning of some two hundred groups of hieroglyphic characters; many of which interpretations have been confirmed by later experience. He demonstrated, that the two unknown inscriptions on the Rosetta Stone (the hieroglyphic and demotic) were, as to the mode of expressing ideas, identical ; the one being, in good measure, a corruption, abridgment, or running form of the other. He moreover ascertained the mode of numeration, used by the Egyptians in hieroglyphic writings. He was led, however, into many errors, by his supposition of the existence of a syllabic and a dissyllabic principle in the composition of phonetic hieroglyphics ; whereas Champollion demonstrated, that each phonetic hieroglyphic was a simple consonant, a vowel, or a diphthong. Dr. Young, however, was unable to carry the application of hir principles of interpretation much beyond the names of a “ Ptolemy: c ANCIENT EGYPT. a '* Berenice ,” and a “ Cleopatra." He had found the key, but in his hands, it failed to open the door ; and after allowing some three years to elapse, he deliberately stated his conviction (in his “ Ac- count of some recent discoveries in hieroglyphic literature and Egyptian antiquities,” London, 1823 ;) “ that the ancient Egyptians did not make use of an alphabet to represent!!^ sounds and articu- lations of certain words, before the domination of the Greeks and the Romans.” In short, it must in fairness be allowed, that between Champollion and Dr. Young there is little parity in achievements; as the system of the latter could, beyond its first origin, apply itself to nothing; while the system of the former applies itself to every- thing Egyptian. Sir Win. Cell and Mr. Wilkinson, in 1821, had already turned their attention to these subjects. I am aware of the extreme jealousy with which the claim of priority in hieroglyphical interpretation, between Dr. Young and Champol- lion le Jeune has been debated ; and that a national rivalry has been excited, between England and France on this subject, which, if in many of its incidents is by the impartial to be deplored, yet has led to an emulation, that has wonderfully promoted the advancement of science. I confess, that my own tendencies are in favor of the Con- tinental side of the question, and that I recognize in Champollion the master spirit. Without wishing to detract an iota from Dr. Young’s right to the honor of discovering the Key, I believe, that without a Champollion, but little progress would at this day have been made in Egyptian archaeology. My readers would probably not be interested in the details of the controversy, and those who feel curious on the question, may readily verify the view I take by consulting the authors themselves. It is for the same reason, and the fear of being tedious, that I purposely abstain from giving illustrations on the hieroglyph- ical points in dispute ; because my object is to give the results of these discoveries, as achieved in 1842, rather than the doubts and errors of 1820. It will be seen, in the course.qf the present essays (and future lectures) that I omit nothing, tha'i to the g. neral reader can elucidaxe the theme. My part, as an annalist, is sitiply to give this succinct sketch, in chronological order, by way of preface to the developments at the present hour absolutely accomplished, and incontrovertibly established. It appears probable that, in 1812, and perhaps for 8 years after, Champollion le Jeune did not believe, that the hieratic writing of the ancient Egyptians was alphabetic — that he considered the hie- ratic of the Greek authors to be a “hieroglyphic tachygraphy,” and consequently to be in construction identical with the hieroglyphic ; and as he deemed the hieratic to be signs of things, and not of sounds, it follows, that he did not recognize, in 1812, that alphabetic principle in the hieroglyphic legends, the existence of which, in 1822, he thoroughly demonstrated. The 27th Sept., 1822, was a memorable day to antiquarian laborers, and inquirers into the primeval history of man ; while, to the Egyp- tian student, it is an era equal to any in history. On that day, the illustrious Champollion le Jeune read to the Royal Academy of Belles Lettres at Paris, his “ Memoir on phonetic hieroglyphics” — which, in October, was published under the title of “ Letters to Monsieur Dacier, perpetual Secretary of the Academy” — wherein, for the first dme since the cessation of hieroglyphic writing (about the 3rd cen- tury after Christ) it was demonstrated, that “ the ancient Egyptians had made use of pure hieroglyphical signs, that is to say, of charac- ters representing the image of material objects, to represent simply the sounds of the names of Greek and Roman sovereigns, inscribed on the monuments of Dendera, Thebes, Esne, Edfoo, Ombos, and Phila;.” The great paleographer thoroughly established his propo- sition, in the application of his phonetic system and alphabetical hieroglyphics to the epochs of the Romans and the Ptolemies. He refrained from expressing, at the time, what must naturally have been his own hope, if not conviction, that the same application would be found consistent with and analogous to hieroglyphic inscriptions of an earlier period : but time was required for the collection of further materials, before openly hazarding an opinion, in support of which it was, at that moment, out of his power to adduce sufficient evidence. The Savans of Europe were astounded at the success and method of Champollion. Every one was struck with its truth : but envy was more prominent in the mass, than a desire to cooperate with the illus- trious Frenchman. There were many learned minds, feeling the force of the discovery, who exclaimed, as when Columbus made the egg stand on its end, that, “ nothing was easier,” although they had none of them discovered it before ; and time has shown, that the ex- treme facility with which hieroglyphics were now to be deciphered, was, for some years, limited to the presiding genius — to Champollion himself. Detraction was the weapon wielded with most facility by the critic; and, from 1822 to the present hour, it is infinitely more facile to declare that, “hieroglyphical interpretation is all nonsense,” than to acquire, by study and patient research, a knowledge of the subject, upon which it has been so fashionable to sneer and to cavil. In his “ Egypt under the Pharaohs,” Champollion, in 1814, had recorded his hope, “ that there would be at last rediscovered, upon those tablets, whereon Egypt had painted but material objects, the sounds of language, and the expressions of thought.” In 1822, he fully realized that hope : and if it may be maintained, that the first rays of true light burst on him after Dr. Young’s discoveries, it must, on the other hand, be allowed, that the use he made of its then par- tial flickering has immortalized his glorious labors, infinitely beyond those, not only of his contemporaries, but of all his predecessors. Like Archimedes, Galileo, Franklin, Sir Isaac Newton, Watt, Har vey, Fulton, and other meteors in the paths of science, he marked his era to the honor of himself, to the glory of his country, and to the general benefit ol mankind. As he himself declares, “ my hiero- glyphical alphabet was in truth grounded upon so many facts, and positive applications, that I had to fear, less the controvertors, than pretenders to a participation in my discovery.” In February, 1823, there appeared in the London Quarterly Review, a journal aptly designated by Champollion as “ eminently English," an article, wherein, although the truths of the results published by Champollion in his “Letters to Monsieur Dacier,” are acknowledged, ‘iy the writer claimed for Dr. Young the priority of the discovery. This was followed by a small volume from the pen of Dr. Young himself ; entitled “An Account of some Recent Discoveries in Hieroglyphical Literature, and Egyptian Antiquities, including the Author’s original Alphabet, as extended by Monsieur Champollion. London, 1823.” Impartiality cannot close its eyes to the evident tendency of the article in the London Quarterly, written in a spirit calculated to arouse the national jealousy of French scientific men, and still more the easily excitable anger of Champollion, one of the most jealous savans in the world. Dr. Young’s book was an ill-advised and fee- ble production ; and instead of raising its author above the elevated position his article in the Encyclopedia Britanica had secured for him in 1819, its effect was injurious to his just claims of priority, as well as suicidal to his less deserved hieroglyphical pretensions. The whole affair was unfortunate, as it proved, that although Dr. Young had found the key he could not make use of it; and the tone of captiousness it exhibits was extremely prejudicial to his literary fame, long established on the secure basis of his vast erudition and univer- sality of genius. The ire of Champollion was fully aroused. He bent his mighty energies to the task ; and in the autumn and winter of 1823 he composed, and in 1824 he put forth his “Precis du systeme hiero- glyphique des Anciens Egyptiens wherein, with the hands of a giant, he stripped Dr. Young even of the measure of merit he would have enjoyed unmolested, but for the Quarterly Review and his own “Account” above mentioned; and at the same time, with singular felicity of analysis, reduced Dr. Young’s claim of priority to indi- cating the phonetic value of 5 letters, instead of nine, which Dr. Young had appropriated to himself exclusively. With the force of an earthquake the illustrious Frenchman over- threw the puny edifices of his predecessor ; and, from that hour, the Annals of Egypt, her time-honored chronicles, her papyri crumbling in the dust of ages, ceased to be mysteries! The “Veil of Isis” — “ the curtain that no mortal hand could raise ” — which, for 2000 years, had baffled the attempts of Greeks and Romans, with the still more vigorous efforts of modern Egyptologists — was lifted by Cham- pojj.ion le Jeune: and the glories of Pharaonic epochs — the deeds of the noblest, the most learned, pious, warlike, and civilized race of ancient days — whose monarchy has exceeded by 1000 years the duration of any of our modem nations — whose works surpass in magnitude, in boldness of conception, accuracy of execution, and splendor of achievement the mightiest labors of any other people — and whose lordly dominion over the nations of the earth at one period perhaps equalled the territorial extent of Muscovy, at the present day ; have, through Champollion’s labors, and through those of his col- leagues and disciples, become familiar to all whose inclination has prompted them to read the works which, since 1824, have issued from the press of Europe. The immediate results of Champollion’s labors in 1824, served to establish the fact, that the greater portion of those signs or repre. sentations of material objects, sculptured, painted, or delineated in all hieroglyphical texts and legends, were phonetic ; and thoroughly reducible, as in due time by him effected, into an alphabet composed of 16 distinct articulations, for each of which there w'as a number more or less great of homophones — i. e symbols, differing in figure, though identical in sound— applicable according to a well-defined system, and never solely by graphical caprice. He proved, that the hieroglyphic mode of writing is a complex system — a system figura- tive, symbolical, and phonetic (I will explain these terms in due course,) always in the same text, sometimes in the same phrase, and often in the same word. He proved the idea to be illusory, (although so frequently put forth by his predecessors, and reiterated by some of his contemporaries,) that no alphabet was in use in Egypt; or that hieroglyphical phonetic writing had been introduced into that coun- try after the Persian invasion in B. C. 525. He overthrew the doc- trine, that phonetic signs were first employed in Egypt, after Psam- metichus, B. C. 650, who first allowed the “Impure Foreigners,” the Greeks and others (to Egyptians, Gentile and barbarian nations) to sojourn in and to become citizens of Egypt ; for, in his “ Precis ” he demonstrated, that it was in unquestionable, constant, general, and popular use at the period of the 18th Diospolitan dynasty, or back to the 19th century B. C. His subsequent researches, and the labors of his disciples, have established, that it was equally so 2300 years B. C. — that ages prior to this last epoch, at the time of the erection of the Pyramids, this mode of writing was just as perfect as at any period after; while the commencement of the art, or even th* ANCIENT EGYPT. 7 incipient development of hieroglyphic writing, including the employ- ment of the phonetic system, lies buried in those countless days before the Pyramids, enveloped in utter obscurity, amid the primeval origin of nations, and infinitely beyond our present attainment, if not our comprehension. A pause followed Champollion’s Precis. The force of his conclu- sions laid bare consequences too astounding to be thoroughly esti- mated, even by the most learned and the most enthusiastic Egyptian students. Like the atmospheric stillness that follows the thunder- clap, genius seemed paralyzed by the portentous aspect of the truth. On the one hand, the classical scholars, adhering rigidly to the He- brew, Greek, and Latin authorities, were not willing to cast aside the errors of their masters ; and those, whose schools had nailed their colors to the mast, were not prepared to see Manetho exalted above Herodotus and Diodorus ; to find Hermapion confirmed, while Pliny was rejected ; to behold in Plato but the translator, or in Pytha- goras but the adopter, of Egyptian mythological doctrines; still less to consider what amount of instruction accrued to the Hebrew Law- giver from his education in Helioftolitan colleges; for “ Moses was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians.” — Acts vii. 22. On the other hand, the astronomers and mathematicians, the Dupuis, the Bodes and Rhodes, the Goerres and Creuzers, the Four- riers and Biots, who had claimed for the zodiacal planispheres of Dendera and Esnfe, an antiquity varying from 700 to 17,000 years B. C., were not particularly charmed with a science which demon- strated, by hieroglyphical interpretation, what the learned Visconti had sustained 20 years before, amid the sneers of his cotemporaries, that these astrological subjects were the most modern productions of Egypto-Roman art, and Egypto-Hellenic science, of the age of Tiberius, Nero, Claudius, Hadrian, or Antoninus. Christian divines, apprehending the progress of infidelity, if no records of the Hebrews were to be found in Egypt, no memento of the Patriarchs, or of the Exodus, in hieroglyphical legends, looked with discountenance on the new science, and clung to the good old unintelligibilities of profane writers; while other well-meaning per- sons snatched with avidity at supposititious confirmations, in points wherein there is no confirmation to be found. It was extremely provoking to some finished Hebrew, Greek, or Latin classic to find, that these perverse old Egyptians, besides resorting to such “a queer mode of writing,” should have actually used Coptic for their language, whereby a hieroglyphic text required a double study, before it could be rendered into any of our modern tongues. How much more convenient would it not have been, if the living antecedent of the mummy had talked in Latin, or in Greek, or at least in Hebrew ; and if this self-willed individual would use Coptic for his ordinary language, why were not the dialects spoken at the rise of the 16th Theban dynasty, about 22 centuries B. C., the same as were spoken in Egypt about 500 years after our Saviour, when the liturgies which we now possess in the Coptic tongue began to be composed ? In Bhort, it must be acknowledged, Champollion’s discoveries were to the mass of the learned, in all countries, unpopular and unpleasing; and a cold and suspicious reception was the first welcome with which the “ Precis ” was received by the many, although the work met with applause, and the author found instant solace in the admiration of the few. After the pause, came in natural process a reaction. On every side, doubts, difficulties, dilemmas, and obstacles were, with won. derful ingenuity, and not a little malignity, suggested. Efforts of all kinds were made to stem the torrent of conviction, or to direct it into an unpropitious channel. It may be remarked, that none were slower in admitting the value of Champollion’s discoveries, than some of the then surviving members of the French “ Institute of Egypt,” whose profound erudition is displayed in the great French work : and to this day, there is a set of really great men in Europe, who continue to write largely on ancient Egypt, without alluding at all to what the old Egyptians record of their own history, and as if a single hiero- glyphic had not been deciphered ! Some, w'ith the ostrich, bury their heads in the sand, and with a curious self-complacency fancy all mankind as blind as themselves. Others, reposing on the well-earned laurels of former deeds, or on the sanction of eminent names, are happy in knowing that they, at least, had no hand in advancing the new discoveries ; while, by the disciples of Champollion, the works of these gentlemen, as they issue from the press, are laid on the shelf, as “ emanations from a superannuated school of feminine senility.” But, of course, the severest shafts were those of facetiousness and satire — ridicule being the deadliest of weapons — the most difficult to parry — the most agreeable to the public. However, Champollion, and the fellow-laborers whom his discoveries soon rallied around his hieroglyphic standard, kept steadily at work. Sow'arroff, when the siege of Ismail had baffled Russia’s ablest generals, used, in his shirt, to head the awkward squads of his troops, in a bayonet-charge against sticks, picketted in the earth and sur- mounted with rag-turbans, to accustom his raw recruits to face the “ turbanned Turk,” greatly to the amusement and derision of his staff. Like Sowarroff in his military exercises, so Champollion in his hieroglyphical researches, pursued a system “ At which they sneered in phrases wondrous witty. He made no answer ; but, he took the city." The succeeding three years were, by Champollion, employed in studying and deciphering all those monuments and Egyptian relics, contained in Continental museums, of which he could consult the originals, or obtain facsimile copies. In two invaluable “Letters,” addressed to the Duke of Blacas (Due dc Blacas,) he published a multitude of curious facts and discoveries, gleaned chiefly from the study of the antiqtfijws preserved in the royal collections at Turin. To the.se letters, his learned brother, Champollion Figeac, added, by way of appendix, a chronological dissertation, having for its main object to reconcile Manetho with the discrepancies of other authors. A second and improved edition of the “Precis” was issued by Cham- pollion, on his return to France from Turin, wherein he corrected many of his former hasty conclusions, and modified some of his prior opinions. He likewise put forth, in this interval, an “ Egyptian Pantheon,” by which much light was thrown on the mythology, phi- losophy, and religious doctrines and rites of this ancient people. He corresponded on these subjects with some of the most eminent ar- chaeologists of the age, and paved the way for the realization of his dearest wish, a visit to Egypt, and the personal study of all the monu- ments existing in the Nilotic Valley. In 1825, Charles Coquerel, a Protestant clergyman at Amsterdam, compared the chronologies of Scripture with the new discoveries, and pointed out the advantages which the one derived from the other. The erudite and liberal Dr. Wiseman of Rome, in his “Horae Syri- acte,” 1828, followed in the same field; adding a curious Syriac frag- ment, found in the Vatican, confirmatory of the views of Champollion Figeac. The Marquis Spineto, in 1829, in a course of lectures, published after their delivery at Cambridge, in a very able manner unfolded the “ elements of hieroglyphics.” The Abbd Greppo and the Rev. M. Bovet, in the same year, lent their aid in establishing scriptural and monumental comparisons. On the opposite side, Abbd Count Robiano instituted an ingenious analysis of hieroglyphic and demotic texts. He endeavored to establish forced Hebrew affinities: but his work is valuable, as it goes to show the Semitic origin of Coptic, and thence we may infer the Asiatic origin of that language, which we shall find singularly confirmed by the paleographic re- searches of another hierological master, Dr. Leipsius of Berlin, in his correspondence with Chevalier Baron Bunsen, as in his numerous later works. From this date, the increase of works all over Europe has been so rapid, on various branches of Egyptian science, that it would be tedious to give merely a dry catalogue ; nor do I pretend to have had an opportunity of consulting them all. While we have endeavored to keep pace with the progress of the master up to the year 1827, it is peculiarly gratifying to revert to the labors prosecuted in Egypt by some of his disciples. It is always pleasing to render justice to the operations of men of science and learning; and the names of Burton, Wilkinson, Felix, Prudhoe, and Hay, are too honorably associated with early Egyptian studies, in phonetic hieroglyphics, not to demand in this place especial mention. With Dr. Young’s key, and Champollion’s alphabet contained in his letter to M. Dacier, a group of scientific Englishmen commenced in Egypt itself, about 1822, the scrutiny and examination of all the Monuments of antiquity existing, from the Sea-beach to Upper N ubia, from the Oases to the peninsula of Mount Sinai, and in every direc tion in the Eastern and Western Deserts. These gentlemen, named above, mutually aiding and cooperating "/ith each other, were enabled to take instant advantage of the true method of interpretation. Egypt was then all virgin ground. Every temple, every tomb, contained something unknown before ; and which these gentlemen were the first to date, and to describe with accurate details. A more intensely interesting field never opened to the explorer — every step being a discovery. Nobly did these learned and indefatigable travellers pio- neer the way, and mighty have been the results of their arduous labors. They procured lithographic presses from England ; and, at their indi- vidual expense, for private circulation, Messrs. Felix, Burton, and Wilkinson printed (at Cairo — 1826 to 1829) and circulated a mass of hieroglyphical tablets, legends, genealogical tables, texts, mytho- logical, historical, and other subjects, w'hich, under the modest titles of “Notes,”* “Excerpta,”t and “Materia Hieroglyphics, ”t were disseminated to learned societies in Europe. Lord Prudhoe’s distant excursions and correct memoranda rendered the collections of anti- quities, with which he enriched England, extremely valuable ; and his labors were the more appreciated, as his lordship’s liberal mind and generous patronage of science w'ere above any sordid motives of acquisitiveness. Mr. Hay’s own accurate pencil, aided by various talented artists whom his princely fortune enabled him to employ, amassed an amount of drawings, that render his portfolios the largest in the world. The researches of all these gentlemen have been of incalculable value to the cause. They have preserved accurate data on subjects, § that the destroying hand of Mohammed Ali has since irrevocably obliterated ; and as they all pursued science for itself, they deserve and enjoy a full measure of respect. The rumor of their successes reached Europe ; and Champollion, with reason, appre- hended, that if he delayed his visit to Egypt any longer, the indivi. dual labors of English travellers would render that visit as unprofitable * By Major Felix : republished, in Italian, at Fisa, t By James Halliburton, Esq. ; out of print. t By Sir J. G. Wilkinson ; do. § See my “Appeal to the Antiquaries of Europe, on the Destruction of the Monu- ments of Egypt.” 1SU, London, Madden & Co. New York, Sartlttt & Weiford. 8 ANCIENT EGYPT. as unnecessary. National jealousy was excited; and, to preserve her position as the patroness of Egyptian literature, France deter- mined not to be anticipated. In 1828, the French government sent a commission, consisting of Champollion le Jeune, and four French artists, well supplied with every necessary outfit, to Egypt, in order that ■ffi’.a master might, for his own and his country’s honor, and at her expense, reap the harvest for which his hand had sown the seed. A similar design having suggested itself to another patron of arts and sciences, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the celebrated archaeologist and oriental scholar, Professor Ippolito Rosellini, of the University of Pisa, and four Ital- ian artists under his direction, were appointed a commission to pro- ceed to Egypt, with the same intent as the French mission. It was amicably arranged by the respective governments, and between the chiefs of each expedition, that their labors should be united ; and, in consequence, the French and Tuscan missions were blended into one, and both reached Alexandria in the same vessel, and prosecuted their labors hand in hand from Memphis to the second Cataract. They returned in 1829. We are now approaching a period, when, for all local Egyptian annals, my own personal recollection will supply the place of books ; and I am able to speak as a spectator, and a little later as a very hum- ble actor, in some of the scenes, of which I shall incidentally give sketches. These may be thought curious by my readers, and I can assure them, that they are known to very few, and have never been published. I have said, that from 1829 my local recollection serves ; but, to avoid misapprehension, I will mention, that my sojourn in Egypt dates from 1818, and with intervals of absence has been pro- longed during 23 years, to 1841 ; and consequently, I presume to entertain opinions of my own, on any affairs to which I am a party. I mention these circumstances, with an apology for alluding to my- eelf, only to satisfy my readers, that I am not a stranger in the land of Egypt, and may be allowed to speak from personal knowledge and long experience, without reference to the works or opinions of gen- tlemen, who, however greatly they surpass me in acquirements and talents, remained but a few weeks, months, or years, in the valley of the Nile ; and whose Egyptian sojournings, in point of duration, can rarely be spoken of in the same breath with my own. In fact, I feel myself to be a foreigner in every other country; and if, on ancient Egyptian matters, I am proud to consider myself the humblest fol- lower in the footsteps of the hieroglyphical masters, or if, on scientific subjects, I make no claim to anything beyond the merest superficial acquaintance, it is not presumption in me to declare, that, on modern and on local Egyptian topics, I need acknowledge few superiors in or out of that country. Those who have been at Cairo, in my time, among whom I have much pleasure in enumerating a host of Amer- ican travellers, will allow, that in this personal digression, I do not arrogate to myself more than their own experience will in fairness concede to me. The arrival in Egypt of the French and Tuscan expeditions, added new fuel to the flame of antiquarian jealousy, which, for thirty years, had characterized the archaeological devotees of England and France in that country : but, in this later strife, the actors, by their pure love of science and national spirit of emulation, were divested of those sordid motives which disgraced their predecessors, and perhaps some of their successors. Up to 1825, the competition between the representatives of Britain and France, Mr. Consul General Salt, and Monsieur le Consul General Drovetti, had not been, as to which of them should immortalize his labors by the most useful examinations ii» ancient Egyptian lore ; but, in the immense works and excava- tions each of these gentlemen undertook, sordid acquisitiveness was the moving principle. They did not squabble with each other, lest the one should verify before his antagonist, on a mouldering temple, some interesting point of history. One did not strive to surpass the other in expounding the mysterious hieroglyphical legends. They quarrelled over a granite Sphinx, not as to which Pharaoh it had be- longed, but as to what price its sale would bring in Europe. Anti- quities were valuable in their eyes, simply according to their estimate of what they would sell for, when transferred from the ruins to the competition of European virtuosi.* * Mohammed Ali.and his astute minister Bonhos, fanned tiiese jealousies, which were lo many pledges, that Salt and Drovetti, while absorbed in intrigues, schemes and maneu- vres to circumvent each other in the abstraction of a saleable relic, would, in common with their subordinate officers, (who at the same time were fattening on cotton, beans, &c.,) naturally close their eyes to barefaced infractions of every commercial treaty be- tween Europe and the Sublime Porte, of every law ofthe Ottoman Empire, and of the free-trade principles of the Koran itself. The P isha promoted this rivalry, by giving extra facilities to each, thereby rendering the trade in antiquities a consular monopoly of France, Great Britain, and Sweden ; well knowing, that by filling the pockets ofthe representatives of the first two, and using the other. Signor D’Anastasy, as a sort of cloak to their proceedings, he should place them under such lasting obligations to him- self, that they would follow the wheels of his chariot, without daring to remonstrate against his ruinous commercial system. It was not until 1840, that the British government believed the often disregarded com- plaints of her merchants, saw through the mystifications ofthe Pasha, and peremptorily •topped the proceedings of H. M. consuls-genernl. by a radical change of the "person- nel.” Feeling that I have had a hand in some of these changes, it is to me a legitimate cause of triumph ; and when I look back at the difficulties overcome, I indulge in pleas- ing anticipations of the future. Salt however, it must in justice he ndded, was a gentleman nnd a scholar, possessed of many estimable qualities; and. if he sold the tablet that he had succeeded in with- holding from the corsair-cl itches of Drovetti. he certainly did his best to embellisli.his invoices with antiquarian annotations. He died in 1827, leaving a large fortune, made I The enthusiastic English travellers, above referred to, having labored with great success on the virgin soil of local studies in hie- roglyphics, felt persuaded, as they had not at that period published the entire results of their researches, that if they came into personal contact with the arch-Egyptologist himself, amid the ruins along the Nile, it would be said, on their return to Europe, and on the publica. tion of their own discoveries, that they had derived all their inform- ation from Champollion. They consequently took such steps, as precluded the possibility of a rencontre in Egypt. On the other side, Champollion looked upon them as interlopers and trespassers on that field, which, with more vehemence than propriety, he considered his own exclusive prerogaiive — the expounding of hieroglyphics on the ruins of Egypt. Many laughable incidents were the conse- quences of this mutual diffidence, and the following anecdote will give an idea of the whole. The works of Arabian authors, Abd-el-Lateef, Makrisi, Murtady, JellM-ed-deen-El-Assyobtee, and others, contain, among many re- markable passages, some details on the spoliations of Memphis and Heliopolis, effected by the Saracenic Caliphate, since the conquest of Egypt by Ahmer-ebn-el-As (in Anno Domini, 638, Hejira, 16 ;) for the construction of the various edifices of Saracenic magnificence at Cairo. A vast number of curious relics, and fragments of Phara- onic periods have been discovered, fjid many more lie embedded in the buildings of this Mahommedan city, which time will bring to light. One of these English explorers especially devoted himself, for a long period, to the examination of all such places as he thought might contain ruins of earlier epochs ; and he discovered a slab of basalt, forming the lintel of a doorway, in an unfrequented and dilap- idated mosque, whereon was engraved a trilinguar, or rather a tri. grammatic inscription. Having consulted with his fellow travellers, application was made, through the British consul general, to Mohammed Ali at Alexan- dria, for permission to remove this block, with an offer to repair the mosque, as a compensation for the favor. In Egypt, whatever may be the case elsewhere, it is impossible to keep a secret from the fer- ret-like propensities of courtiers ; and whether instigated by Dro- vetti or not, the Pasha refused, on the ground of sacrilege, desecration, and other canting phrases; the Viceroy, (who has destroyed more ancient remains than any individual in the world, and whose sacri- legious hand spared not the edifices of Islkm itself) being wonder, fully happy in this, as in all other cases, in seizing on dexterous excuses and shuffling expedients. Mohammed Ali declined, how- ever, giving it to the French mission, lest he should offend the Eng- lish after their prior application. Champollion, on the good faith of a friend, was, in an evil hour, taken by an English traveller to see the block, as it stood in the mosque at Cairo. He instantly perceived its possible value. Dro- vetti was sent for from Alexandria ; and a plot was laid by him with the skill of one of the most finished conspirators of modern times. In Egypt, Ibrahim Pasha, the son of Mohammed Ali, can do what- ever he pleases ; and as he was quite unaware of his father’s refusal, Drovetti applied to him, for permission to take the stone, which he granted ; but, to avoid giving offence to the natives, which might have been the case if Europeans had done the work, he said he would cause it to be executed for himself, and gave orders for its re- moval the next day. Timely information reached the English trav- ellers ; who, provoked beyond measure at the duplicity of the opposite parties, went in the night, removed the block, and carried it to the English consulate, where it was carefully deposited. The indigna- tion of the French party, when it was known that the stone had been abstracted, may be conceived ; Ibrahim Pasha himself was not a little annoyed. A tremendous row ensued. Mohammed Ali went off to Cairo, followed by the British consul general. Ibrahim’s influence was all-powerful ; and knowing that “ his beard had been laughed at,” he persuaded his father to insist on the restitution of the stone to the Egyptian government. In the mean time, the Englishmen having had abundance of leisure to take facsimile copies, impressions, and plaster-casts, of the stone ; and having thereby ascertained that, from its very mutilated condi- tion, the inscriptions were of trivial value, sent the block to the pa- lace, with an intimation that it was not worth keeping, and forwarded their copies instantly to Europe. The stone was transferred to the Frenchmen by the gift of the Pasha; and is now in the museum at Paris. I was an amused eye-witness of the rabid indignation of Drovetti, when the stone first arrived at the French consulate in Alexandria. There are some biting sentences in the last “ Letters” by collections of antiquities ; lamented as an amiable kind-hearted man, even by those who had suffered most from his indifference to commercial interests. After his demise, ASsop’s fable ofthe frogs, who once petitioned Jove for a king, was realized by the mer cantile community in Egypt. King Log, Mr. ******, not pleasing the marshy tribe was succeeded by king Crane. Col. ******** t who continued extremely friendly to Mohammed Ali, although his speculations in antiquities were not remarkably profitable in results, or splendid in conception. The farce continued, however, till 1840 ; when, by the expenditure of treasure and torrents of human blood, the spell was broken ; and twenty years of mystification about Mohammed All’s philanthropic utilities, and civili zing tendencies, began to be doubted in Europe. Gradually the Pasha’* system of monopoly is falling before the remonstrances of British official characters ; who are nei- ther to be frightened by Boghos, or fascinated by Mohammed AJi : neither to be turned aside by antiquities, or to be crammed with lands, cotton, beans, and other tokens of ms highness’s partiality ANCIENT EGYPT. 9 of Champollion from Egypt, to which this anecdote may serve as a running commentary This fact, with others of similar nature, will serve to explain the mode in which “ aifairs are managed” at the Pasha’s court ; and also the early jealousies and bickerings among hieroglyphical savans. To those who may have read the works that during the last twelve years have issued from the European press in the new school of archteol. ogy, this explanation will be found useful ; serving them as a clue, whereby to comprehend incongruities that must frequently strike the impartial reader, by indicating the relative positions of some of the authors in Egypt, no less than the causes, why one makes sometimes so little allusion to the labors of another, who is studying the same subjects, treating on the same topics, and often arriving, independ- ently more or less of any other, at the same results. The truth is, the pursuit is so intensely interesting, the merit of a discovery so honorable to each pioneer in hieroglyphical literature, that we cannot be altogether surprised at, though we may deplore, the sometimes puerile exclusiveness of the writer. A better feeling is now becom- ing universal and it would be easy to point out instances of honorable amendment. After this digression, let us return to the chronological narrative. During the residence of the French and Tuscan expeditions in Egypt, Champollion transmitted occasional letters to Paris, to keep aiive the interest with which his movements were watched. These letters were afterwards collected into a volume, and published under the title of “ Letters written from Egypt and Nubia, in 1828-29.” They are productions worthy of so great a man, possessing intrinsic merit and utility ; but, as Champollion wrote them in haste, before a thorough examination had enabled him to form positive conclusions, there are frequent errors in the views he entertained at that time, which he himself, and others have since corrected. One of the most extraordinary faculties possessed by Champollion was a power of comprehending, at a glance, that which others could only arrive at, if at all, by long and arduous study. With a felicitous Intuitiveness of conception he. could define the meaning of an obscure legend, or irreconcileable tradition, which it took him months to ex- plain in writing, to the comprehension of others less gifted than himself. It was in consequence of this singular ability, that he often hazarded an opinion, which was either rejected by the learned, or considered problematical, until time enabled him to demonstrate its accuracy, and it became almost an axiom. In fact, this gifted Frenchman lived so much in advance of his age with regard to Egyptian subjects, that many startling propositions, put forth by him, and which death prevented his substantiating, although looked upon at first as chimeri- cal, have been confirmed by the subsequent researches of his dis- ciples ; and, even now, there are some points unexplained, that Champollion sustained fifteen years ago, which those who can judge believe will hereafter "be amply confirmed. Like other men, he was not infallible, though considering the abstruse nature of his studies, he was less liable to err than his fellows : for example : On leaving France, in 1828, he saw, at Aix, a hieratic scroll, celebrated as the Sallier papyrus ; wherein he declared was con. tained an an ancient Egyptian epic poem, referring to the conquests of Ramses 3rd. — Sesoetris — over the Shelo (a Scythian nation)— events of the sixteenth century, B. C. — and geographically located toward Bactriana or Cappadocia. Years transpired — Champollion passed away — the very existence of the papyrus was denied — its production challenged — and it was even insinuated that it might be a forgery ! The publication of a translation of this identical papyrus, by Salvolini, under the title of “ Campagne de Rhamses,” within the last six years, has silenced the cavillers. Again, he was the first to insist, that the faces of the Pharaohs of Egypt, sculptured on the temples, were likenesses of the persons represented ; thus carrying back the full use of portrait-sculpture and painting to 2000 B. C., and its origin into the night of time. After fifteen years of critical, and even hostile research, no doubt is now entertained of the truth of his assertion ; and, in my lecture room the fact will be elucidated by abundant illustrations, &c. It is likewise due to the memory of this illustrious man to men. tion, that, in his “ Precis,” lie had identified and produced the name of Sheshonk, the Shishak of Scripture, (who, in 2nd Chron. xii. 1 — 10 — 1st Kings, xiv. 25 — deposed Rehoboam,) in the following hiero. glyphical oval, drawn in a plate of the great French work, as found at Karnac. ' 1 /wws i m u MI MI /VWvVS A M o —-SEDUCTION , Illllltlll N MaiSHeSHwN K Beloved of Amon, Sheshonk. Four years elapsed, before he could verify this fact on the temple itself, during which interval, the name of Sheshonk, and his captive nations, had been examined times out of number by other hiero- glyphists, and the names of all the prisoners had been copied by them, and published, without any one of them having noticed the extraordinary biblical corroboration thence to be deduced. On his passage toward Nubia, Champollion landed for an hour or two, about sunset, to snatch a hasty view of the vast halls of Kar. nac ; and he at once pointed out in the third line of the row of sixty-three prisoners (each typical of a nation, city, or tribe,) presented by the god Amunra to Sheshonk, the following figure : Kah rtOTi. — The turreted oval inclosing the name, designates a “ walled city.” The face of the prisoner is not, as has been erroneously and hastily con- jectured, a portrait of Rehoboam, but is typical of an Asiatic, The eye of the master being able to seize, at a glance, that which his emulous disciples, or competitors, had not made out in four years, after the index was given to them ! Laden with the richest archaeological spoils that ever left Egypt, Champollion with his party returned to France in 1829, and Rosellini with his associates to Tuscany. They had labored all together ; and each monumental subject had been faithfully delineated in two copies — the one by the French, and the other by the Italian artists. Both had been collated with each other on the spot, and compared with the originals on the monuments, by the great masters ; and in per- fect harmony the expeditions had fulfilled their mission. It was amicably arranged, between Champollion and Rosellini, that they were to combine their labors in the works that were to be issued ; each, however, taking separate branches — Champollion un. dertaking the illustration of the “ Historical Monuments,” and the grammar of the hieroglyphic language of Egypt — to Rosellini was assigned the task of elucidating, by the “Civil Monuments,” the manners and customs of this ancient people, and the formation of a hieroglyphical dictionary. Each set to work by 1830 ; but Cham, pollion, finding his end approaching, hastened the completion of his grammar. Intense application had prostrated the fragile frame, which enveloped one of the most gifted mental capacities ever vouchsafed to man. The French government gave him, in the Royal Academy, a professor’s chair, created for him alone ; and his address to his pupils, at the first and only occasion accorded to him 10 ANCIENT EGYPT. by Providence, is a masterpiece of eloquence, sublimity of thought, and classical diction. He finished his grammar on his death-bed, and summoning his friends around him, he delivered the autograph into their custody, with the injunction “ to preserve it carefully, 'for, I hope, it will be my visiting card to posterity.” A few week^tafter, in Dec. 1832, Champollion le Jeune was followed to the grave by the noblest men of France ; and the wpeath of “ Immortelles ” hung over his sepul- chre, symbolized the imperishable fame of the resuscitator of the earliest records mankind has hitherto possessed. His posthumous works were put to press at the expense of the nation. The third and last part of his grammar of hieroglyphics appeared in 1841 ; while the great work, styled “ Les Monuments de l’Egypte et de la Nubie,” with 400 plates, is in progress of distri- bution, if not already completed.* His autograph dictionary is either published, or nearly so; and since his demise has precluded the possibility of giving to the public exact translations of the plates, tccording to the master’s close interpretation, his learned brother, Champollion Figeac, erudite in ancient literature, and conservator of the Royal Library at Paris, has condensed into a volume, that appeared in 1810, under the title of “ Ancient Egypt,” a history, whose only fault is its brevity. On the demise of the illustrious Frenchman, the task that devolved on his Italian colleague was herculean ; and the eyes of the learned turned, with some anxiety, upon the only surviving representative of Champollion, the erudite Tuscan, Professor Ippolito Rosellini, of Pisa, whose classical acquirements, though justly celebrated, might not perhaps have been sufficient to supply the vacuum created in hiero- glyphical archaeology. In 1832, the Italian scholar produced the first volume of his “ Monuments of Egypt and Nubia,” announcing at the same time, that he should undertake, in ten volumes of text, and four hundred plates, to furnish complete the civil, military, reli- gious, and monumental history of early Egypt. Faithfully and tri- umphantly has Professor Rosellini fulfilled the task allotted to him ; nor, if we regret that Champollion did not live to reap the full meas- ure of the harvest, can we refrain from acknowledging, that his place has been filled by a man, who, with the qualities and attributes of a gentleman, combines the profound erudition of a universal scholar. For the last ten years, Professor Rosellini has been periodically issuing the text and plates of the noblest work, which the researches of an individual and the liberality of a government have ever produced ; nor must the world, in awarding the laurel wreath to the professor, forget, that he owes his honorable position, as we do the astonishing results themselves, to the patronage of Leopold, grand duke of Tuscany. It was in 1832, that the greatest expiring effort was made to stem the hieroglyphical success of Champollion, when the immortal paleo- grapher was already enveloped in his winding sheet ; and Klaproth lias the unenviable merit of recording his own learned perverseness in the paths of error. He published a “critical examination of the labors of the late Monsieur Champollion, upon hieroglyphics ; ” whereby he fancied, as did some of his readers, that by ingenious antitheses, and not a few mistatements, he had rendered all these researches in the new school of interpretation abortive. Those, who are acquainted with his work alone, may perhaps give it a weight it does not deserve. There have been a few other insignificant attempts, in England and elsewhere, to substitute untenable absurdities, and among them are to be included those endeavors to translate hieroglyphics by Hebrew alone, in the room of Champollion’s system ; but their exis- tence was ephemeral. And, while the Hierologist, in 1843, looks down from his tower of strength on the last fugitives of the once tremendous hostile phalanx, he cheerfully accords to the Russian mystagogue (who, of course, has never been in Egypt,) Monsieur de Goulianoff, (upon the strength of his ponderous tomes on “ L’Ar- chseologie Egyptienne,” which appeared in 1839,) the exclusive honor of being, save in his undeniable profundity of research, a century be- hind the age. We can scarcely suppose, that any future scholar will peril his reputation by opposition to the general principles of Champollion’s science ; and may therefore conclude that no true savan will imitate Boabdil, when, with weeping eyes and aching heart, he cast his last lingering look on the receding Alhambra, and with him utter “ l’ultimo sospiro del Moro” — the last sigh of the Moor. But there were some learned men who, fully conceding to Cham- pollion’s system the merit of translation, were led, by their knowledge of the Coptic tongue, to doubt the correctness of a theory which main- tained, “ that a hieroglyphical text is the Coptic language written in (symbolic, figurative and phonetic) hieroglyphics, instead of in the ordinary Coptic letters ; or otherwise in the Greek character, with the addition of half a dozen signs taken from the enchorial or de- motic texts.” On the publication of the first part of the “Grammaire Egyptienne,” it was demonstrated, that, although the translation of a hieroglyphical text into French may be perfectly correct ; yet, that the pi tor reduction, or transposition, of each hieroglyphic sign into a corresponding Coptic letter, or word, did not therefore constitute the Coptic, as known to us by the translations of the Bible, homilies, and liturgies, which in that language have been preserved to us. This view was sustained, with great force of argument, by the learned Dujardin in 1835, and by others on the Continent, as by Dr. Henry Tattam in England. It became very important to extend the limited knowledge hitherto possessed of that dead language in Europe, and Mons. Dujardin was sent, by the enlightened French government, to Egypt ; where he died, before he had completed his researches and his collection of manuscripts, but not before be had fully acknow- ledged, that, in his criticisms on Champollion, he had been somewhat premature. In 1838, Dr. Henry Tattam visited Egypt, with similar views, and obtained a great accession of Coptic MSS.; and, what was infinitely more valuable, the transcript of a great Coptic and Arabic lexicon, belonging to the Copt patriarch, at Cairo ; by means of these aids this profound scholar has extended his Coptic dictionary by several thousand words. Professor Peyron issued, in due course, a most useful Coptic dictionary, more peculiarly destined to facilitate hieroglyphical interpretations than any previous lexicographer had attempted. Other learned Coptic students, Rosellini, Leipsius, Birch, &c., have given important developments to the deciphering of Egyp- tian legends, of which the hieroglyphic -and hieratic forms may now be said to be almost entirely recovered ; but owing mainly to the paucity of documents, the progress in the demotic text, has not yet been as complete. Dr. Leipsius’ “ Letter on the hieroglyphic alpha- bet,” 1836, is a wonderful analysis of this complex system ; and when the French and Italian hieroglyphical dictionaries, and the thorough critical translation of the mighty papyrus, at Turin, the “Ritual of the Dead,”* which we may look for within a couple of years, shall have been published, it will then be in the power of any one, whose acquirements in modern and ancient classics are mode- rately extensive, to verify after more or less study, the translations afforded by hierological professors. While the governments of France and Tuscany, with such wisdom and liberality, have fostered the new school of Egyptian literature ; and while, it must be allowed, the Continental colleges have furnished the masters of the still incipient hieroglyphical science, there are some private individuals in England, who not only have kept pace with Continental progress, but, each in his sphere of action, has con- tributed wonderfully to unveil to us the glories of Pharaonic epochs, and is entitled to the warmest tribute of applause. First on the catalogue stands Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, whose universality of erudition, and thorough acquaintance with ancient and modern Egypt, are recognized by all who knew his former labors, and are attested by his “ Topography of Thebes;” London, 1835 — and by the “ Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians ;” first and second series ; London, 1837, and 1841. Sir J. G. Wilkinson spent last winter again in Egypt; and is preparing other evidences of his zeal in hieroglyphical researches. And, while the name of Burton is prominent in the still circumscribed but very learned array of English hieroglyphical laborers, that of Birch promises to take rank with Champollion, Rosellini, Leipsius and Wilkinson, in Egyp- tian literature. In 1835, Hoskins published his valuable “ Travels in Ethiopia.” He corrected many of the inadvertencies of Cailleaud ; and by the production of a volume of undeniable facts, has enabled us to draw conclusions on ancient Meroe, different, as will be shown, from some of those deduced by the author himself. The splendid folios of Colonel Howard Vyse record his munificent promotion of scientific researches; and his costly labors at the pyramids have opened to our astounded contemplation views of an unquestionable antiquity, sur- passing, as I shall explain, all previous expectation. Uttier works are issuing from the Continental and English press, which will add infi- nitely to our knowledge, and to the fame of their authors. In short, the little spring of pure water which first bubbled from the Rosetta Stone, has, in 23 years, now swoln into a mighty flood ; overwhelming all opposition ; sweeping aside or carrying in its surges, those whose inclination would induce them to^tem its force ; and; at the present hour, we know more of positive Egyptian history and of the ancient inhabitants of Egypt, ages previous to the patriarch Abraham, than on many subjects we can assert of our acquaintance with England before Alfred the Great, or with France before Char- lemagne ! In addition to all these investigations, prosecuted in France, in Italy, and in England ; Prussia has granted her generous aid in favor of the good cause, by decreeing that a large sum should be placed at the disposal of Dr. Leipsius, who, with seven scientific gentlemen, is now in Egypt, there to retrace the steps of his predecessors, over the sacred ground hallowed by countless generations of antiquity. At Leyden, Dr. Leentans ; and some scholars in Holland ; at Turin, Berlin, Rome, and Vienna, other consumers of the midnight oil are emulating the students of Paris, Florence, and London. In Cairo, our “ Egyptian Society” boasts (among its members) of cooperators in the reconstruction of the venerable edifice, whose works will, ere long, establish their claims to a front rank : and it is owing to the advantages afforded to me by an institution, of which I stand second on the list of founders, that I am enabled to present here in a succinct, but, I believe, a correct view of the actual position of Egyptian hie. ’Since tin's was written, I have received from this enthusiastic German Egyptologist, who is now in Egypt, a catalogue of his various works, and -find that he translated the Ritual into German, in l&ll ! It is probable, that this papyrus will form the fina- portion of Roselini’s work. * 1 have seen all but the 40th, or final number. ANCIENT EGYPT. 11 roglyphical archaeology, no less than some insight into the not gene- rally known results of these glorious researches. Having now given a sketch of the labors of European students in hieroglyphical literature, and of the personal account of the Egypto- logists of the Champollion school, I will hazard the observation, that the narrative is new to most of those who read it in America ; and if I can convince them of the reality of the positions advanced, their conviction will be accompanied by a feeling of surprise, that they have hitherto heard so little on these subjects. I do not presume to speculate much upon the causes, that have deprived America of the light (I speak generally) which, emanating from mouldering Egypt, is pouring like a flood over Europe. One of the main causes seems to me to be, that, as most of the best works are published in foreign languages, and many at large cost, and that as their appearance “en masse,” dates back not much further than 1836, sufficient interval has not yet elapsed, for the adequate promulgation of the new science in this country, beyond what may be gleaned from the learned works of Sir J. G. Wilkinson ; whose last production made its appearance in 1841. Another cause may be in the associations connected with the very name of Egypt — a land of mystery — for 2000 years covered with a veil of darkness ; and, were 1 not half an Egyptian myself, it would seem presumption in me to assert (what, by the way, is very easily sustained,) that till lately, common sense has had very little to do with the discussions of the literati of the Continent, of England, and of the United States, upon subjects connected with that mystified country — and this as much upon its modern, as upon its ancient state. Meanwhile, I need only refer to the works published in all countries, save by the genuine hierological school on ancient, and by Mr. Lane on modern Egypt, for a series of conflicting statements, that baffle the most conscientious and laborious inquirers after truth. This is the first time that, in any country, a series of popular lec- tures and essays has been projected, for the familiar elucidation of topics hitherto discussed only by the learned ; though far be it from me to pretend to the latter character. The very term hieroglyphics is a common bye-word in our tongue, to designate anything incom- prehensible ! and, if I venture to show, that the apprehended unin- telligibility of Egyptian hieroglyphics is, in 1843, an illusion, I trust that the truth, and the undeniable importance of the subjects handled, will not be doubted, in consequence of the insufficiency of my ex- planations ; nor the unintentional errors of the writer be a reason for withholding from the labors of the Champollion school the atten- tion they so imperiously demand. Yet, if America has hitherto been quiescent, and tardy in further- ing the progress of Egyptian developments, it will be satisfactory to her people to be assured, that there is one American savan who, at a bound, will carry a very important branch of these sciences to unan- ticipated and glorious results. The name of Dr. Samuel George Morton, vice-president of the “Academy of Natural Sciences” at Philadelphia, is already associated with profound researches into the primeval history of man on this continent ; and no student of anthro- pology but has been enlightened by his “ Crania Americana.” For- tuitous circumstances, consequent on his own instigation, have enabled me to place before Dr. Morton a mass of crude materials, » which form the basis of the work, now preparing for the press, under the title of “ Crania yEgyptiaca.” When, in the course of these chap- ters, I approach the subject of ancient ethnology, as deducible from the monuments of Egypt, it will be seen what an immense light is, for the first time, thrown on the origin of the ancient Egyptian race by Dr. Morton’s researches; and, in the interim, I seize this opportunity to express my acknowledgments for the varied instruction I have de- rived from our intercourse, no less than my gratitude for the manifold kindnesses received at his hands. • In treating on Egyptian subjects, it behoves me, as it is likewise due to my valued friend, Mr. F. Catherwood, to state, that I am aware of his having preceded me. Having had the pleasure of forming, years ago, at Cairo, those friendly relations with him that continue to the present hour, there are none more able than myself to appre- ciate his intimate acquaintance with that ancient country ; and, in various branches of study I am happy to acknowledge his superior attainments. Mr. Catherwood’s lectures embraced a much wider field of observation than my own dissertations, as he could add his researches in other Eastern countries — particularly in Palestine — to those he prosecuted for several years in Egypt. My illustrations of antiquity are confined to the Valley of the Nile. At the time when Mr. Catherwood lectured on Egypt, the bulk of the works from which I have culled the matters whereon I intend to descant, had not issued from the press; and none, I may say, had reached this country. Any difference, therci:e«, in our respective Egyptian views, is attributable to these circumstances, rather than to any deficiency on Mr. Cather- wood’s part at the time of his lectures. Since those days, Mr. Cather- wood’s attention has been turned to a distinct, and still more arduous field of antiquarian investigation ; and the long-buried and almost incredible monumental remains in Central America, exhumed with unlooked-for and extraordinary success by Mr. John L. Stephens, have given to Mr. Catherwood such opportunities for distinguishing nimself, that, in treating on ancient Egypt, I have his assurances that I am not trenching upon his interests or pursuits. I was in this country at the time of Mr. Buckingham’s arrival, and am acquainted with his literary works. Not having attended nt* lectures, I know them only from hearsay, through the periodical press, or from some of his own publications. No comparison can consist- ently be instituted between things wherein there exists no parity ; and, as I am particularly desirous that my subjects, opinions, acquire, ments, intentions, le^fures, and principles, should be considered totally distinct from those of Mr. Buckingham, it would be unbe coming, as well as unnecessary, to say more on this head. It has been already casually stated, that I have been a sojourner in the land of Egypt, for the greater part of twenty-three years. Congenial tastes have, since my boyhood, induced me, as often as opportunities occurred, to keep pace with the writings of eminent travellers ; while, with most of those who have visited Egypt, and especially with those who followed out the new discoveries, I have been on terms of social intimacy, and with many I am in correspond, ence. A chequered, and not an idle life, enables me to speak on many subjects from personal experience and long-practiced know ledge — and for topographical acquaintance with that country, I can say, that there is little space on either side of the Nile, from the sea beach to the second Cataract, with which my sporting habits have not rendered me familiar. In 1839, having resolved to absent myself for an indefinite period, from the land of my adoption, I took advan tage of nearly two years’ leisure to ascertain the amount of informa- tion gleaned, by the Champollion school, on early Egyptian history I indulged my migrating propensities by a visit to Upper Egypt and Nubia, as well as by various dromedary excursions into the eastern and western deserts adjacent to Cairo. My sedentary hours were occupied in studying the works whence I derive such antiquarian information as I possess, or in discussing relative questions with tht many talented men and erudite scholars who adorned our Egypto European community. I pretend to no discoveries of my own. I have availed myself of the productions of the learned in Egyptian archteology, that are, ot have been, within my reach. I have adopted all of them in different proportions. I frequently use the language of some ; have taken ideas from all ; and after this avowal, trust that I shall escape the charge of plagiarism ; for who, in 1843, can treat of a country which, for two thousand three hundred years, has occupied the pens and the more or less critical examinations of the learned of every ancient and modern nation, without availing himself of the information con tained in the published labors of his predecessors ? The only power to which I venture to lay claim, is that of dis- crimination in the choice of my authorities ; and, it will be found, that, while making use of the some facts to be met with in the works of the Champollions, Roseilini, Wilkinson, &c., I sometimes attempt to assign reasons differing from theirs, or for more extensive con elusions. During a stay of some months in the year 1841, in England, I thought that if I returned to America, I should be able to occupy an interval of time, profitably to myself, and perhaps advantageously to others, as a lecturer on early Egyptian subjects. A long sea voyage threw me out of the season ; and when I sought in American libra- ries for some of the great works of the New School, I found, to my extreme regret, that the most important were wanting. I had therefore valid grounds for supposing that, to the majority of those I might address, the manner of elucidating hieroglyphical arcana, no less than many of the practical results themselves, would at least present the charm of novelty ; but, in the absence of indis- putable facsimiles of Egyptian legends and monumental subjects, it was impossible to prepare any satisfactory pictorial illustrations. It is with sincere pleasure, that I now express my acknowledge- ments to my valued friend, R. K. Haight, Esq., of New-York, whose friendship I acquired some years ago in Egypt, for supplying, independently of his other varied kindnesses, these deficiencies of books, by procuring from Europe “ I Monumenti dell ’Egitto e della Nubia,” of Professor Roseilini. This invaluable work, the first and the only copy (complete as far as it has hitherto appeared) exist- ing in the United States, has been lent to me by Mr. H., and is now in my possession. From this work, with occasional extracts from others, the illustrations that embellish my oral lectures have been copied, with scrupulous fidelity, by Philadelphian artists. The only de- viation from the originals lies in the requisite enlargement of the copies ; but beyond this, in my pictorial representations, no departure in color, or in anything else, has been made from the original plates. Finally : if my readers will kindly take into consideration, that my life has been spent, and my exertions, till I landed in New-York in January, 1842, have been actively directed in multifarious pur- suits, totally distinct in nature from the position I now occupy before them, I trust they will look with indulgence on the attempt made to acquit myself of the agreeable, but arduous task before me, rather than at the deficiencies proceeding from my own want of ability. CHAPTER SECOND. The origin of the Art of Writing loses itself among the nebulou' periods of man’s primeval history. With the original ethnographic varieties of the human species, the primitive geographical distribu. tion of mankind, the patriarchal fountains of a once pure religion. 12 ANCIENT EGYPT. and the earliest sources of the diversity of language, must be asso- ciated the first developments of that art, which, from the remotest periods, has enabled man to record his history, and to overcome space nnd time in the transmission of his thoughts. And it must be allowed, that on all these subjects, however success- fully the efforts of antiquaries, in the last quai^Er of a century, have enlightened us with unexpected and almost unhoped-for glimpses of the truth ; yet, beyond a certain epoch, of which the antiquity is scarcely definable, their lights fail us ; and the origin of letters, with n thousand accompanying questions, is lost in the night of time ; wherein, to use the beautiful words of Bryant, “ These subjects as- sume the fantastic forms of an evening cloud ; we seem to descry castles, and mountains, and gigantic appearances, but, while we gaze, the forms die away, and are soon lost in gloom and uncertainty.” All the progress that modern researches have, as yet, achieved, is to carry back the positive epoch of the absolute existence of writing, rather than to have lifted the veil, which conceals its primeval origin. The lamp of modern inquiry has illumined our pathway, and ex- tended our knowledge a few hundred years beyond the point reached by our forefathers. Here and there, its projectile ray is through the gloom reflected, by some diamond imbedded in the distant rock ; but the shadows of the cavern flit before our eyes, and the fire-damp warns us of the danger of advance. Whether the art of writing was a consequence of the necessities of human society, the result of a progress from the rude savage to tne civilized man, can be looked upon now-a-days only as a curious speculation. Nor when we shall take into consideration, in a sub- sequent chapter, the subject of Chronology, can this hypothesis be consistently sustained, without overthrowing the entire fabric of Scriptural history ; because, I trust, that I shall be able to demon, strate, from the positive records of Egypt, that if to the already almost biblically-irreconcileable antiquity, imperiously required for the monuments still erect in that country, we add the countless ages that would be required, before the theoretical primitive Savage could conceive, much less execute, such an eternal edifice as one pyramid, we must fall back upon geological, and cease to define his progress by chronological periods. Far less inconsistent with the refinement in arts and sciences, that we encounter at the remotest epoch of Egyptian history, and infinitely more in accordance is it with the Sacred Word, to class the art of writing among those primeval, if not antediluvian, revelations to man, of which we possess much col- lateral evidence ; although of the act we have no positive record, and of the era we are utterly uncertain. Until the discoveries of Champollion enabled us to produce “ writ- ings,” “ sculptured letters,” and “ painted alphabetic signs,” coeval with generations, that in the days of the Patriarch Abraham had long ceased to exist, not only has writing been traced to the Hebrews, Chinese, Phoenicians, Chaldeans, Hindoos, or Egyptians, according to the respective theories of the scholar, his prejudices and partiali- ties ; but, it was maintained by some of the learned, that we owe the art of writing to Moses, the Hebrew Lawgiver; and that the Tablets of stone, in the wilderness of Sinai, are the first authentic evidence we possess of early alphabetic writing ; whence the conclusion would inevitably follow, that this inestimable blessing had been denied to man, until the 15th century before the Christian era ! That such an hypothesis is fallacious, may be shown by Scripture itself ; even were we deprived of the unanswerable proofs to be gleaned from Gentile records. In Gen. v. 1st — “ This is the booh of the generations of Adam” — reference is made to the book of gene, alogy; whence it irresistibly follows, that writing must have been in use among the antediluvian patriarchs ; and, under the view that writing was a divine revelation, the same Almighty power that, ac- cording to the preceding proposition, instructed Moses, could have equally vouchsafed a similar inspiration to any patriarch from Adam to Noah ; nor does it seem consistent with the merciful dispensation which preserved Noah’3 family through the grand cataclysm, and had condescended, according to the biblical record, to teach him those multitudinous arts indispensably requisite to the construction of a vessel destined to pass uninjured through the tempests of the deluge, that the Almighty, by withholding the art of writing, should have left the account of antediluvian events to the vicissitudes of oral tradition, or denied to Noah’s holy family the practice of that art, which, it is maintained, was conceded first to Moses. But there are other arguments, that confirm the existence of the art of writing in antediluvian epochs (whether by symbols or by alphabetic signs,) to be gathered from a critical examination of the Pentateuch ; and, while I would casually observe, that “ Moses was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians” — Acts vii. 22 — I will point out some of the reasons for this assertion. The five books of Moses* carry with them internal evidence, not of one sole, connected, and original composition, but of a compila- tion, by an inspired writer, from earlier annals. “ The genealogical tables and family records of various tribes, that are found embodied in the Pentateuch, bear the appearance of documents copied from written archives. They display no trait which might lead us to * Vide Trichord’s Egyptian Mythology— Wiseman’* Lecture*— and “ Hebrew Cha racier* uerived trom Hieroglyphics.” by John Lamb, J).D.. Master of Corpus C. Col- lege, Cambridge— London, 1836. References will therein be found to the worKs, caiefly ef Herman liebraica! students, en which the above assertions are grounded. ascribe their production to the dictates of immediate revelation, nor are we anywhere informed that such in reality was their origin. We are aware that similar documents were constructed by the inspired writers of the Gospels, from national archives or family memorials.’ The obvious presumption is, that Moses obtained records of a like description from similar sources, unless it can be shown that no such means were in existence at the time. We have the authority of Genesis v., 1, for asserting the existence of a book of genealogies in the time of Noah; and a city, mentioned by Joshua, was named in Hebrew, “ Kirjath Sefer” — the City of Letters. It is impossible to prove that letters were unknown before Moses ; and the Hebrews of his day appear even to have had two distinct modes of writing; the characters of which, in one case, were alphabetic, and in the other symbolic. The inscription on the Ephod itself is said — Exodus xxviii., 36 — to have been written in characters “ like the engravings of a signet;’’ and the original type of the sacred Urim and Thux- mim was, as will hereafter be shown, derived from an earlier combi- nation of emblems, possibly Egyptian. We have, therefore, many reasons to believe that the use of letters, and the practice of preserving chronicles and genealogies, were known to the Hebrews long before Moses : while, in any case, if an attempt were made, in violation of all legitimate inferences, to draw attestation from Holy Writ, and it were proved that, until the time of Moses, the Jews were unable to preserve their national annals save by oral tradition, it would, in the present advanced state of positive knowledge in the history of contem- porary Gentile nations (who, ages anterior to Moses, had authentic and written chronicles,) show that the Israelites were, till the 15th cen- tury before Christ, more ignorant than any great people of antiquity — a position which, I presume, would be as detrimental to Scrip- tural authenticity, as, in truth, it would be contrary to reason and to fact. But it has been demonstrated, by a succession of eminent scholars, since the year 1753, that a critical examination of the Hebrew text of Genesis establishes the truth of the assertion, that this book con- tains several original records ; each bearing on its face the strongest marks of authenticity, and of long anterior antiquity, which have been brought together by the hand of Moses. Genesis contains repetitions and double narratives of the same events — distinguished by different characteristics of style, distinctly marked. Two histo- ries are clearly defined in the Hebrew text : in one, the Deity is styled Elodim; and in the other, Jehovah ; besides an infinitude of differences in relative style, that leave no doubt, on the mind of the scholastic investigator, in regard to the diversity of the records which chronicle the same event. Again, the Book of Job is, by learned theologians, said not to be a Hebrew production ; though accepted, and authenticated, by the lawgiver of Israel. Job lived in the land of Uz — Aramanea — of which Edom was a district, and Arabia our modern designation Job was not a Hebrew of the Hebrews, but an Arabian; probably of Joktan’s race : and, according to Hales, his probable epoch was about 2337 B. C. ; that is, from 600 to 800 years before Moses. This chronological view is further corroborated by the following facts with regard to Eliphaz, the Temanite, one of Job’s friends. In Ge- nesis xxxvi., 4, 10, and in I. Chronicles i., 35, we learn that Eliphaz was Esau’s eldest son. Now, if this Eliphaz be identified with the Eliphaz in Job, it is manifest that Job, being contemporary with Eli- phaz, must have preceded Moses by some centuries : and that he is thus identified is fairly inferrible ; first, from the fact that the name of Eliphaz occurs nowhere in the Bible, but in the Book ot Jod and in the chapters above cited ; and second, from Eliphaz being called the Temanite, since we learn from Jeremiah xlix., 7, 20, that Teman was a province or portion of Edom, the country of Esau. Job (in xix., 23) exclaims, “ Oh that my words were written ! Oh that they were printed in a book.” I presume the Hebrew word, rendered printed in our version, does not, in its original language, convey strictly this meaning. Again — Job, xxxi., 35 — “ Oh that one would hear me ! Behold, my desire is that the Almighty would answer me, and that mine adversary had written a book.” It therefore follows, that in Job’s day (whenever that was) books were not un- known. His affecting and pious narrative, while it combines with abun- dance of other evidence, to prove that the pure belief in One God was not limited to the Jewish patriarch Abraham, after the first cor- ruption of our forefathers, assures us, that written chronicles, and even the sublimest poetry, were in use long before Moses. We are likewise thus made aware, that this inspired writer, when he com- piled the Pentateuch, did not disdain the records of Gentile nations, in the case of Job, to console the Israelites during their forty years of tribulation in the wilderness ; nor did his descendants consider them unworthy of incorporation into their sacred books. We may also gather some confirmative inferences, that compilation was not re- jected by other inspired writers, from the fact, that the collection of sacred poems, received under the names of David’s Psalms, w’ere composed, at different and distant intervals, some by David, and many of them after the Babylonish captivity ; and were subsequently collected together in the Hebrew archives, and attributed exclusively, though erroneously, to David, by the Jews, as by ourselves. 1 pass over the various other instances to be found insthe Pentateuch, all corroborative of the correctness of the assertion, that, in Moses’ time, ANCIENT EGYPT. 19 books were familiar to the Hebrews ; who were instructed to believe that their sins were recorded in the Almighty’s book — Exodus xxxii., 32,33 — which was no new doctrine in the days of Moses ; and I extract from Dr. Lamb’s invaluable work, the succeeding paragraph, as well as other evidences. “ Every attentive reader of the Bible must have observed, that the book of Genesis is divided into two perfectly separate and dis- tinct histories. The first part is an account of the Creation, and the general history of mankind up to the building of the Tower of Babel. The second part is the history of Abraham, and his de- scendants ; from the call of the patriarch in the land of Ur of the Chaldees, to the death of Joseph, after the settlement of the children of Israel in Goshen, in the land of Egypt. The first part contains the history of above two thousand years ; and is contained in the ten first chapters of Genesis, and nine verses of the eleventh. The second part comprises a period of about two hundred and fifty years, and occupies the remaining thirty-nine chapters. This history, which commences at the beginning of the twelfth chapter, is preceded by a genealogical table, tracing Abraham’s pedigree up to the patriarch Shem. Between the event (Babel) recorded in the ninth verse of the eleventh chapter, and the next verse (viz : the call of Abraham,) there intervenes a period of nearly four hundred years, during which we know nothing of the history of the human race from the sacred Scriptures.” Thus, then, the Israelites, before the Exodus, would have pos- sessed two sacred books. One, “ Genesis,” properly so called ; and the other, “ The History of Abraham.” There is no reason for supposing that other contemporary nations did net possess, in those early times, similar records ; nor is there any reason why other contemporary nations should not have chroni- cled all great events, and handed down, perhaps as far as ourselves, some of the annals of those events, that took place upon the earth, on which the Bible, during an interval of “ above four hundred years,” is strictly silent. It will be seen that the Egyptians have. “We know that, in addition to these (books,) the Hebrews had another book, entitled “ Milchamotli Jehovah ” — the “Wars of Jeho- vah” — (vague traditions, concerning which mythes abound in Gen- tile records, as the wars of the gods with Titan, the Indian primeval annals, See.) “ from which a quotation is given in Numbers xxi.,14.” Learned Hebraists also consider that the Jews, anterior to the age of Moses, had a collection of national ballads, in a book, entitled “ Sepher-Hajashur” — see Joshua x., 13 — “ Is not this written in the Book of Jasher ? ” The frequent use of the words, “ and he sang,” are deemed to allude to the first sentence of some more ancient song ; whence the title of a book was derived — Judges v., 1 — Debo- rah’s song is an instance. It is finally sustained, by great church theologians, that Moses, when, under the inspiration of God, he indited the books of the law, prefixed to them a history of Abraham and his posterity, as pre- served by Israel’s family ; and at the same time rendered their sacred records of the Creation and history of man up to the dispersion at Babel (which are presumed to have been written in a different char- acter — probably symbolic writing — from that now known to us as the Hebrew letters,) into the Hebrew language, as current in Moses’ day. I am thus particular in demonstrating, by biblical evidence, that the art of writing did not originate with Moses, lest the position now indisputably established, of the prior antiquity of this art among Gentile nations, of the earliest periods, should appear to militate against the authenticity of the Mosaic record ; and it will be con- ceded, that when once, by arguments grounded on the Bible itself, the use of books among the Hebrews is carried back to antediluvian periods, not only is the charge of heresy in these matters rendered nugatory, but the inference in favor of a primary divine revelation considerably strengthened. The Jews were not the only people who preserved written me- morials of the deluge, for among all nations we find vague traditions of the event itself ; and in many we may trace the former existence of written chronicles. If, at the present day, we cannot produce voluminous annals, coeval with early postdiluvian eras, in support of this assertion, we can adduce abundance of historical reasons, to account for the absence of these primeval documents in our day, in the fearful destruction of ancient libraries by the barbarous fanaticism of numerous nations, and of all creeds; no less than by accidents, and casualties, to which, from their inflammable nature, or perishable materials, all literary productions are liable. Without recapitulating the various instances of the annihilation of ancient archives in Asia Minor, Greece, and Syria, let us remember, that in the defence of the arsenal against the furious attacks of an enraged Alexandrian populace, Julius Caesar could not save the Ptolemaic library from conflagration ; while the subsequent insensate decree of the ruthless Omar, enforced the obliteration of the second mightiest collection of ancient chronicles, it had taken 600 years to accumulate in the Christian Bibliothecal repository at Alexandria. In China, the ”1 artar conquerors devoted to the flames the precious annals of ante- rior history; while, with the same fiendish zeal, their brethren devas- tated many of the Indian and Central Asiatic libraries. The Saracenic torrent that overthrew the dynasty of Chosroes — “ Khuzruff ” — sa- tiated its unrelenting destructiveness on the volumes which for ages nad accumulated in Persian archives. And if, in some partial degree, the intelligence of the Abbaside Caliphate of Bagdad, the transitory encouragement of letters by the various Arab houses, that alternately ruled over Egypt, er the liberal patronage afforded to science and literature by the Saracenic dynasties of Morocco and Granada, serve to mitigate the anathemas, which we are justified in heaping on the entire race of “Amawedyeh” Saracens, let no interposing hand save from execration the descendants of the Seljook, or Turcoman, with those of the untameable and desecrating Mogul. At this very hour, the Scythian horde, encamped amid the ashes of once populous and civilized communities, is the same irredeemable aggregation of mis- creants, from Constantinople to Egypt, as in former days; and if we are now alive to deplore the historical losses we owe to Turk, ish barbarism, it is solely to the Christian lances of our own chival- rous ancestry, and, at the present hour, to the dreaded length of our bayonets, that, under Providence, we are indebted. Mohammed Ali, the idol of a false philanthropy, the praise-bespattered mocker of European civilization, has destroyed, in Egypt, more monuments of antiquity, than the Hykshos, than Cambyses, thvi Artaxerxes Ochus than Lathyrus ; and, while mystified Europe, chants “ Io peeans ” for his great intentions, he has permitted, as I have elsewhere shown, the annihilation of more historical legends in 40 years, than had been compassed by 18 centuries of Roman, Byzantian, Arab, or Ottoman misrule. Did not the Tyrian annals perish with the fleets and fortresses of Phoenicia, on the overthrow of the mistress of the deep by Alexander? Had Marius no hand in the obliteration of Punic chronicles at Car- thage ? and is not Titus amenable for the sacrilegous annihilation of Hebrew archives on the fall of Hierosolima ? Did not Brennus, the Gaul, destroy the seven-hilled city herself, with all her public registers, in 390 B. C.? Wherever we turn in the history of nations, we are met by indis- putable evidence of the former existence of ancient chronicles through- out the world, accumulated during countless centuries, while we are harrowed by the event, which has deprived us of their possession. Impartiality cannot forget, that misdirected zeal, and monkish fanaticism, have marked every Christian country with a similar dis- regard for the preservation of early annals ; nor can we spare even our ancestors from the charge of cancelling, in order to insert the reveries of a superstitious recluse, those invaluable pages known to us as Palimpsesti. Where is the history of Hecatseus of Miletus ? where the annals of Manetho, Berosus, or Eratosthenes? a few mutilated fragments, are all we possess of their compendious volumes 1 And where are the still earlier records, whence they compiled their information ? Eternally lost — save such as Chamfollion has pointed out on the monuments and papyri of Egypt ! But, if we are deprived of the original records of the Gentiles, we must not forget, that the deified Tiioth — the first Hermes (erroneously confounded with Hermes Tris- megistus) wrote, and perhaps too, in antediluvian periods, in sacred language, and, possibly, in purely symbolic characters, the wisdom and philosophy of his times. Again, we must not omit that, after the deluge, Thoth the 2nd — or Trismegistus, mystically defined as an incarnation of his antediluvian prototype — had written forty-two volumes, preserved with religious care, according to Clement, of Alexandria, A. D. 194, in which were contained all the rules, pre- cepts, and documents, relating to religion, to dogma, to government, cosmogony, to astronomy, to geography, to medicine, and to all those arts and sciences, whose perfection is attested by the still standing works, and the still existing remains of the ancient Egyptians. Authorities, contemporary with the decline of Pharaonic glory, enumerated, after the Persian conquest, B. C. 525, above twenty thousand volumes, in constant, universal, and popular use among the inhabitants of Egypt ; the productions of a Suphis, Athothis, Necho, and Petosiris — all Egyptian Pharaohs ; no less than of priests and other philosophers, who lived, nearly all of them, ages before Moses ; and how could the Jewish historian have been “learned in all the wis- dom of the Egyptians.” — Acts vii., 22 — if, in the course of his sacer- dotal education at Heliopolis, or Memphis, he was not initiated in the mysteries, as well as proficient in hieroglyphic writing ? and if he had not enjoyed free access to the Egyptian primeval records ? All history testifies to the existence of books, on every subject, in early Egypt. We know the names of many of the authors; some- times the title of the work ; often the subject of their literary labors. Poems, and, above all others, epic poems were common in Egypt ; and were publicly chanted to the praises of deites, or to perpetuate the gtorious actions of heroes. Homer, it is said, visited Egypt about the 9th century B. C.; and the poet Naucratis charges him with gleaning from Egyptian bards, the ideas which, with such sublimity of thought and diction, he perpetuated in his Iliad and Odyssey. Of the existence of such poems, no doubt can now be sustained, after reading Salvolinis’ translation of the hieratic papyrus (known as Sallier’s) at Paris, recording the conquests of Ramses the Great, about B. C. 1530. And, of the early existence of royal and national libraries, contemporary with, if not prior to the epoch of Moses, we are made certain by the following fact. That magnificent ruin at Thebes, miscalled the Memnonium, is, I think without doubt, the palace of Osvmandias, described by Diodorus, as seen by Hecataeus in the 59th Olympiad. It then contained a library of sacred books ; .4 ANCIENT EGYPT over tl>e entrance-gateway of which was inscribed, “ the remedy for the soul.” This palace is the Ramsessium, a temple-palace of Ramses 3rd, (Sesostris) and over the mouldering doorway, which once led from the hall to the now-destroyed bibliothecal repository, Champollion was the first to read in hieroglyphics over the heads of ‘‘Thoth ” and “Safk” — the male and female pities of arts, sciences, and letters — the remarkably appropriate titles “ Lady of Letters ” — and “ President of the Library !” The door of the library, at the Ramsessium, might be cavilled at, on-the ground of its erection about the times of Moses. We will go back 200 years, to the sanctuary of the temple of Luqsor — of the day of Amunoph the 3rd — whom the Greeks and Romans degraded into the fabulous Memnon.' and whose statue became vocal, for- sooth ! Here an inscription over “ Thoth ” begins, “ discourse of the Lord of the divine writings ” — and another over “ Safk, Lady of Letters!" The enumeration of all the literary works of the Ancient Egyp- tians, of which we have mementos, requires little beyond extracts from Champollion Figcac ; but, as the detail does not possess suf- ficient interest to general readers, I limit myself to the main features of the theme. The discoveries of the ardent investigators of the new school have authenticated as Egyptian in origin, however their mythology was misconstrued by the authors, or their copyists, the ancient writings of Apuleius, Pcemander, Horus-Apollo, Hermapion ; as well as those fragments, known to classical archaeologists as the Hermetic books- From the latter, I have taken the prophetic motto, that heads in my lecture-room the illustrative transparency — as given by Wilkinson : “ O JEgypte, jEgypte .... sol® supererunt fabul®, et ®que in. ersdibiles posteris .... sola supererunt verba lapidibus incisa.” And I render, from the French of Champollion Figeac, the touching lament the whole paragraph contains: “ O Egypt, Egypt! a time shall come, when, in lieu of a pure reli- gion, and of a pure belief, thou wilt possess nought but ridiculous fables, incredible to posterity ; and nothing will remain to thee, but words engraven on stones — the only monuments that will attest thy piety.” — ( Books of Hermes .) The pure resilitions of Egyptian philosophical doctrines start, in spite of their Grecian chrysalis from all the pages we possess of Orpheus, Pythagoras, Plato, and Aristotle ; and evince, that in philo- sophy, as in everything else, the Greeks borrowed from the Egyp- tians ; who are not, however, amenable for errors, that originate in the vanity, volatility, and misapprehension of the Hellenes ; and which invest the profound and practical wisdom of the teachers, with the puerilities of the pupils. The touchstone of hieroglyphical analysis now enables us to cull the Nilotic pearls from the mound, and return them with honor to their proprietors ; leaving the remain- der to the Greeks as their exclusive copyright. I have been thus prolix, to show that history sacred and profane, which, however doubtful before Champollion’s discoveries, is now supported by hieroglyphical evidence, would alone suffice to over- throw the fallacy, that attributes to Moses the invention of letters, or to the Hebrews the exclusive transmission of early annals, descrip- tive of some antediluvian, and many postdiluvian events. The very Scriptures derive confirmation from the fact, that many early nations preserved written legends, as well as oral traditions, of those primeval days ; and I have endeavored to account, in the destruction of well-authenticated libraries, for the reason, why the Jewish Chronicles were, till lately, all that the lapse of ages has preserved to us. There are remarkable connections between fragments of profane historians, and several parts of Genesis ; and the practice of preserving every species of written chronicle, being far more ancient than Moses, recedes into the mists of remote antiquity, among nations distinct from the Hebrews, ethnographically and geographically, and in era anterior to, as in modes of writing, and attributes of speech, removed from Jewish assimilation or connection. Berosus, who wrote B. C. 268, gives a Chaldean history of the ten antediluvian peneiations, that differs but in names from the Hebrew account. He expressly affirms, that Xisuthrus (whom we term Noah) com- piled memoirs of the previous history of mankind before the flood, from which all existing accounts were said to have been derived. Allowing them to be a Semitic, and therefore, to the Hebrews, a cognate tribe, we cannot deny to the Chaldeans a full knowledge of the art of writing, at the earliest period, for they must have been familiar with •ome method of writing, before they could construct tables with astronomical observations. These tables are allowed by theologian, as likewise by astronomical criticism, to date as far back as B. C. 2234, or 700 years before Moses ! And yet Diodorus distinctly avers, that the Babylonians learned astronomy from the Egyptians, “ being themselves an Egyptian colony .” We know, monumentally, that Mesopotamia — “Naharina” — was a subdued country, tributary to Egypt, at 1600 B. C. ; and know not during how many centuries previously it had been such. Fragments of Sanconiathon lead us to inferences confirmatory of Berosus. Amid these various records, it would seem, as if the Jews pre- served one or more copies of primeval legends, which by Moses were compiled into one account; collating portions of them, perhaps, with similar documents, existing in the hieroglyphic character, luring his education in Egyptian colleges.* I say “ similar docu- ments,” because we have the authority of Plato, (see Wilkinson, 4lh vol. p. 169,) that when Solon visited Egypt, about 549 B. C., the Egyptian priests, with whom he was conversing about “ the be- ginning of all things,” said to him — “ You mention one deluge only, whereas many happened.” I leave it to geologists to define the true meaning of the priests, and to concede the correctness of the Egyp- tian record. The Egyptian priests told Solon many things, that must have humbled his Athenian pride of superior knowledge ; but one fact that they told him, on geography, is so curious, in regard to the “ far West,” that it is worthy of mention. We know the maritime abilities of the Phoenicians, and we can adduce tangible reasons to show, that, by orders of Pharaoh Necho, Africa had been circumnavigated, and the Cape of Good Hope, about 600 B. C., actually doubled, before it was in the year 1497 of our era, discovered by Diaz and Vasco de Gama. The Egyptians had intercourse with Hindostan, the Spice Islands, and China, long before that period; and in maritime skill equalled, as in geographical knowledge they surpassed all early nations. Now, when Solon was receiving that instruction in the Egyptian sacerdotal colleges, which rendered him the “ wisest of mankind,” (among the Athenians,) besides gleaning an insight into primeval history, and geology, that subsequently induced him to compose a great poem, wherein he treated on Attica, before the Ogygian flood, and on the vast Island, which had sunk into the Atlantic Ocean ; he was informed by “ Sonchis, one of the priests, of the existence of the At- lantic Isles ; which, Sonchis said, were larger than Africa and Asia united.” See Wilkinson — “Thebes” — p. 254, extract from Plato. In the course of these essays and lectures, I shall incidentally advert to sundry curious facts of the same kind ; but, as the pj-esent chapter and the following, are to be devoted to the writings of the ancient Egyptians, I proceed to other branches of my subject, with this prefatory remark, that is requisite to do away with any seeming discrepancy between my assertions, and those views of Holy writ, which, in common with many others, I was taught at school. It is this : That to suppose Hebrew to be the most ancient language, and the one spoken by Adam and Noah, is a matter of opinion ; contrary to evidence ; immaterial in itself, as regards Christian belief ; and non- essential to any view of the case ; but to suppose, that, within a comparatively few years after Noah, the Jewish annals were the only written Chronicles, and that Hebrew was the only language, in which histories of antediluvian events were, by the immediate descendants of Noah — those whose movements were affected by the Dispersion — preserved, is, at the present hour, an untenable fallacy. “ L’on est revenu de tout 5 a.” That to suppose Moses to be the inventor of letters is an illusion ; though he may have modified the Hebrew alphabet ; and there are some inferences, to be drawn from similarity of alphabetic charac- ters, that he may have adopted some Egyptian phonetic improve- ments on the primitive Hebrew method of symbolic writings — “ like the engravings of a signet ” — inasmuch, as the Egyptians, for more than a thousand years before his time, had used the same symbolic, figurative, and phonetic signs, that were in popular use in his day ; for, according to Acts vii. 22, “ Moses was learned in all the wis- dom of the Egyptians.” It has been clearly shown, by the Rev. Dr. John Lamb, of Cam- bridge University, that the Hebrew alphabet may be traced, letter for letter, to a primitive hieroglyphic. The greater part of theso hieroglyphical parents of the present Hebrew alphabet are unques- tionably Egyptian ; but while, in principle, I entirely coincide with his lucid arrangement, it is necessary for a hierologist to state, that some of the symbols are not strictly Egyptian, although it is possible other homophones would supply the vacancies. In his opinion, as in that of many other English and Continental hebraists, the original, and perhaps antediluvian, mode of writing was picture writing, 01 idiographic ; whence all alphabets were subsequently derived ; each taking that form consistent with the genius of each language, as spoken and written by the earliest families of the human race. In speculating, however, upon these hitherto insoluble problems, it seems to me orthodox, as well as reasonable, knowing as we do from Scripture that books existed long before Moses, and probably long before Noah, to reflect upon the following crude supposition, which I advance hypothetically, with deference to superior judgment. When mankind, either on the primitive peaceful separation of the children of Noah, in the days of Peleg (whose name in Hebrew means “ to divide,” and “ to separate,”) or, on the subsequent vio- lent and miraculous dispersion at Babel, in the plains of Shinar, sought in varied climes, and under infinitely.diversified circum- stances, to obey the Creator's fiat, “ Go forth, be fruitful and multi, ply,” each distinct family of man, proceeding “ in sorrow,” “ to eat bread,” by “ the sweat of his face, till he return unto the ground,” carried with the physical diversities, and craniological, osteological, capillary, and cuticular varieties of his peculiar race, the differences of language. Each distinct family of man, (or perhaps only the higher Caucasian castes,) may have possessed a transcript of that original, primeval * Confr. Faber— Origin ofPagan Idolatry— pp. 302-3 ANCIENT EGYPT. IS chronicle, that contained memorials of the flood, and of anterior events. To the intervention of time, and vast geographical distances, the changes of method, and the alteration of alphabetic signs, may pos- sibly be traced, and probably attributed. Some nations, in the lapse of ages, may have forgotten the primi. five art of writing ; but have preserved oral traditions of the former existence of that art ; and these nations may have set about the re- discovery of the mode of transmitting their thoughts, in writing, to posterity. And while, under this view, I proceed to show what might possibly have been the process, by which this lost art could have been recovered, I would observe, that a strong analogy in tra- cing writing to primeval Revelation may be found, in ascending to the divine origin of the belief in the unity of the Godhead, and of his ineffable attributes in the Trinity, (Monotheism, mystically developed in triads,) the existence of which pure primeval creed among the Gentiles, is shown by the mythological systems of the Hindoos, the Pelasgic Greeks, the Orphic philosophers, the Tyrians, the Sidoni- ans, the Syrians, the Edessenes, the Chaldeans, the Peruvians, (?) the Chinese, and Ultra-Gangetic nations, of the remotest antiquity, to have been the same, as, thoroughly demonstrable by hieroglyphical discoveries, it is now proved to have been the faith of those initiated in the hierophantic mysteries of the traduced, and misunderstood, Ancient Egyptians.* The narrow limits of this hurried treatise preclude the develop- ment I could wish to give to this portion of my subject. In attribu- ting the art of writing to primary Revelation, there arises a difficulty from the query, how, if the art were known to mankind at the Dis- persion, does it happen that each early nation should have used a different alphabet ? This might be met, if not answered, by a pa- rallel question ; how is it, that each family of man s^oke a different language after Babel? We must recognize the will of Divine Providence in both cases. I cannot reconcile with Scriptural chronology, however extended, the lapse of time adequate for the rude uninstructcd savage to ac- quire, among the myriads of progressive steps toward civilization, the art of writing, whether by symbolic, or alphabetic signs. Writ- ing may be for ever unnecessary to vast tribes of human beings, who are far above the savage in the scale of civilization ; and would, assuredly, not have been the art which, for many generations, a sav- age community would strive to acquire, or to which their first efforts would be directed. Centuries would elapse, before the hypothet- ical savage could reach that wonderful process, attested by Egyptian monuments, still erect on Nilotic shores, whose construction precedes Abraham by unnumbered generations. But, if we cannot reconcile, with any view of biblical chronology, the intervening and undefmable measure of time, when we start with an uninspired savage, and gradually mould him into a civilized man ; we have abundance of evidence to bring forward, when, in accord- ance with the Pentateuch, we suppose a primeval, and heaven- descended state of civilization, front which, after paganism , or feteechism, strictly so called, had supplanted the pure primitive creed in some nations, (as in the case of Terah, progenitor of the “father of the faithful”) mankind subsequently fell off. So soon as lapse of time, and great geographical distances, had separated some families of the human race from all relations with, or approximation to the habits of, the others, it is quite rational to con. jecture that, in the same manner as the remoter tribes receded from the worship of the true Deity, they lost the arts and civilization of their primitive origin, and among them the art of writing, or the primeval alphabet. Man is prone to deterioration ; and I think it could be tol- erably well sustained, though the argument is herein irrelevant, that none, but the Caucasian families, possess the vital rudiments for con- tinual and progressive moral, physical, and intellectual improvement. Yet, oral tradition, handed down from father to son, it may well be conceived, would, for an indefinite series of generations, prolong the memory of the vague fact, that, at one time, their ancestors pos- sessed a mode of expressing, ideographically by symbols, or by any other species of mnemonics, their ideas to each other, independ- ently of time or space. As society advanced, and the necessities of man were, by experience, supplied, some one of those gifted intel- lects, that arise in every community, turned his thoughts and efforts to rediscover that process, which oral tradition assured him was once known to his forefathers ; and, with more or less success, he and his descendants perfected a system, which, in some nations, as for instance-, the Japetiiic, is perfect and purely alphabetic. In Mexican tribes (so far as, at this day, is known about them in Europe) they never appear to havegone much bcyondpictorial representations of the scenes, and symbolical expressions of the ideas they strove to perpetuate. Among the children of Shem, we may suppose there was retained a nearer approximation to the original alphabet, or primitive pictorial method of writing. In China, among the Mongolian families, the Alphabetic system was never successfully reached ; and when they wish to write an * Consult the hierological authorities; and Cory's “Mythological Inquiry:” Mushet • cn the Trinity ot the Ancients,” London. 1837 ; Maurice, “ Orientnl Trinities •” Co- rr, " Ancient Fragments Portal, “Couleurs Symboliques “Symboles des Knyptient,” Paris. 1810. Faber “Origin of Pagan Idolatry;” as well as Prichard and Bryant ’ European name, the characters employed represent the entire sylla. ble, or colloquial sound of that syllable, which these characters ex- press in ordinary use. In that country (civilized and stationary in arts and sciences though it be,) the primary institution of writing bj pictorial representation of figures, (adopted by the Chinese prior to B C. 2269,) was soon changed into arbitrary marks, not for a letter, but for the whole word, or idea, though it has never been reduced into the simple phonetic forms of our alphabets. The arrow-headed, or cuneiform character, (a specimen of whicti is produced further on) used by the ancient Persians down to the period of Cambysesand Darius-Nothus, is an anomaly in the order oi alphabets, that I have not yet seen satisfactorily explained. In Egypt, among the children of Ham, the art of writing was a combination of alphabetic, or phonetic signs, (to express a letter ;) of figurative signs; and of symbolic signs ; with some curious and useful abridgements from the hieroglyphic (which comprises tht whole of the above three classes) to the hieratic character, and, in comparatively modern times, to the demotic or enchorial ; until the Greek alphabet, augmented by seven letters taken from the demotic texts, was introduced with Christianity, during the Roman dominion, and formed those letters known to us as the Coptic. How immensely the knowledge, or conviction, that, at some pre- vious period, the progenitors of one of these supposititious rediscov. erers, rather than inventors, of the art of writing, had the power of expressing and perpetuating their thoughts, independently of time or space, must have fortified the soul of him who labored to recover the lost secret, may well be conceived. He worked upon a certainly , as does the child, who endeavors to put together the scattered com. ponent parts of a dissected map. The child, being so told, knows that it can be done. He derives encouragement from this conviction, and, with redoubled energy, bends his intelligence to the task. How hopeless must have been the labor of that man, who, without any information regarding the possibility of such an achievement, essayed to discover, or to invent, a means ol recording his thoughts ! I confess, I look upon it as almost impracticable ; and fall back on primary revelation. If Columbus, (although, till the Society of north, ern antiquaries at Copenhagen enlightened us, we used to believe the contrary,) had not learned, in his previous visit to Iceland, of the existence of a western Continent and of the early voyages of the dauntless “ Eric the Red,” can we well suppose, that, with such confidence, he would boldly have steered across the Atlantic from Spain to the West Indies? In the same manner, the knowledge that there had been a mode of writing in existence formerly, must have materially facilitated the rediscovery of letters, by those nations that had lost the primeval art. One or more families of man in early antiquity, may have redis. covered this lost art for themselves, independently of contemporary nations. We cun trace the affinities of all known alphabets, by his- tory and by analytical processes, to a very few parental stocks; bu‘ this we do know, that the origin of writing in Egypt is unknown, though it is autocthon, or indigenous; that, at the very earliest time of which we can find relics, it was the same system as at any subse- quent Pharaonic period, and a perfect system; that the antiquity of the art in Egypt surpasses the record of any nation on earth, save in respect to the first chapters of Genesis ; that, if the Egyptians did not invent the alphabet, they rediscovered its equivalent for themselves; and finally, it would be far more easy to derive all phonetic charac- ters, not excepting the Hebrew (as shown by the researches of Lamb) from the Egyptians, than to maintain that the Egyptians derived their art of writing from any other source but the common primeval reve- lation, or its remembrance, if they were not the inventors of writing ! The remote antiquity of hieroglyphical writing, may be inferred from the fact, that it must have existed before the use of the solar month in Egypt; which astronomical observations, on Egyptian re- cords, prove to have been in use at an epoch close up to the Septua. gint era of the Flood. From Egyptian annals we may glean some faint confirmation of the view, that they either possessed the primeval alphabet, or else that they rediscovered its equivalent, from the mystic functions and attributes of the two “ Thoths ” — the first and second Hermes — both Egyptian mythological personages, deified as attributes of the God head. To “ Thoth,” Mercury, or the first Hermes, the Egyptians ascribed the invention of letters ; and there is seeming reason to consider him the type of that antediluvian revelation to man, of which the Bible gives us indications. He belongs, in Manetho’s history, and in the “ Old Chronicle,” to that shadowy period designated as “ the rule of the gods,” to veil under a fable (probably explained by the hiero- phants to the initiated ) the record of antediluvian periods. But, among the deities of Egypt — known, in hieroglyphics, as “ Thoth, Lord of Pautnouphis ” — who, under the Greek appellative of Hermes Trismegistus (the thrice-great Hermes,) or “ Thoth” the second, was an emanation of the first Hermes, there is another “ Thoth, lord of the divine writings,” who was likewise a patron of arts and sciences. I cannot but speculate, that this second “ Thoth ” was, in postdilu. vian times, the rediscoverer of an art of writing, attributed by the Egyptians to the invention, in antediluvian periods, of his namesake and prototype. (?) 16 ANCIENT EGYPT. Under Dr. Lamb’s view, that Hebrew characters may have been the nearest approach to the primeval “ picture writing,” this redis. covery by the second Thoth (who was doubtless a priest and philoso- pher,) of the art of writing in Egypt, will account for any diversities or analogies between the Egyptian compound hieroglyphic system, and the phonetic method adopted by the Hebfews at the Mosaic era, no less than in regard to other purely alphabetic systems. The process by which Thoth the second arrived at hieroglyphic writing, may have been as follows : The first attempts were probably limited to the figurative or picto. rial method of expressing the image of the thing, for the thing itself ; as the d.awing of a hand, to denote a hand, and so forth. In Egypt, as has been clearly elucidated by the profound Rosellini, the arts of design and writing were invariably associated ; and neither the Egyptians nor any other nation ever adopted the art of drawing, before they felt the necessity of writing ; and drawing was produced in the endeavor to discover some mode of expressing ideas ; so that the people who invented painting and sculpture, were impelled toward the exercise of these arts by the desire of writing ; and the means taken to write were the causes and producing motives of the art of drawing. Drawing was therefore the most natural medium, and, in those early days, the most effective, to satisfy those cravings, inherent in intellectual man, which had in view the creation of a power to com- municate with persons removed from the draughtsman by time and space, rather than to imitate the various works of nature. The study of representing things pictorially, had, in those primitive times, no other object than to effect that which was completely achieved by the introduction of signs for sounds. Of the introduction of these letters, we have the fact before us in every Egyptian legend, from the earliest postdiluvian epoch admis- sible, down to the extinction of hieroglyphical wr'.ti»g in the third century of the Christian era, a period of at least 3W1» years ; but we cannot name the introducer, except in the legendary Thoth ; nor state positively how this discovery was made in Egypt. The arts of writing, drawing, painting, and sculpture, in ancient Egypt, were emblematized by one symbol ; and, in hieroglyphics, were expressed thus : corresponding phonetically n\\K C£b*S Skiiai. This symbol expressed, in the sacred character, the signifi- cation and the sound of the words “ to paint,” “ the painter,” “ to write,” and “ the writer as also “ writings ” — ypa/q/ara. The symbol itself is compounded of three things, all connected with its meaning; as “ the reed,” k used in writing, at the present day, by “qdlam;” “ the vase,” or ink-bot- ette ,” m whereon he poured ling t the Arabs, and termed tie ; and the “ scribes’ pal his red and black inks, fil tre. whereon he little hollows in its cen- In precisely the same manner, in ancient Greek, the words “ to describe,” “ to draw,” “ to engrave,” and “ to write,” were all com- prised in the same verb — ypapur. By analogical reasoning, then, we may infer, that the progressive steps toward the development of hieroglyphical writing, may have been in the following order : 1st. That material objects struck their view, and to transmit them to posterity, or to preserve the idea of one of these objects, they painted the figure of the thing itself ; and this would be figurative writing. 2nd. That the insufficiency of this plan in application was imme diately felt. In painting the figure of a man, they could not express what man ; and to define him, they added a tropical sign or symbol of another thing in some way associated with this particular man. This would be symbolic writing. 3rd. That then certain arbitrary, and in due course, conventional signs were added, to express the idea of an immaterial object; as a hatchet for a god, an urasus (asp) for royalty, & c. 4th. They finally contrived to introduce divers representatives of bound, taking, to de note each letter, those objects the names of which, ,.v their language, began with the initial sound of that designation ; that is, when they wanted to denote the articulation L, they drew a Lion, and so on. This would be phonetic writing ; and is the prin- ciple that originated many Semitic alphabets, as the Hebrew, the Samaritan, the Phoenician, &c. as well as those of some other nations. In Egyptian hieroglyphics, as may be seen in part by the alphabet, there are, in some instances, as many as twenty-five different charac- ters used to represent one letter, and these are termed “homophones” of that letter. Vine immense advantage accrued in monumental legends from this vanety, for the artist was thus enabled to employ those figures which, while representing the articulated sound of the letter, had by their form a relation to the idea these signs were to express. The writer could thus, by the judicious selection of his letters from the variety of his homophones, convey a meaning of admiration, praise, dignity, beauty, strength, &c., or he could denote disgust, hatred, insignifL cance, or other depreciatory opinions. I will endeavor to render this apparent by an example. Suppose we wished to adopt the same system in our language and write the word “America ” in hieroglyphics. I use pure Egyptian hieroglyphic* as letters, adapting them to English values : A — We might select one out of many more or less apropriate sym- bols ; as an asp, apple, altar, amaranth, anchor, archer, arrow, antelope, axe. I choose the asp, ^ symbolic of “ sove- reignty.” M — We have a mace, mast, mastiff, moon, mouse, mummy, musket, maize. I select the mace, minion.” indicative of “military do- E — An ear, egg, eagle, elk, eye. The eagle jd is undoubt- edly the most appropriate, being the iMfe. “ national arms of the Union,” and means “ cour yjj^^^age.” R — A rabbit, ram, racoon, ring, rock, rope. I take the ram, by synecdoche, placing a part for the whole, emblem- atic of “ frontal power ” — intellect — and sacred to Amun. I — An insect, Indian, infant, ivy. An infant IA will typify “ the juvenile age ” and still undeveloped Hlfl strength of this great country. C — A cake, caldron, cat, clam, carman, constellation , curlew, cone, crescent. The crescent would indicate the rising power of the United States ; the constellation of stars would emblem- atize the States, and is borne aloft in the American banner ; but I choose the cake — /"V'N die consecrated bread — typical of a “ civilized region.” ► . A — An anchor, or any of the above words beginning with A, would answer : the anchor would symbolize “ maritime greatness,” associated with “safety” and “stability”; but not being an Egyptian emblem, I take the “sacred Tad,” Q the symbol of “ eternal life,” which in the alphabet is * Y — * an A. To designate that by this combination of symbols we mean a country, I add the sign in Coptic “ Kah,” meaning a country, and determinative of geographical appellatives. We thus obtain phonetically — M E R while symbolically, the characters chosen imply “ sovereignty, mili- tary dominion, courage, intelligence, juvenility, civilization, and eternal durability.” This example, however, gives but a faint idea of the beauty, and often exquisite propriety, of Egyptian composition, or of the com. plexity of the hieroglyphic art of writing. It will be allowed, that, even this anglicized illustration of the word America does not render its perspicuity very apparent ; and, with a full acquaintance of tho language, it would be a puzzle to a decipherer. How much moro so, when the vowels may be omitted, as they generally are, and only the consonants written ; as, “ MRC, country ”! Let the reader figure to himself the fashion introduced in this coun- try, of following the graphical system of the early Egyptians ; and that the Capitol at Washington were covered with sculptured and painted legends, recording the annals of the United States ! Suppose these legends were written with the general suppression of some vowels, or the transmutability of others. Then imagine the Ameri. can hieroglyphics, in the lapse of ages, to become entirely forgotten ; the people who wrote the legends — those who could speak or read English — entirely obliterated from the face of the earth ; their lan- guage dead ; the Capitol a shapeless pile of ruins ! Suppose, that another and a distinct race of men, from another hemisphere, after two thousand years, while possessing mere vague traditions of ancient American glory — uncertain as to the epoch of these mutilated sculptures — mystified as to the very language in which they were written — amid the general hue and cry that “ hiero- glyphics are all nonsense ” — endeavored to unravel their mysterious subjects ! Grant that the task would be in nature herculean — that its even- tual success would appear chimerical. Yet even this would not be so difficult, as to decipher a crumbling fragment of an Act of Con- gress written in a tachygraphic, or abridged form of these identica r ANCIENT EGYPT. 17 American hieroglyphics, oil a fragile papyrus, exhumed from the ruins of the once-towering Capitol ! You can scarcely conceive such a contingency possible as a trans- lation of all these things ? and yet, such was precisely the position of Egyptian hieroglyphics in 1802, when the “ Rosetta Stone ” arrived in Europe ! such was the state of hierology when Young, in 1810, struck the first sparks from the flinty basalt, whereon were engraven two unknown inscriptions ! such was the “ darkness of Egypt,” when Chamfollion’s meteoric flashes illumined the archaeological hemi- sphere ! When we, in 1843, calmly reflect on the intellects and the souls it has required, to face and to overcome these obstacles, till every Egyptian legend can be understood, its purport defined, and the main sense of the most intricate papyrus clearly expounded, let us allow, that to the modern iiierologists we are indebted for these glorious achievements. I again refer those interested in the early labors of the hieroglyphi- cal students, to Dr. Young’s Article in the Encyclopedia Britan- nica, and to Champollion’s “ Precis des Hieroglyphes,” for proofs of the discovery ; and to the “ Grammaire Egyptienne,” as an in- controvertible monument of unqualified success. My part is simply to give the summary of the language as it is now understood. Complicated as, owing to our ignorance, the hieroglyphical writing of Egypt now appears to us, it was (together with the Hieratic char- acter, and, in later times, the Demotic,) in constant, general, and popular use, among all classes, all persons, in the Valley of the Nile ; and the illusion under which we have labored for ages, excited by. the mysterious appearance and still-rumored unintelligibility of the writings themselves, and misled by the puerile misinformation of Greek writers, that the arts of reading and writing were withheld by the priests from the lower classes, is dispelled by a glance at the monuments. The fact is, as the Greek and Roman writers did not understand either the Egyptian tongue, or the Egyptian writings, they represented those subjects which they were too volatile, or self-defi- cient to inquire about themselves, to be impenetrable mysteries. We, however, have indisputable evidences, that reading and writing were in Ancient Egypt (in days coeval with the Pyramids) as pub- licly known, and in as popular use, without respect to caste, to wealth, or poverty, as in many Christian and not-uncivilized coun- tries, at the present day. Its graphical signs were termed, by the Greeks, hieroglyphics, meaning literally “ Sacred sculptured char- acters.” Plato and Plutarch both affirm, that the writing invented by the 1st. Thoth, whom we have called the antediluvian Hermes, differed from that, which, according to my view, was rediscovered by Tiioth the 2nd., whom we have termed the postdiluvian Hermes. It is the writing of this second Thoth, which, under the name of hieroglyphics, has come down to our day, on Nilotic monuments, from the remotest period since the colonization of Egypt by the sons of Mizraim ; and which was in current use, in ages coeval with the Pyramids, even among the stone-masons, and the farmers We now know, that the idea entertained till lately, even by some of the most eminent Egyptologists, “ that no hieroglyphics are to be found in, or were known in the days of, the Pyramids,” is an illusion, over- thrown by Col. Vyse’s discoveries. This tradition of the difference existing between the writings of the two Thoths, comes in very appropriately, when we suppose, that the primitive method of writ- ing revealed to man prior to the Flood, had been lost by some nations, after the Dispersion ; and the rediscovery of the art in Egypt will account for some of the differences between the Nilotic system, and those primitive alphabets, or other forms of expressing ideas in use among early nations. After the rough draught of the foregoing ideas had been formed at Philadelphia, I had a gratifying opportunity of submitting them to a distinguished American philologist — H. Hale, Esq., late of the exploring Expedition ; and I was exceedingly proud to find, that, in the course of his varied inquiries into the causes of the diversity of human languages, and his comparisons of graphical systems, he had been led, by a different process of reasoning, to results, upon the probability of the rediscovery of a conjecturally lost alphabet, iden- tical with those, to which I was impelled by Egyptian facts and chronological limitations. My humble edifice acquires so much stability, trom the opinions of a gentleman so laborious in philological pursuits, that, at my solicitation, he has favored me with the follow- ing letter : Philadelphia, 1st Nov. 1842. My Dear Sir : When you did me the favor, a few days ago, to read to me your very interesting lecture on the origin and language of the Egyptians, I expressed to you my gratification at finding that your views on the subject ol the invention of writing, harmonized with some that had shortly before occur- red to myself. As we have arrived at the same result, by different roads, you have suggested that a statement by each, of the grounds on which this common result of our reasonings is based, might be of advantage in the way of mutual confirmation. Although, I conceive that your arguments as stated in your lecture, hardly stand in need of support, I readily comply with your suggestion, so far as relates to a summary of the philological facts, which seem to me tolavor the views that you have taken. Three great nations, differing widely in language, physical characteristics and institutions, appear almost at the same time, on the theatre of the world. Those who have made the most profound researches on these subjects, as- sure us, that the histories which may be called authentic, of the Chinese, the Hindoos, and the Egyptians, can be traced back, each on its separate ground, to within a few centuries of the period at which the best cbronologists fix the date of the Flood. Now, it is remarkable, that, at the very commencement of their annals we find each of these nations in possession of a system id writing so far perfected, that we do not hear of any improvement made by either in after ages. From their very nature it is indubitable, that they are of domestic and therefore independent origin ; and the question arises as to the probability, that each of them should have been the fruit of pure and un- assisted invention. We have, on our own continent, the example of two na- tions, which had reached, without the aid of extraneous influences, a state ol civilization fully equal to that, in which the first dawn of history finds any of the great Asiatic nations. Now, of these two nations, the one farthest advanced in the arts, the Ptruvian, had no system of writing whatever; the other, the Mexican, possessed a kind of mnemonics, in the shape of pictures, which served to remind those, who had been previously instructed in their meaning, of the events and facts, which they were designed to commemorate. These examples would not lead us to suppose, that the invention of written characters, representing all the words or elementary sounds of a language, was a necessary or even a likely accompaniment of a nation’s advance in civilization. In reading, not long ago, Mr. Rockwell’s account of his voyage in the Medi- terranean and to Liberia, I was struck with his remark, that an intelligent man, of the Greyho tribe of Africans, near the colony, had invented a com- plete syllahtc alphabet of his own language, in consequence of hearing, that foreign nations possessed some such means of imprinting their words on pa- per. Mr. R. also observes, that it was a similar suggestion, which led the famous Cherokee Cadmus, Sequoyah, to the invention of his alphabet. From these facts, the influence may be fairly deduced, that though the idea of written characters is not likely to occur of itself, to an uninstrucled mind ; yet, when once suggested, it may easily be followed out to the completion ol a system, perfectly adequate to the wants of a language, and unsusceptible ofluttire improvement. To apply these inferences to the cases in question ; let ns suppose (ns we have reason to believe) that the Antediluvians possessed some mode of pre- serving facts and occurrences by written symbols. It may have been a kind of picture writing, like the Mexican, of mere human invention ; or, it may have been, as many have thought, adivinely revealed alphabetic writing. In the dispersion of families, and diversion of tongues, wdiich must, on any am every hypothesis, have taken place, soon after the deluge, the written char acter was probably lost ; or, ifretained by any, it would only be in that familj with the genius of whose language it happened to agree : all the rest would In as unenlightened on this point, as were the Aztec tribes when they first spread themselves on the plains of Mexico; with the exception, that they would, in all probability, have preserved the tradition ol the former existence of written characters ; and this tradition it would be, which, acting as a sug. gestion and an incitement on the mind of some man of superior intelligence, among a people sufficiently advanced to feel the need of such an art, would lead, first to the idea, and then to the construction of a system of writing. And this system, as thus constructed, would, of necessity, be one exactly adapled to the character of the language for which it was formed. Such is said to be the syllabic alphabets of the Greybo and Cherokee sages. Such, it is well known, are the lerigraphic system of the Chinese (so termed by Mr. Duponceau, from the fact that each word in the language is represented hy a distinct character) and the alphabetic system of the Sanscrit, which bears some tokens of having been originally firmed on a sy ! labic basis. Able scholars have doubted, whether, with all the lights of experience and comparison, which we, in modern times, enjoy, any written characters could he proposed, by which the peculiar methods which these two languageshave employed for ages, might with advantage be replaced. How far this assertion will apply to the ancient Egyptians ; and whether that language really gained, by the substitution of the Coptic alphabet fir the old hieroglyphics, you are yourselfthe best judge. And, in considering this quesnon, we might partic- ularly refer to the remarkable power, inherent in the ancient system, of ex- pressing by one set of characters, all the various dialects spoken in the Nilotic valley. I shall be happy, if these few and hasty suggestions shall he esteemed hy you of any value, in confirming the views to which you have been previously led hy the study of the ancient monuments of that most interesting region. Believe me, my dear sir, with much respect, Very sincerely yours. Geo. R. Gliddon, Esq. H. HALE. Greek and Roman writers (according to Champollion Figeac, Plato, Tacitus, Pliny, Plutarch, Diodorus and Varro, with others,) ascribe to Egypt the honor of inventing alphabetical writing — an honor, which earlier writers, whose works are no longer extant, and the voice of oral tradition, had consecrated from time immemorial before them. Modern criticism has recognized, by the study of the Monuments, that, so far as the relative antiquity of the art in Egypt, compared with any other nations is concerned, this attribution to Egypt is correct and indisputable ; while there are not a few alpha, bets, that may be traced in origin to early intercourse with the Valley of the Nile, the priority in civilization of whose inhabitants is now irrevocably determined. Early Grecian tradition ascribed to Cadmus, son of Agenor, king of Phoenicia, the introduction of alphabetic letters into the Pelopon- nesus. Cadmus appears to have lived in the seventh generation be- fore the Trojan war; which event belongs to the twelfth century before Christ, and consequently the epoch of Cadmus dates about 1500 B. C., which, in Egyptian annals, is comparatively a modem date, being contemporary with the middle of the 18th dynasty. This Cadmus introduced into Greece 16 primitive letters — a phonetic alphabet, consisting of the first sixteen primitive vocal articulations — KvpioXoytKr] Sia rcov vyuirc or ^rot^eitor — translated by Letronne, “ Kvrio- logic, according to the first alphabetic or phonetic letters” — or “serv- ing perfectly to denote objects by alphabetic signs.” These first alphabetic signs were then attributed to Hermes, who is our Egyptian Thoth the second ! and were called, by the Greeks, “ Phoenician letters.” To the primitive sixteen letters, Paltimedes added four; and subsequently four others were supplied by Simoni- des; thus completing the 24 letters of the Greek alphabet. The 16 Cadmean letters were, A, B, F, 4, E, F, I, K, A, M, N, O, IT. P, Z, ANCIENT EGYPT. 13 T, some of which singularly correspond in names to those of the Semitic families of Hebrew, Samaritan, and other, to the parental Phoenician, cognate tribes ; thus evincing, that the origin of the Cad- mean alphabet is not Grecian, but Eastern : and, inasmuch as its affinities are all Asiatic it may be termed “ Ehcenico-Grecian.” If, therefore, we show, that its parental source derives its origin from an Egyptian hieroglyphic, as has been demonstrated by Dr. Lamb, in respect to the Hebrew letters, it will prove how much Greece is in- debted to Egypt for the learning of her worthies. It is a law of phonetic hieroglyphics, that the picture of a physical object shall give the sign of the sound , with which its name begins in the Egyptian tongue. Thus, a lion, whose Egyptian name was “Labo,” stood for the letter L, in-4rk-roglyphics ; as it might stand, in our language, to represent the initial letter of the designatory title of that animal, whose name with us is lion. Now, the same prin- cip'e is distinctly discernible in the Hebrew, Arabic, Samaritan, Phoenician, and other Semitic tongues ! The ancient Hebrew letter Li — or L — was the initial letter of their name for lion — “ Labi while, in shape, it is only an abbreviation of the figure of a recum- bent lion, a pure Egyptian hieroglyph. The B, in Hebrew, is the initial letter of the word “ Beth,” meaning “ a house”— which is its name ; and there is even a resemblance to be traced between the form of the letter “ Beth,” and the outline of an oriental house with a flat roof ! I will exemplify this fact by the name of the letter AD — in the ancient Hebrew — which, besides being probably the first articulate sound uttered by Adam, signifies “ a Man,” as also “ red earth,” out of which man was moulded by the divine “Potter” — see Isaiah, lxiv., 8. The transitions are herein made clear. The letter A in Hebrew, meaning man, is thus traced to its Egyp- tian parent. The same holds good with the entire Hebrew’ alphabet, but is peculiarly evident in their letters G, N, P, R and T ; all can be respectively traced to the initial letters of objects, whose names in sound corresponded to the initial value of the letters, as the form of the letters still preserves a resemblance to the pictorial hiero- glyphic of the objects whence they are derived. Nor does it seem improbable that Moses, who was “ learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians,” should have introduced into the Hebrew writings some of those forms and ideas, he had necessarily contracted in regard to this, and other subjects, during his education at Heliopolis. It is likewise a curious chronological coincidence, that the 15th century B. C., witnessed the Exodus of the Israelites from Egypt, and their organization into an orderly community by Moses— the in- troduction of the present Hebrew alphabet, in lieu of the previous character, whatever that was — the importation of the primitive alphabet from Phoenicia (at that period a province tributary to the Pharaohs, and overrun by their armies) into Greece, by Cadmus, and the foundation of Boeotian Thebes, with its oriental mysteries and oracles — the emigration of Danaus, who was perhaps the brother of our Ramses 4th : (Sethos-riEgyptus,) and who founded the kingdom of the Danai, at Argos, where colossal ruins of the Egypto-Pelasgic period again point to their Nilotic sources — and, with less historical cer- tainty, but with some probability, may we also trace the foundation of Athens itself to an Egyptian colony, led by Cecrops from Sais, within half a century of the preceding events, that so strongly mark the period of the 15th century B. C. ; the Augustan age of Pharaonic renown. Palamedes, king of Euboea, gave to the Greeks 4 additional letters, O, S, , X, to supply deficiencies in the Cadmean alphabet; and Simonides subsequently furnished the 4 other signs, Z, H, T, fl, which completed the 24 letters of the ancient Greek alphabet. Now, the distinct articulations of phonetic hieroglyphics may be resolved into 16 sounds, represented by 16 Egyptian letters (with their homophones) which are identical, in value, with the 16 primi- tive Cadmean characters! and these 16 primitive signs represent the 16 distinct simple or elementary sounds of the human voice; because, all the other alphabetic sounds are more or less compound, and are ,rediicihle into their respective primitive elements ! Thiits the fact, that the Greek and Phoenician alphabets contained, at first, .only 16 distinct letters, is not only established by analogy and historical testimony, but is comformable to nature itself. The Greeks and other nations, completed the powers of their alphabets, by .adding other letters to represent compound sounds. The Egyptians, without extending their phonetic system, in number of letters, appear to have arrived at the same result, by giving to each original sign a double or a triple power, as for instance ; Arabic. f J/ in hieroglyphics stands in Arabic and in Coptic, 6 = 1 , Khei — our Kh I ^ _ yi_ m - our 11 l 3 distinct sounds. • | 1^=UJ Shei — our Sh j the first of which we have not the power of expressing, but conven- tionally, in our letters ; nor can many Europeans pronounce it dis- tinctly. It exists in Arabic — as in “ Khiiss ” lettuce — or “ Khitm ” a seal ; distinct from II, as in “ Hhris,” a guard — or “ Hitlee,” my soul. And when, in Roman times, the hieroglyphic, hieratic and de- motic forms of writing were abolished ; it was found necessary to add to the 24 Greek letters, 7 others, purely Egyptian, to enable the denizens of Egypt to represent in writing the sounds of their tongue, and thus the present Coptic alphabet of 31 letters was formed. The seven Egyptian letters of the Coptic alphabet, are taken from the demotic texts ; viz. — Shei — equivalent to our Sh q-re “ rh — Khei “ <1 Kh <5 —Hori it n — Sjansja “ It Sj — Sseema “ M Ss ‘i'-n.i <( T I regret, that my limits do not permit my going further into the interesting subject of the ancient use and modes of writing. Enough has been said to show, that early analogies point to the valley of the Nile, as the cradle, if not the birthplace, of this, no less than of all other arts. A small, though excellent work,* published in 1841 in London, (from which I have gleaned several points of the present discourse, and in the next chapter have extracted some ancient texts,) seems to infer, that alphabetic signs were exclusively preserved by the descend, ants of Shem, among other advantages accruing to them from Noah’s prophetic blessing ; and then expatiates upon the “ unhappy sons if Mizraim, the son of Ham,” who lost their primitive language, and with it the alphabet! This may be a mode of speaking, but it is inconsistent with the Bible, and is utterly overthrown by history; for, if these unhajyjjy descendants of Ham were under a curse, how was it, if Ham be the parent of the Egyptians, that these unfortunate people were the most civilized of antiquity ? how was it, that this accursed race enjoyed, for 2500 years, the fairest portion of the earth ? how came it that these unhappy people held the descendants of Shem in bondage, or in tribute, during 1000 years before Cambyse3, B. C. 525 ? This is another popular fallacy. The curse was not on Ham. It passed over him, and fell upon Canaan. But, as I shall hereinafter demonstrate, there was no ban on the Mizraimites, or Egyptians, till after times. CHAPTER THIRD. The reader will not forget, that Oriental languages of ancient days, in sound, as well as in character, are not far removed from the mod- ern ; although, to an uninitiated ear, their irttonations and articula- tions may appear extravagant or harsh. We have all of us seen vocabularies, wherein, by means of our alphabetic letters, the words of eastern languages are presented to our eye, but never to our ear. No dependence can be placed on the accuracy of any one of them, however, unless we are previously assured of the knowledge of the European writer ; who in most cases is lamentably deficient. “ Guide Books,” for travellers to the Levant, are for sale everywhere ; yet, it is curious to test the accu- racy of the so-called Arabic vocabularies attached to some of them. “Usborne’s Guide to Egypt,” London, 1840; price 9 shillings ster- ling ; among its other absurdities, contains one of these puerile and valueless “ word-books.” But, for “ true Corinthian brass,” com. * The “Antiquities of Egypt,” 1 vol. 8vo. London, 1841, published by the " Religious Tract Society.” This, ns well as the “ Illustrations of the Bible from the Monuments of Egypt.” by the Rev. Dr. VV.C. Taylor. London 1838—1 vol. 12mo., I warmly recnm mend to tlie reader's perusal. ANCIENT EG VPT. 19 mend me to that pompous “ English and Arabic (?) vocabulary,” obtainable at the enormous price of 12 shillings, in a quarto, styled “ Hand-book to India and Egypt,” London, 1841 ; wherein, not only ore all the exploded errors, regarding Egyptian subjects, perpetuated with marvellous fidelity; but, under the name of Arabic, is palmed off an aggregation of trash, one third of which is obsolete Arabic, incorrectly spelled ; another third may be Hindostanee, Bengalee, or other Indian idiom ; and the remainder is literally gibberish. The only “ Arabic and English” vocabulary, that can be scrupu- lously relied on, is the one appended to Sir J. G. Wilkinson’s “ Topo- graphy of Thebes,” 1835 ; an invaluable work, now out of print. Unless we know, by ear, the foreign sounds expressed by our con- ventional combinations of letters, it is vain to think of tracing correct philological affinities. A most amusing catalogue could be made, in selections from modern European literature, of the ludicrous fail- ures of travellers in Arabic alone. Errors are perfectly excusable in those who make no pretensions ; but, for a man to have the puerile vanity to write in English the words of an Eastern language, when, by 30 doing, he proves that he knows nothing about it, is suicidal to say the least, while his folly misleads his successors ; whence, to- gether with carelessness' of observation, in great measure, is deri- ved that general misinformation about Egypt, ancient and modern, which prevails everywhere at the present day. In our alphabet, we have not the power to express a ♦ “ Kh,” ora ' “Gh,” still less an “Ain,” nor can many Eur opeans eve -S'" r acquire their true pronunciation. ( ] | M^w».r. Lane, the most eminent Arabic savan of the day, and the estimable author of the “ Modern Egyptians” (the most learned and accurate of all works on the present inhabitants of Cairo and of Egypt in general) has been the first to establish a system whereby Arabic can be written in our letters ; but, unless the reader hears the sound, he can never acquire its phonetic value. Our alphabet will not express all the Oriental intonations ; nor can their alphabets express all of ours. It is much the same in music. We cannot approach Arabian intonations, whether in instrumental, or vocal melody ; and, be it observed, unless a man has an ear for music, he can no more learn, or duly perceive the niceties of foreign, and particularly of Eastern languages, than he could sing correctly without a voice. I have said, that we cannot express in our letters many Oriental articulations, without a conventional system ; as kh for “ Khey and gh for “ Ghain the sound to be qpnveyed by mouth. No combination of ours can express the “ ll” of that extraordinary lan- guage, discovered as still extant in Hadramaut, by the profound Orientalist, Mons. F. Fresnel, French Consul at Djedda ; which, while it somewhat resembles the “ ll” of the Welsh, can be articu- lated only on the right side of the mouth — being something between “ llw a whistle, and a spit ! I will endeavor to illustrate, how impossible it is for Orientals to express our European intonations by their letters. An English friend of mine, in the Levant, who is a profound Turk- ish scholar, had two native Ottoman secretaries. Being desirous of testing the capabilities of the Turkish character, for the rendering of an English phrase, he sent one of them out of his bureau one morn- ing; and dictating to the other the following line, desired him to write i' in his national letters, so as to produce the English sound, as correctly as possible. The sentence was, “ Drag the swindling scoundrel to the pump.” I This digression will serve to show how difficult it is, in European or Eastern alphabets, to express each other’s respective languages ; and to preface the remark, that we know not the precise articulations of the ancient Coptic, or Egyptian tongue, as we are ignorant of the sound; for the speakers^ with the language, perished in by-gone ages. I now proceed to the general principles of the Ancient Egyptian Language, as determined by the best hieroglyphical authorities up. to the close of 1841. I shall pass rapidly over the subjects, explaining each “ with as much brevity as is consistent with perspicuity.” It would be tedious, as before stated, to go back to the doubts and disputes of 1825 ; and my object is to give a generally-correct, rather than a detailed view of Egyptian studies at the present day. The difficulty of the task assumed lies in the appropriate condensation ; and if this particular chapter be found less amusing to the general reader than the others, it will not be the less instructive ; while its insertion is absolutely indispensable to the clear apprehension of the sequel. In the words of Champollion — “ the subject banishes all ornament : in the absence of this advantage, which would doubtless contribute to sustain your attention, I would invoke the high im- portance of our inquiries,” no less than the reader’s indulgent pa- tience. The Language of the ancient Egyptians in '.he ancient Cop.ic, prior to the introduction of foreign engraftments ; which may have been imported in part, as early as PstMETicus the 1st, about B.C. 650. Before that time, it was an autocthon, or indigenous tongue ; and the same idioms were orally in use from the unnumbered ages anterior to the pyramids, down to the above-named monarch of the 26th Saitic dynasty. It ceased to be orally preserved among the Copts, the present mongrel descendants of a high-caste ancestry, about a hundred years ago. They still read it, with Arabic trans- lations in the context, in the churches of the Coptic community in Egypt. In construction, it is monosyllabic in all its primitive words. Its polysyllabic words are compounded of one or more linguistical roots; and these can generally be resolved into distinct monosyllables. Its syntax is in the logical order of the French language. It contains a certain number of Semitic words, due to early intercourse with Arabian nations, as well as to its primitive Asiatic origin.* Dr. Leipsius, in his “Paldographia,” 1834, established very curious relations between Sanscrit and Hebrew, such as to leave no doubt of the existence of a common though undeveloped germ in both. But still more valuable were the results of this erudite German eth- nologist in Coptic ; for, in his letter to the Chevr. Baron Bunsen, Jan 1835, he established, that the ancient Coptic is no longer placed in linguistical solitude ; but that it enters into the vast circumference of Semitic and Indo-Germanic languages ; and that it is linked with each by points of actual contact, grounded on the essential structure and most necessary forms of all three. He considers that, in the numerals especially, so strong a similarity exists between the Indo- Germanic and Semitic languages with the more ancient Egyptian system, that he deems the numeral figures of the Egyptians to havo been originally transported from Egypt to India, and thence, being carried into Arabia by early commercial intercourse, were by tho Arabs transmitted to us, and as such are by us termed Arabic ; al, though, by the Arabs this system of numeration is still called Hindee, Indian. The man wrote it and having heard the sound, read it correctly in English. He was then sent out of the room ; and the other secretary who had not heard the sound, was summoned, and desired to read it. This he did freely, “ Direk zee Asevinedelink Asekoneoerel tev zee Pomep 1” and this was the nearest approximation to the English that the Turkish alphabet would admit of. “ In sober sadness,” I can assure the reader, that it is precisely as ludicrous to an Eastern ear, to hear a foreigner read what is called Arabic, from an “ English and Arabic vocabulary” written with our alphabet. Some curious exemplifications of the real mode of sounding some ancient Greek articulations, may be afforded by hieroglyphical com- parisons, which would show that, in sound, the modern language as spoken at this day has not varied much from the ancient. And, what can be more uncouth to hellenic auricular nerves, than to hear an English Demosthenes begin his oration, with “ Oi andres Atlie. tutioi Yemen of Athens! Or to hear poor Homer’s hexameter twisted into the sentence, (so often quoted to exemplify the propriety of Greek linguistical adaptations !) “ Polu floisboio thaldsees." Equally absurd is the English mode of reading Latin ; and equally unnatural to an Italian ear are our intonations of this language, when in lieu of the open, manly, and sonorous cadences of “ Pater noster, qui es in coelo,” we shut our teeth, and pronounce it, “ Payta nosta qui eez in setlo !'■ Like all primitive tongues, the Egyptian proceeded by imitation; or by giving a sound in imitation of the ob- ject, or idea, intended. Thus, the name of an Yd, from his bray ; Modce, from his roar ; E’he, from her low ; Croor, from his croak; Chdoo, from her mew ; Purr, from his grunt ; Petepep, from its peculiar cry ; Arabice, “ Iled- hed,” (like our Whip-poor- Will;) Serpent “ Hoff, from its hiss. Mr. Lane’s exquisite translation of the “ Thousand and one Nights,” gives some beautiful instances, in Arabic, of the words attributed to the cries of birds. As, the “ Umree Hegdzee,” or Ara- bian turtle dove, in its sweet coo, repeats “Yd kerdem, yit Alldh,” O most merciful God ! In ancient Coptic, the same echoing principle is recognizable in verbs; thus, Sensen, to sound ; Thophtheph, to spit; Owodjwedj, to masticate ; * While delivering my first course of Lectures at Boston, a circumstance occurred in regard to the dispersion of Languages, which I deem worth mentioning, as it may serve for a clue in philological connections. 1 was explaining the pictorial scene, well- known as that of the“ brickmakcrs ,” and mentioned that the hieroglyphic word lor bricks, is the Coptic tobi, preserved in Egypt, by the Arabs. in their name took. Alter the lecture was finished, a gentleman, who said he had resitted many years at the band- wich Islands, stepped up and told me, that in Polynesia the native name for bricks a tobc. IL>>' LO Ass was Lion “ Cow “ Frog “ Cat “ Pig “ Hoopoo “ 20 ANCIENT EGYPT. Teltel, to let water fall drop by drop. The same word is still used in Arabic. Krapjkradj, to grind one's teeth. Ropjf.edj, to rub. Omk, to swallow; so that, in swallowing, all -nations speak Coptic ! Also by assimilation, as Bridj, lightning. Lalt, to rejoice. ; as in the Arab song of “ Doos’.ya -lel-lee.' See Modern Egyptians, Vol. II. p. 83. Abstract ideas were expressed often by compounded roots ; as for example, the word “ Het,” heart, became Het-chf.m, little heart, L e. timorous. Har jhi-Het, slow heart, Ssaci Het, high heart, Het-nasht, hard heart, Ouom-Het, eating one's heart, Thot-Het, mixing one's heart, Meh-Het , filling one's heart, patient. proud. inclement. repenting. persuasive. satiating. Although possessed of three colloquial dialects, the writing chosen to express the language (being adapted to all these verbal inflec- tions) is another evidence of the laborious intelligence that presided over every Egyptian institution. It was indeed a country of wisdom, rule, and systematic order, wherein nothing was left to chance. The system of writing may be divided into primitive and second, ary — the one being purely hieroglypiiical, with its two derivatives, which wjs the most ancient method — the other the modern, or the Coptic. It is only of the former we are treating. The learned Leipsius, in the “ Annals of Archaeological Corres- pondence” — Rome, 1837 : maintains that the Egyptians had two colloquial dialects in use, which were very distinct — 1st — the i epa y\woaa, or upa SiaXteroo, which is the classical or sacerdotal — 2d — the ko in hiaXeKvoo, which is the popular dialect. The sacred, or hieroglyphical writing, as well as the hieratic, of all ages, presents to our view the sacerdotal or classical dialect; but the demotic, or popular writing, as well as the Coptic literature, presents the pojiular dialect. This is the main reason why the modem Coptic, which preserves the ancient popular dialect, will not always translate words written in the classical idiom, and in the anterior hieroglyphic and hieratic character. lnueed, St. Clement, of Alexandria, A. D. 194, is the only one* of the early Greek writers, who deigned to take notice of Huodutas nnd Diudoru* pidtad up a few rumors of the mod: of writm*, maunder- standings as usual Egyptian writings ; and the good sense of his short description con- cerning them is confirmed by modern research. In his “ Stromatee” he says, “ Those who, among the Egyptians, receive instruction, leam first that species of Egyptian writing which is termed epistolographic — i. e. our demotic ; they next learn the hieratic, or sacerdotal ; and lastly, the hieroglyphic, or sacred.” So that an Egyptian, in St. Clement’s day, might have been able to read and write the demotic, without its necessarily following that he should be versed in the other two ; in the same manner, that Orientals may be familiar with the Sulus or Reihhni characters of the Turkish, without being able to write, or even read, a document written in the Diviini or Kyrma styles. This observation, however, will better apply to the Egyptian scribes, in the days succeeding “ Haphre" — (“Ap. ries” — Pharaoh Hophra, of Jeremiah xxvii. to xliv.: 2nd Kings xx. : and 2nd Chronicles xxxvi. : whose name, in hieroglyphics, is also “ Remesto” — the abominable Pharaoh) — B. C. 569 : when the demotic writing may have been first introduced ; because, before that period, the graphical styles appear to have been limited to the hieratic and the hieroglyphic, until the eighteenth dynasty, or B. C. 1800 — pre. viously to which time, it is uncertain if the hieratic existed; so far as I, who am now far away from the vortex of discovery, have been able to learn. Monsieur E. Prisse, however, a learned hieroglyphs cal pioneer, informs me, in a recent private letter, that he has found a hieratic papyrus of a new king of the 1st. Memphite dynasty! If the king can be clearly identified, which I confess my present inability to comprehend, this fact will carry back hieratic writing, no less than chronology, unnumbered centuries before the Memphite Pyramids ! Rumors have since reached me that Dr. Leipsius’ pre. sent pyramidal researches will confirm Manetho’s early arrangement, and produce a vast accession of interesting historical facts, concern- ing the regal builders of these mausolea, as well as their house, holds. The ancient writing of the Egyptians was therefore divided into three distinct classes — viz : the hieroglyphic or “ sacred sculptured characters,” which was the original, and is the monumental method — the hieratic or “ sacerdotal,” which is an abbreviative method, used by the scribes and priests in literary pursuits, in current use prior to 1500 B. C. ; and which, written from right to left, is a tachygraphy or shorthand of the preceding — and the demotic, styled in the Greek translation on the Rosetta Stone enchorial; which, coining probably into general use after the Persian conquest, B. C. 525, is a still more expeditious style of writing. It is written from right to left. The modern Coptic is, however, traced from left to right, a a the Christianized Egyptians followed the Greeks in alphabet aad . graphical system. ANCIENT EGYPT. 21 The following alphabet will furnish a general idea of the hiero- glyphical homophones, as well as of the phonetic value of each sym COPTIC ALPHABET. tk. 6. Alpha A B I Vida B r ? Gamma Gh A, E, I, 0, U, • 21 Dalda D e e Ei E V, z. Zida Z B H H Hida Eb © ■©■ Thida Th K- I r Iauda 1 K k Kabba K Sx * Laulu L T, Th, D ■ U xx Mi M K if Ni N L, R g E Ext X 0 o 0 0 M. n n Pi p P P Ro R C C Sima S N" Tt Dau D.T. T T Ue U.V F, Ph, P, Phi Ph X x Chi Hh w v Epsi Ps S UJO) 0 0 ujp Shei Sh Sr, Ss <4 Fei F PH, V, Uo h b Khei Kh Z> a Hori H Kh, Sh, X % * Sjansja Sr (T Ssima 8s Sh 1* + Dei T Hh, H bol. I append to this table a Coptic alphabet also. HIEROGLYPHIC ALPHABET. X • • • • • -.I.A — r . t .T • «..X. .T.V. • .yf. t . Y • • VI- ^ A A. t=> • Jik • • 1 n » • • • I . — .^5^ . \ ^ i, . T- 1 ! * + • • B • f 3BE • • • cd.£ .S— * ✓WWN (- V" n?- n »\T. .A fh . —■[ W- « ■a 3 . V *"V . J 'Sf K 1 A % • • >v.«c.S .. t .t © • 1 .-”5- TlflT. EJBOi .man — ./HK. fe-. m. - -444- * = l J.ra.ra., • v ■ a **JT. «.!.«-» .^./h • 9 Of the hieratic and demotic I have made no study, but the sue- 1 British Museum, commemorating the campaigns of Ramses 3d — cceding inscriptions will indicate their appearance. It is the first line gesostris — and his victories over several Asiatic nations, far remote of a poem in the hieratic character, *rom a papyrus now in the J from Egypt. Its date may be about 1550 B. C. 29 ANCIENT EGYPT. HIERATIC. ftr&f. *£> ri|^3 *f£u^ ^ 'J/5l)*z8J TRANSLATION. “The wicked race of the country of Scythia * ** * with many king- doms * * * * ihe soldiers of the country of Ireto, of the country of Maono, of the country of Toni, of the country of ICeshkush, &c. It proceeds with the names of countries, the geography of which Is unknown. DEMOTIC or ENCHORIAL. f'c-tl vf/b-it/** vj.fP vA]/ X Off / 6>\f M This is from a papyrus in the Museum of Turin. TRANSLATION. “ In the 38th year, on the 18th of the month of Athyr, of the rei?n of the sovereigns Ptolemy and Cleopatra his sister; the children of Ptolemy and Cleopatra, gods Epiphanes.” J — Articles of dress or costume — as helmets, collars, shoes, 6c c. K — Furniture, arms, and ensigns — as thrones, bows, sceptres, &c. L — Household utensils — as vases, bowls, knives, &c. M — Instruments relating to arts and trades — as a saw, . hatchet, blowpipe, &c. N — Edifices and buildings — as temples, obelisks, houses, boats, See. O — Various geometrical forms — as squares, ovals, angles, circles, segments, &c. P — Monstrous orfabulous Images — as a Hawk with a human head. Sphinx — a lion's body with a man's, a ram’s, or hawk’s head — men, with the heads of animals — and other unnatural combinations ; all conveying however, some metaphorical, allegorical, or mystical signification. The exact number of the hieroglyphical figures not being yet ascertained, the complete amount of varieties used by the Egyptians cannot be positively defined. Approximately, their number may be set down at 900, and time will develop a very few more. Sculptured hieroglyp’hics were executed in “Intaglio,” in “Rilievo,” or in “ Intaglio rilevato.” They were frequently painted, in minor structures, without being sculptured ; but were rarely sculptured on public monuments (save perhaps on obelisks) without being also painted. In writing they were sometimes colored or illuminated, but usually only in black or red. The colors given to each symbol were not arbitrary on the part of the artist, but were applied according to sys'ematic rules, more or less consistent with the nature of the object — thus, the Heavens were painted blue — the Earth red — Man as follows ; Egyptian males in red as the most honorable color — meaning symbolically, the “heat of fire,” and the “ male principle” — Egyptian females, in yel- low, symbolizing the “ lightof fire,” and the “ female principle” — Other nations were depicted as nearly as the artist could approach their true color — as Asiatics in various shades of flesh color; Berbers in brown of divers hues — Negros in black. Quadrupeds, birds, insects, fishes, plants, in the colors most appropriate to their natural aspect. Woods, in yellow — cop- per, in green — edifices, in blue — and so on. To these rules there are some exceptions, not however, produced by caprice. Disposal of the hieroglyphics — in vertical column from top to bottom — in horizontal lines. Read from left to right, or from right to left ; beginning from that direction toward which the heads of the animals are pointed. There are exceptions, I admit, but this is the general order. Different species of signs and symbols — in the hieroglyphic char- acter are thus classed : 0 This papyrus is a civil contract for the sale of the profits of the offerings in certain tombs. Even in Ptolemaic times, Egyptian law did not recognize as legal any documents not written in the native characters and language. It is of the last year of Philometor, about B. C. 146. Hieroglyphics, or monumental writing, are the primitive and sacred style ; the most ancient monuments and papyri being in this character. It is divided into two classes — the pure and the linear — the latter being, as is explained by the following instances, a reduc- tion of the former. Pure. Lmear. A reed, phonetically, A. A jackal, symbolically, a Priest A goose, phonetically, S., Figuratively the bird goose — symbolically offspring. The pure class was always sculptured or painted, and, in general, both sculptured and painted were employed on public edifices. The linear was preferred in ordinary life and literature of the earlier periods. The figures of things chosen as hieroglyphics are ranged into the folk wing sixteen categories. A — Celestial objects — as sun, moon, stars, &c. B — Man, of all ages, sexes and ranks, in all positions of the body. C — Parts of the human body — as an eye, hand, 6cc. D — Quadrupeds — domestic and savage — as a bull, giraffe, mon- key, &c. E — Birds of divers species — as a vulture, hawk, duck, ibis, owl, 6cc. F— Reptiles of various kinds — as a crocodile, frog, snake, & c. G — Fish, of a few varieties. TT T ,t! a beetle, scorpion, wasp, &c. Mimic — or figurative. Tropic — or symbolic. Phonetic — or “signs of sound ” — i. e. alphabetic. Each of these expressed ideas by diffent methods. Figuratively — viz; KvpioXoynfi Kara Mipyaiv - — method explain- ing itself by imitation. These expressed precisely the object of which, with more or less fidelity of design, they presented the image to the eye — as a disk, for the sun ; a crescent, for the moon ; a crocodile, for that reptile. Symbolically — Subdivided into four principal methods, under the following rhetorical rules, viz ; 1st. By Synecdoche — the part placed for the whole — as the head of an ox, to designate an ox — the head of a goose, to represent a goose. 2nd. By Metonymy — the cause for the effect ; the effect for the cause; the instrument, for the labor produced — as “ a month” by a crescent, with its horns turned downward, to designate the end of a lunation ; fire, by a column of smoke from a stove : writing, by the combination of emblems given in the preceding chapter. 3rd. By Metaphor — as a mother, by a vulture, because this bird was said to nourish its young with its own blood : a king, by a bee, as this insect is subject to a monarchial government : a priest, by a jackal, to indicate his watchfulness over sacred things : a physician, by a species of duck, the name of which was cein, while the pho- netic name of a doctor was ceini — as, even in our day, a duck is an excellent hieroglyphic for medical empiricism, because its phonetic cry is “ quack, quack.” 4th. By Enigma — thus, an ibis stood for the god Tiiotii Hermes, owing to a supposed mystical connection between the bird and the deity : a branch of lotus, or other parts of this flower, indicated the Upper Region, or Upper Egypt — while a tuft of papyrus, symbolized the Lower Region, or Lower Egypt: a sphinx, (always male in Egypt) with a lion’s body and a man’s head, represented royalty — or * intellectual power combined with physical strength. These ideographic signs abound in Egyptian legends ; but can be, and often are, expressed by alphabetic “homonymia” and syno- nymes. Phonetically — (from the Greek ovri, sound.) These signs are let- ters, expressive, not of ideas, but of sounds, like our A, B, C, D. They are, by far, the most numerous emblems in hieroglyphic writing ; and are alphabetic, and not syllabic. The fundamental principle of the phonetic system consists, in rep- - ’ the pictorial image of a physical object, of ANCIENT EGYPT. which the name, in the colloquial idiom of the Egyptians, had ior initial articulation, or beginning letter, the sound which this sign, or image, was intended to express — thus : the tuft of a Reed, called Ake, stood for A. i Eagle, Akhom, tt A. Field, Koi, it K. Cap, Klapht, tt K. i Owl, Moolddj, <1 M. Mouth, Ro, u R. Beetle — scarabceus, “ There, (( TH. E> Soohe, tt S. Hand, Tot, tt T. Lion, Labo, tt L. Water- tank, Sheei, it SH. In teaching little children our own alphabet, we often adopt a system precisely similar ; as, « A, was an Archer, , •, B, was a Butcher, , , C, was a Crier, , D, was a Doctor, , > or otherwise, “ A, was an Apple-pie ; B, bit it ; C, cried for it ; D, danced for it ; E, eyed it.” The copiousness of this principle, in the variety of words com- mencing with the same initial, permitted to the scribe a choice of “ homophones,” or “ similars in sound,” to express the same letter ; thus, the letter R could be expressed by a mouth, ro ; or by a pome- granate flower, roman ; or by a tear, rime : T by a hand, tot ; by a wing, tenh ; or by a hoopoo, tepeep : S by an egg, soohe ; or by a goose, sar; and so on; as I have exemplified in the word America. The number of homophones allowed to each letter was, after all, not very considerable ; norwas their choice, in the Pharaonic period, dependent on individual caprice. In later times, the degradation oi art in Egypt, by the Ptolemies and Romans, corrupted the simplicity of pristine orthography, by the addition of signs unknown before ; and the scribe sought, by the profusion of his fantastic homophones, to disguise his ignorance and his inability to equal his glorious pre- cedents. Yet, in the wise laws which regulated his primeval art, the scribe of ancient days had an abundant selection at his disposal, not only cf varied phonetic signs, symbolically expressive of meanings corres- ponding to the dignity of his theme, but adapted to horizontal or vertical inscriptions. For instance ; the Coptic word C1AG’ sems > could be written as follows : In vertical columns. In horizontal lines. As in the Hebrew, Phoenician, Arabic, and other Semitic lan- guages, the vowels in ancient Coptic were vague, and habitually omitted. The consonants indicated the word ; as, at the present day, is customary in writing short-hand. In this manner, Domitia. Nos became Dmtns ; Berenice is written Brnk ; Philippos is some. iiiw« Pheeoleeoupos, and, in some cases, Pips. One great advantage accrued from this power of vocalic suppres- 23 sion, and the admissible transmutation of L for R ; because thereby the differences of dialects in speech disappeared from the graphical texts. There were three colloquial idioms of the same language among the denizens of the Nile in Coptic times ; and we may infer that it was the same in ancient days ; especially now, that Dr. Mor- ton’s triple classification of Ancient Egyptian Crania, indicates tho primitive existence of three varieties of the Caucasian in Egypt. Among the Fellahs of the present day, three idioms of Arabic are, to a practised ear, discernible ; the Saeedee, or Upper Egyptian pro. vincialisms ; the Ghdrbee, or Western ; and the Sherkawee, or East, ern, refcrrible to the lower provinces. It was anciently somewhat the same ; for, in Lower Egypt, the people spoke the Memphiiic, > “ Middle “ “ “ “ Bashmuric, > dialects. “ Upper “ “ “ “ Sahidic, ) But, by the suppression of the vowels, and the transmutability of cer. tain consonants, the same combination of hieroglyphics could be vocally enunciated, by each provincial reader, according to his own peculiar idiom. The verb Kel, to fold; might be read kal, kel, kol, or kul ; or ka r, her, kor, or kur. It must be observed, < I > when the introduction of Christianity caused the hieroglyphic, hieratic and demotic charac- ters to lie abandoned, (as savoring too much of heathenism for the delicate fingers of those, in whose eyes every legend was an inven. tion of the foul fiend, simply because they were too stultified to com. prehend, too fanatical to inquire) the Greco-Coptic alphabet was substituted in lieu of the ancient system ; but the language, beyond a few hellenic engraftments, and a few idioms introduced by Jew's, Romans and Arabs, remained nearly the same, till the invasion of Admer-ebn-el-As, and the establishment of the Saracenic Caliphate in A. D. 540. Arabic gradually superseded it; and I w T as told, that the last speaker of Coptic died some seventy years ago. The process adopted by modern hierologists, in translating ancient Egyptian legends, is to transpose the hieroglyphics, according to their corresponding values in Coptic letters ; the roots are then in general traceable in Coptic lexicons ; but it requires vast erudition, intense study, and long practice, to become a translator. In ancient days, a hieroglyphical text could be read as currently, as, in our day, a page can be read in the Chinese language, or a treatise on Algebra in any of our tongues ; both of which, like an Egyptian legend, offer a continual intermixture of phonetic and ideographical signs. ■ The three component principles of the sacred w'riting — that is to say ; the fgurative, by imitation ; the symbolic, by assimilation ; and the phonetic, by alphabetical arrangement; were applied to all the parts of speech. A noun could be often written in each method alone, or expressed by the union of tw o ; and, not unfrequently, by an intermixture of all three, in the same word. It became necessary to indicate to the reader, through which of these principles he should understand a given combination of symbols. To effect this deside, ratum, the Egyptians introduced certain arbitrary signs, as detennin. atives. For example: two eyes, drawn in an inscription, might mean A A ; or represent simply two eyes; or imply the act of vision. In the first case, the w'riter merely drew two eyes ; in the second, he would add one arbitrary sign ; and in the third, he used another arbitrary sign, to denote that he meant a verb, or the act of seeing. With these rules, and their application, the only w'ay to gain an adequate acquaintance with the subject, is to consult Champollion’s grammar. I merely attempt to give a superficial view of its won. derful results. The following will explain some of these determin- atives of nouns. an ox, a pig, a king, perfumes, a flower, & tc an ox, an animal’s hide, a king, a jar a flower, a serpent, a serpent and so on ; each determinative being appropriate to the nature of the object determined : the names of deities by the image of the pecu. liar god intended ; the proper names of men and women by the figure of a male or a female, as from a papyrus Pet-Hor-Piire — “ he who belongs to . Horns and to Phrd ” (the sun) being the A/ hie rriglyphicnl mode of spelling Potiphar, Lord Mountnorris. 24 ANCIENT EGYPT. Names oi Egyptian localities were determined by the sign " consecrated bread,” betokening civilization, Torn or Nora — “ the abode of Amun ” Amunei. o or by a square k “ the abode of Amun ” Thebes. inclosure, meaning an edifice. No. 1. No. 2. Foreign countries were indicated by the sign “ Kah ” country; generally, however, with the addition of the barbarian mace, (termed “ Liss&n ” and “Aboo-sdlem ” and in use in Nubia to this day) above it, as \ For example, 1 BARBARIAN COUNTRY. KLEOPATRA “ Cleopatra ” — B. C. 52, To distinguish among so many sovereigns, the Egyptians, from some period prior to the 16th dynasty, B. C. 2272, gave to each Pharaoh two cartouches — the first of which is called the prenomen, and is generally symbolic, containing titles : while it is always the designatory oval by which the individual Pharaoh is known — the aecond is called his nomen, and is generally altogether phonetic, containing his proper name : like our Surnames and Christian names. No. 1. No. 2. No. 1. Title — Pharaoh. Prenomen — Sun Lord of justice. No. 2. Title — Son of the Sun. Nomen — AMuNoPH, Moderator of the land of purity and justice — i. e. Egypt. Cartouches of Amunoph the 3rd, B. C. 1692. It is his statue, which is called that of Memnon .' who did not exist in Pharaonic days in Egypt ! and whose vocality was a priestly humbug. No. 1. Title — Pharaoh. Prenomen — Sun, guardian of Truth, ap. proved of the Sun. No. 2. Title — Son of the Sun. Nomen — Beloved of Amun, Ramses. Cartouches of Ramses III. — the great Se- sostris — B. C. 1565. “Kanana — barbarian country” — i. e. Canaan — conquests of 18th Dynasty, to B. C. 1500. “Kush, barbarian country, perverse race,” being the Egyptian designalory name and title of Negroes, prior to B. C. 1600. names of kings were de'ermined by the oval termed, by the Champollionists, “ cartouche ,” which incloses the names of Egyptian monarchs during a period of 3000 years. Thus, besides the many other instances in these chapters, we have now before us, PTOLeMAIS “ Ptolemy-Soter ” — B. C. 304. No. 1. Title — Sun, Lord of the two regions, i. e. of Upper and Lower Egypt. Prenomen — Autohrator Kaiseros. No. 2. < Son of the Sun. Titles Lord of the Rulers — i. e. King of ( Kings. Nomen — Antoninus Sebastos. Cartouches of the Roman emperor, Ca;sur Antoninus Augustus ; better known as the infamous Caracalla, A. D. 211 — being the last royal name found in hieroglyphics, anfi probably the last recorded in that character. Ancient Egyptian System of Numeration. Modem civilization, springing from the ashes of the past and following, often without acknowledgment, the hoary precedents of Asiatic and Egyptian antiquity, has adopted for the arithmetical no. tation of a certain series of ideas in relation to number and quantity, signs which have no similarity to the system used for the exposition of other ideas, expressed by words in colloquial language. Our signs for numbers, or ciphers, are ideographic ; have no rela. tion to the sound of the same numbers ; are totally removed in nature from our alphabetic system ; and are independent of the diversities of language ; for, whether read in German, Spanish, English, or other tongue, the ciphers 1843 express that number to the mind of every European nation. The Egyptian primitive ciphers, on the contrary, are consistent in nature with the Nilotic system of writing, and enter, without effort, into one of the three methods by which their scribes represented ideas. Egyptian numerative signs are divisible into ordinal and cardinal; the former determining the relation of an object in regard to other objects of the same species — as, the tenth year, the hundredth psalm ; the latter designating the quantity or number of these objects — as, one, two, three, &c. Cardinal numbers could, in writing, be expressed in three methods: 1st. By the repetition of the object itself ; thus a hatchet, symbolical of a god, 2nd. Bywri by marks 3rd. By wri when repeated nine times, meant 9 gods, ting the above symbol of a god, and following it of units, as, they expressed three gods. i i ting the num 1 ber phone- m tically, as, Phtoou — four. Mil Ordinal numbers were , below which the cardinal num. determined by the sign ' — ' \ ber was written ; as, O g~y * Mehshoment — the . . , \ third. I I » ' Of these methods there are some varieties. I give the element* of the hieroglyphic numerical table : | — sign for units — repeated in groups up to 9 n 9 tens “ hundreds “ 90 900 X ( thousands “ 9,000 myriads, or tens of thousands “ 90,000 Beyond this number, they proceeded with a combination of then# signs, resembling 10,000x2000=20,000,000. The Hieratic affords some reductions of the same system. ANCIENT EGYPT. 85 Nifaiat-Kah, the “ country of the nine bows” — Lybia ; so — termed as early as Osortasen I., prior to B. C. 2000. B m L, to O KAH, Country, / Twelve thousand, or 10,000 and 2,000 ; as in the record of I the enemies slain, after a battle between Ramses-Maiamun TtI IV. — B. C. 1470 — and the Asiatic nation of Mashoash. nnni that is > 12535 ill if hands cutoff from * ' I I I i the dead of the Cut, hands, § o o o m ' f Mashoash, to off. == ®. 10 I show their num- 2 1-1 1-1 J ber ; as it is still the fashion among the Turks to cut off the ears of the enemy’s dead, string them on sticks in sets of a hundred, pickle them, and send them to Constantinople in proof of victory. During the Greek revo- lution, it was customary, on both sides, to resort to the same primitive method of counting the dead ; though, to increase the number of such trophies, both Greeks and Turks generally cut off the ears of their own dead as well, to swell the bulletins of triumph, claimed, of course, by each party. In the last war with Russia, when the Turks fled (as they invariably will, on encountering the European bayonet,) it was observed, that the cavalry always made off first, lest they should be fired at by their own infantry, who were anxious 6 to have the benefit of their horses ! The most daring of the Turkish troopers are called Delhi (madmen,) from their recklessness of human life. Their motto is, to conquer or die ; and, as Baron de Tott remarks, “ ils ne font ni l’un, ni l’autre.” The ancient Egyptians understood decimels and fractions ; and, in short, the papyri, existing in va- rious museums of Europe, containing long inven- tories and accounts, show that the priests were masters of arithmetical book-keeping also ; a sci- /WW\ ence developed 3000 years later by the Italian merchants. ^ In their notation of time (besides the astronom. ical cycles, and perpetual calendar,) the Egyptians regulated their ordinary dates by the reign of each Pharaoh ; reckoning from the date of his acces- sion to the throne to the day of his death. As in England, the 5th year of Victoria, or in France, the 12th of Louis Philippe ; so in Egypt, an act was chronicled, “ In the fourth year of the Pharaoh, Sheshonk, the 10th day of the month Paopi.” This chronological system has been of immense advantage to the modern hierologists, by enabling them to ascertain the length of each king’s individual reign, and also by assisting them in other computa- tions of relative eras for events ; while, from the multitude of tablets bearing dates, and still existing, we can correct and confirm history. I give further on, in a note, some facts relating to Persian monarchs, and will add two other instances. Manetho tells us, that Sesostris (who is our Ramses 3rd — B. C. 15G5) reigned 66 years, 2 months. A few years ago it was pretended (even with the example of George III. before our eyes,) that such a reign was extremely improbable. We now have Stelie bearing dates, of the 3rd, 4th, 8th, 9th, 14th, 30th, 34th, 35th, 37th, 38th, 40th, 44th, and 62nd years of his reign. Nor need longevity be claimed for the ancient Egyptians ; because, while the Almighty vouchsafed to the Hebrew patriarchs an especial duration Of life, we have positive evi- dences that, in Egypt and among Egyptians, the average life of man, in ages before Abraham, was precisely what it is at present. Again, TnoTMES the 4th (Mceris) is said, by historians, to have reigned only 12 years 9 months. When, in 1839, my much-honored friend, A. C. Harris, Esq., of Alexandria, and myself, wandered one day in quest of “ hieroglyph- ical adventures,” along the craggy ledges, caverns, tombs and quar- ries of the hills behind Zebayda (middle Egypt,) we stumbled on a tablet apparently of the forty-second year of this king, which seemed to record that, in this year of his reign, stone had been quarried at this place for the temple of Thoth at Hermapolis Magna — Aishmoo- nbyn — on the opposite side of the Nile. If this should prove authen. 1 tic, we should be enabled to correct history from a hiero- glyphical date. Sir J. G. Wilkinson had already found dates of the 27th (see Materia Hieroglyphics ;) and this fact de- mands a more critical investigation of the tablet alluded to, than in our hurried ramble we were able to compass ; as it would amend Rosellini’s and Champollion Figeac’s arrange- ment of the later reigns of the 18 th dynasty. The vast relics leit by Mceris, seem to demand an extension of his reign be- yond 12 years and 9 months. From the summit of the hill, I directed my telescope with vain regrets toward the mounds of Aishmoondyn ; where, up to 1825, a noble portico, (added by Ptolemy-Lagus, in the name of Philip Arrid^us, about B. C. 320, to the temple, which had then existed for 1600 years,) had stood, in majesty, and in safety, at which time Mohammed Ali caused it to be destroyed, to supply building ma- terials for his regenerating and civilizing ru;n-distillery at Mellawee. In hieroglyphics, the sign for tear was \ , figurative of a palm branch, and symbolic of a year, because, L according to Horus. Apollo, “of all others this tree (the date, f palm) alone, at each renovation of the moon, produces one additional branch, so that in twelve branches the year is completed.” The plausible reason is, that, in Egypt, the lower branches of the date-palm are cut close to the trunk once a year. Month was , “ the moon inverted ,” (Horus-Apollo) symbolic of lunar f t ' motion. Day was , 7C symbolic -of the sun's diurnal course. And thus the 15th of March, 1843, in hieroglyphics would be, n lx S I 9 99 9 r\r\r\c\ i 1 1 ii o nil i i in Q 3 0 o m & I will now proceed to the analysis of one hieroglyphical text, and the production of a few others ; by which the reader will be con- vinced, that these things are no longer, thanks to the Champollionists, “ unintelligible mysteries.” “ Grammaire Egyptienne,” p. 398 — and Champollion Figeac, p. 225. Read from right to left. £V to go. 1% SHE-ff; KIIONS, EITI, Khons, I accord NWV\ NOHEM, to rescue, No. 1 — is composed of two signs, the figure of the god Khons, re- cognizable by his emblems — he is the subject of the proposition, and signifies, “ I the god Khons the other sign above him is phonetic, and is the root of the verb eiti — to give, or accord. No. 2 — is phonetic — it reads she-m, and signifies, to go. No. 3 — the pronoun is phonetic — the figure that of a king — the group reads pephhont, his majesty. No. 4 — is L, the preposition to. No. 5 — the first four signs are phonetic — Bashtan — the other two, one figurative of a country, the other symbolic of civilization — meaning a civilized country. No. 6 — is L, the preposition to. No. 7 — is phonetic — reading nohem, to rescue, deliver. No. 8 — is phonetic and symbolic — si-t, daughter. No. 9 — is phonetic — N, the preposition of. No. 10 — is figurative of the idea, chief. No. 11 — is N, of. No. 12 — aa above, No. 5. The current translation is, “ I, the god Khons, consent that his majesty (the king of Egypt) should go to the civilized country of Bashtan, to rescue (probably to marry) the daughter of the chief of the country of Bashtan.” This extract is from the 15th line of an historical tablet, existing in the ruins, southeast of Karnac, Thebes. Epoch uncertain. The following are facsimile texts, culled from Champollion’s grammar, to illustrate the method introduced by that immortal scholar, for translating hieroglyphical legends into Coptic, and thence into French A — Page 409. Jfi . Xtfp/rrqi&i £ deux obelisques. i — C /vwwv rr&i-eipe jV fait (eriger 1 T ^fLorp la gauche. I ft “ On the left hand, (or western bank of the Nile,) I have caused two obelisks to be erected.” Speech of Amunoph the 3rd. — on a stela dedicatory of his palace, the Amunophiuni, Thebes — B. C. 1690. M ANCIENT EGYPT. B — Page 408. e*a(\ /vw* Y y ? 1 1 I AV\M ' ' if. | e<- 7Td.GTCj Amon. rr de nexiv le» ordres /tdr-eipe J’ejdcutfli “ I have executed the orders of my father, Amun.” C — Page 184. s © y t rrr /wvw ZZ>Z> Ml TbS^ 'mit I m ^ V 111 TT£T -ixrf Teimero iid-er ©Jpw &p*.i£HT rremp cet, edifice, eontemplez, venez, Derry, qui residez, grands, Odieux* dans “ O great gods, who reside in Derry, come and contemplate this edifice !” Dedications of the temple of Amada, in Nubia, epoch about 1700, B. C. At this very day, there is an adjacent town named Derr while its ancient name was The-Ee, the abode of Rha, the Sun — a Heliopolis, in Nubia 1 D — Page 405-6. C=^ © o AWa K>f*Ae Egypte ! -Ooo£j n ncoTTrr uu crr»XT d* roi O disent. I’Ethiopie, 75 I XL- da = des peuples Strangers m UJHpl les chefs, 1 Q-c/ (UJ)IlpH O soleil 1 The chiefs of Kush-countries (i. e. Negro countries, lying above lat. 15.) say, O King of Egypt 1 O Sun of foreign nations ! From the tomb of an African prince, at Thebes. iriiL entiere, E — page 500. / /^i r< ndd. TiaiHpi n eipe AVW\ rf ttithJL la terre, de. lelgneur. AAAM e nojt i avec lui. entidre. » 75 ff&TTKA, de la terrw du, grand. ts±=3 fcCrj JteKA£ les contr6es. chef, G(C du, etant, © o KHlStG l’Egypte, r o w vi ■ x gw. GCjUffT 0Y&(L£. gig Arma-pays, dam. sa majesty. ©^ M Khug P 'j-JGJ •Egypte. cn. qua j’allaiw majesty was in Aram ;” i. e. Assyria — now Bourn, the root of Armenia. Same statue — epoch between B. C. 525 and 485 — Idem — page 183. The subjoined example will afford a good idea of the transition from the linear hieroglyphical character into the hieratic. It is from the grand “ Ritual for the Dead.” (3 "21 3 ■ ft r» aaaa\ L^*k| /wva . _ ~r — ■* n A aji.pOK itcS.foT0g <5&HTrrrermooT gu TnuirifTp <*> vers toi. je suit arrive. la demeure, de. l’eau. dans, oeluu diou. O, “ O god, who residest in the habitation of waters, I have arrived as far as thee !” The following are extracted from the “Antiquities of Egypt,” be- fore referred to, with some additional notes. G. 1 O 1 1 r la- under thy sandals (is) Kol, the barbarian land Kush, (Nigritia) (is) thy grasp. “ Kol, the barbarian land, is beneath thy sandals ; Kush (Nigritia) Is within thy grasp.” Conquests of Ramses 2nd ; depicted in the Hemispeos of Beyt-el. Walee, Nubia — B. C. 1570. Kol, or Kor, was an Asiatic country. The phraseology is identi- cal with Romans xvi., 20 — 1 Cor. xv., 25-7. The same analogy to the measured phrases or parallelisms of the Hebrew poetry is equally discernible in tho succeeding H and I ; as well as in most Egyptian legends : strongly confirmatory of the common Asiatic origin of both nations. H. Thy name (is) firm as heaven ; 10$ the duration of thy days (is as) f /vvw\ KUD Liam A/VNA •I Western face of the Obelisk of Luqsor — Place de la Concorde, Paris — sculptures of Ramses 3rd — Sesostris — B. C. 1550. . ANCIENT EGYPT. SI That great work, Chamfollion’s Monuments of Egypt and of Nubia, exists only in the private libraries of Francis C. Gray, Esq., and the Hon. John Pickering, of Boston, besides a portion in my own possession. Prof. Rosellini’s “ Monumenti dell ’Egitto e della Nubia,” is to be found only in the library of R. K. Haight, Esq., of this city, although ten years have elapsed since the 1st volume of text end the 1st livraison of plates appeared. I have heard, on undoubted authority, that about six years ago, a copy of these first portions of Rosellini was sent to the United States, and shown to many of the leading publishers and librarians from Boston to Washington ; but as not even the Congressional Li- brary deemed its acquisition worth the expense (1000 francs at Paris, or less than two hundred dollars,) it was returned to Europe. I am nware, that from Boston, and from Philadelphia orders for the most important hierological works have been since sent to the Continent and to England. If, therefore, I have now the gratification of laying, before an American public, views upon Egypt, as novel in nature as in results surprising, the advantage does not accrue to me from my own capa- city or acquirements, but from the fact, that in this country, the labors of the Champollionists have, by the mass, been disregarded. And yet, monthly, there issue from the press of this country, as in England, and even on the Continent, works on every subject bearing upon Nilotic paleography. Travels, biblical commentaries, histories of primi.ive times, Encyclopedias, learned and unlearned disquisi- tions affecting ancient Egyptian questions. Whenever they are not penned with a knowledge of what, in the last fifteen years, has been accomplished by the Champollion school, they are, in 1843, valueless on Ancient Egypt. Arc not, however, Egyptian studies, and the mythology, philoso. phy, and doctrines of that misrepresented race, interesting to the divine who attests the unity of the Godhead and the holy Trinity? Can the theologian derive no light from the pure primeval faith, that glimmers from Egyptian hieroglyphics, to illustrate the immortality of the soul and a final resurrection?* Will not the historian deign to notice the prior origin of every art and science in Egypt, a thou- sand years before the Pelasgians studded the isles and capes of the Archipelago with their forts and temples? long before Etruscan civili- zation had smiled under Italian skies ? And shall not the ethnogra- pher, versed in Egyptian lore, proclaim the fact, that the physiological, craniological, capillary and cuticular distinctions of the human race existed, on the first distribution of mankind throughout the earth ? Philologists, astronomers, chemists, painters, architects, physicians, must return to Egypt, to learn the origin of language and writing — of the calendar and solar motion — of the art of cutting granite with a copper chisel and of giving elasticity to a copper sword — of making glass with the variegated hues of the rainbow — of moving single blocks of polished syenite, 900 tons in weight, for any distance, by land and wa'er — of building arches, round and pointed, with masonic precision unsurpassed at the present day and antecedent, by 2000 years, to the “ Cloaca Magna ” of Rome — of sculpturing a Doric column, 1000 years before the Dorians are known in history — of fresco painting in imperishable colors — und of practical knowledge in anatomy. Every craftsman can behold, in Egyptian monuments, the progress of his art 4000 years ago ; and, whether it be a wheelwright building a chariot — a shoemaker drawing his twine — a leather-cutter using the self-same form of knife of old, as is considered the best form now — a weaver throwing the same hand-shuttle — a whitesmith using that identical form of blowpipe, but lately recognized to be the most efficient — the seal-engraver cutting, in hieroglyphics, such names as Shoopiio’s, above 4300 years ago — or even the poulterer removing the pip from geese — all these, and many more astounding evidences of Egyptian priority, now require but a glance at the plates of Rosellini. * It is vain, in the present enlightened age, to shrink from the astounding evidences of a pure revealed religion, in existence among the Gentiles, in nges anterior to Ahra- bnnt and Moses; or, with Tr.rluliiun, To anathematize these important inquiries; or, with him, to attribute the pure doctrines of remote antiquity, to the forethought and machinations ot the spirit of darkness. ” What though Moses did write when the world had grown old ! The ‘‘wisdom of Egypt had then ever long told, That *' in the beginning God created ’’ this world. And that every swift star from his own hand was hurl’d. We will once more repeat, what though Moses did write, That in the beginning ‘‘God said. Let there he light;” ‘‘All the wisdom ” he spake was hut. Egypt’s oltl lore. Thence he learned all he knew, there ‘tvvas taught long before. Though Moses ** was leartt’d in all the wisdom” of yore, Diospolitan cruft, arid Heltopolite lore ; Vet in those latter days, the blind “ wisdom ” of man. No more saw the spirit of Jehovah’s great plan. The myst’ries of Heaven, through hold divination. Profanely were grnsped at, and called revelation : When Moses sojourned with the Arabian sage. His ** wisdom ” was worldly, like the lore of that age. But when Inspiration was vouchsafed him at last, Then the bright light of Truth dashed full o’er the past ; Then mystic Traditions received explanation. The Symbolical page became Revelation ” '* The Hierojihant.*.” These views of R. K. H. are perfectly in accordance with present high-church ortho- doxy. Independently of the numerous theological and other references, contained in the previous clmpter, I again quote the authority of Hales, Lamb, Faber and Allix. Can the enthusiasm of a hierologist be doubted ? or is it to be supposed that such lights are to continue under the shadows of indifference, or be extinguished by the doubts of self-complacent scep- ticism ? that the oil which feeds the paleographer’s lamp shall freeze in a gelid shade ? that the stupified ban of heterodoxy shall thwart an archteologist’s labors ? It cannot be. It will not be. It is but to place the facts before the American public, and we shall soon exclaim with Galileo, “ma pur si muove,” but yet it moves. A very few of these facts are herein submitted to the reader. Cheerfully do I contribute my mite to advance the cause of literature and science, by furnishing the key to the profound labors of others. As of erst a free-trader in commerce, so now in the capacity of a free-trader in literature, the writer tenders to the public through the cheapest mode of diffusion, such information as he may possess on ancient Egyptian subjects ; which he has derived from the works of others, as they, in general, obtained their knowledge from the con- templation of antiquity through the medium of their predecessors. We all of us are merely passing on, from hand to hand, the learning of our forefathers, fashioned according to tonventional models that we can rarely call our own. I am unwilling to close this dissertation on the language and wri- ting of the ancient Egyptians, without adverting to two points, upon which much interesting investigation can be pursued. The first regards the numerous affinities traceable between the Hebrew on the one hand, and the Nilotic sacred, or classical lan- guage on the other. Critical analysis and comparative chronological collations may serve to establish, by logical deduction, the relative antiquity of both tongues. My own impression is, that the result would establish a common primeval origin for this, as in other ques- tions ; or compel an acknowledgment of the priority of the Egyptian tongue. We have now, however, indisputable evidence of the Asiatic origin and Caucasian race of the earliest denizens of the Nile ; and can smile at the long-asserted descent of civilization from Ethi- opia, (that unknown land of fable) or, at the idea of its origin among any African tribe. This will be made clear in the sequel ; and this fact will remove a host of dilemmas, by tracing Hebrews and Egyp- tians to a probably-simultaneous departure from their common Asiatic hive. In the first chapter, I maintained, that it has been too customary to seek in trifles for confirmations of scriptural authority, where none exist ; and it has often happened, that, while making parade of little circumstances, which have a very small bearing on the truths of the Bible, the more important confirmations are overlooked. Modern hierology, however, begins to throw light on the Penta- teuch; and I will give the following example (one of many similar) in confirmation of Acts vii. 22, that “ Moses* was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians and in corroboration of the assurance of St. Clement ( of Alexandria, A. D. 194,) that “ the symbols of the Egyptians are similar to those of the Hebrews.” Stromates V.t From the earliest times, in ages long anterior to Abraham’s visit, among the Egyptians, the asp was an emb'ein of royalty ; us its Greek name basilisk implie s. The asp was typical of, and sacred to, the god Neph, wliic h deity was an incarnation of the “ spirit of God.” It had 1 ^✓^ikewise other significations con- nected with mythology. Every Pharaoh bears the asp on his crown. In the Egyptian language, a king was called Ouro, which, with the article Pi prefixed (Coptice ; “ the”) becomes Pi-ouro “ the king,” to which has been traced the origin of the word Pharaoh : but I prefer the derivation indicated first by Wilkinson and perfected by Rosellini, whereby Pharaoh is derived from Phre, or Phra, the god Sun. This deity was symbolized by the Hawk-headed god, surmounted by the solar disc, and sac ^^*red asp, holding the emblem of eternal life. The hawk w'x ffii as sacred to, and typical of the god Sun. Phre was also sy CvJ I tnbolized by the image of the sun itself, as in the prenomen — * ovals of Egyptian royal names, / N. the solar orb. Josephus tells us, that the word Pharaoh mef • )ant king ; and as the image of the Sun on earth ; an incarnatio n of solar dominion and benevolence; the king of Egypt was symbolized, in the sacred character, by the “ solar * By the way, the name of Moses \t/ A aMSS, or Mcs, was strictly Egyptian. In signification, it means rebegotten , ^T\ 1 1 11 regenerated, initiated in the myste- ries. It is recognizable in other com J I 1 'I ■ lpotind proper names, ns Thotmts , or Thothmoses, begotten of the god, I 1 I ■ Thoth ; or in Humeses, begotten of the god, Ra. The first sign of the three symbols above, M. is figurative ot the dew and symbolic of baptism, in hieroglyphics : ns the word Muses signifies in the Hebrew roots, MSCHE meaning saved, and MSCHHE anointed. Baptism, by fire and water, was one of the ceremonies that initiated the neophyte into the Egyptian mysteries. I he Hebrew of Exodus ii. 10, means “ saved by wuter,” as well ‘saved front wuter. Artapanus, in his work concerning the Jews, says, that a queen of Egypt, having no children, adopted and brought up a child of the Jews, and named it Moyscs. Ma- netho, according to Josephus, speaking of the Exodus of the Israelites, states, thnt the priest, who ordained their polity and laws, was of Heliopolis by birth, and h.s name was Osarsiph, from Osiris the god of Heliopolis: but that when he went over to these people, his name was changed, and he was called Moyscs. Cb$remon records, that the leaders of the Jews, when, (according to his statement) they were expelled from Egypt, ‘‘were two scribes called Moyses and Josephus, the latter of whom was a sacred’seribe”— alluding probably to Aaron. Diodorus, Lysimachus, and Polkmon confirm the name and the deeds of Moyses. 1 1 have compiled this portion of my essay, chiefly from Sir J. G. Wilkinson’s ** Man ners and Customs;” Portal “ Symbolesdes Egyptiens;” and “ Conleurs Symboliques; Dr. Lamb “on the Hebrew alphabet;” Cury's “ Horug-apollo and “Ancient Fragments.” 32 ANCIENT EGYPT. orb.” In the Bible, this name of the kings of Egypt is, in the orig- inal Hebrew letters, spelt Plirah ; rendered Pharaoh in our version, and corrupted into the sound of Fayray-o. So strangely has this appropriate title of the monarch of Egypt deviated from its natural sound, and simple application, that at the present day, in Arabic, when one man calls another “Yii Phara,don, ebn -Pharaoon,” “thou Pharaoh, son of a Pharaoh,” he fancies that he has heaped upon his head the ne-plus-ultra of opprobrium ! Every Pharaoh was the sun of Egypt; and over his name bore “ Son of the Sun ;” and as the sun was Phra, so each king was called Phra in common parlance, as we say king. - ffTt j Eig ijE' ac h monarch by law inherited his father’s throne in lineal ifir succession; so that the incumbent was Phra, son of Phra, literally “ Sun, son of the Sun ;” as in the East, at present, the Ottoman Emperor is termed by the Arabs, Sooltdn, ebn Sooltdn, emperor, son of an emperor. It is essential to observe, that the sun, or god Phra, or Phre, was also more frequently written Re, or Rd. And, as Wilkinson re- marks, Phre is merely lie, with the article Pi prefixed, pronounced Pire, the Sun, in the Theban dialect, and Phre in the Memphitic. To the root Ra, Sun (the designatory title of a Pharaoh,) we may readily trace Onto — royalty ; typified by the asp with his tail coiled under him. This symbol was, by the Greeks, termed Ouraios — OvpaToa — j3a k a /J from the same original root of Ra, Ouro, J j 4+ 1 1 fY^ Aur. In Egyptian mythology, Thme was the goddess of Truth and Justice. To indicate her strict impartiality, she is often represented, in her judicial capacity, with her eyes covered — thus : Thme — holding in her hand “eternal life ;” the feather of truth (an ostrich feather,) surmounts her cap ; her eyes are covered by a species of blinkers. Just as we copy the original Egyptian idea, when we paint Justice with her eyes bandaged. The judges in Egypt, wore golden chains around their necks, to which was suspended a small figure of Thme, orna- mented with jewels; being Thme in her double capacity of Justice and Truth. For, owing to the wise administration of their laws, the denizens of the Nile could, with propriety, call their native land “ the region of justice and truth,” and “ the country of purity and justice,” in contradistinction to the irregular nomadic habits of the less civilized and barbarian nations of Africa and Asia, to them adjacent. Some of these judicial breastplates are extant in European mu- seums ; others are to be seen on the monuments, as containing the figures of two deities ; Ra, the sun ; and Thme. These, herein, represent the Ra, or the sun in a double capacity ; physical and intellectual light, and Thme, in a double capacity — justice and truth. I have shown that, in Hebrew, the sun was called Aur ; and, in the same language, truth is the word THME, integritas, aMidc ta. Again, in Hebrew, the double capacity of anything is expressed by the dual number ; thus, the word Aur, becomes in the dual, Aurim. Thme, becomes in the dual, Thmim. Now turn to Exodus xxviii., II — speaking of the Ephod : “ with the work of an engraver in stone, like the engravings of a signet (that is, in symbolic, and not in alphabetic characters) shalt thou engrave the two stones,” Idem xxviii. — “ and they shall bind the breastplate by the rings (which, in verses 22 and 24, are said to be “ wreathen chains of gold,”) thereof unto the rings of the ephod with a lace of blue, that it may be above the curious girdle of the ephod, and that the breastplate be not loosed from the ephod.” Idem xxix. — Aaron the high priest, is to wear the “ breastplate of judgment upon his heart” — in the same manner as the Egyptian judges, who were all high priests, wore their breastplates — verse 30 — “and thou shalt put in the breastplate of judgment the Urim and the Thummim ;” that is, as the commentator e*xp!ains in the margin, “ the lights and perfec- tions ” — equivalent to the Egyptian double symbolic capacity of R a, the sun or light ; and the double symbolical character of Thmb or perfections. Are not the “ symbols of the Egyptians similar to those of the Hebrews ?” Did not Moses, “ learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians,” follow in the Aurim and Thmim of the Hebrew judicial breastplates, the symbolical method and long anterior types used by the Egyptian high priests ? Can we suppose this similarity to be the effect of chance ? Must we not attribute the identity to a com- mon primeval and sacred source, more remote than the establish- ment of either nation ? In both nations, none but the Arch Judges, and high priests, could wear the breastplate of lights and perfections. But, by the application of symbolic colors, we can go deeper into the analogy ; which brings me to the second point of my closing passages. Blue, as may be seen throughout the xxviii chapter of Exodus, was a component principle in the mystical decorations of the Ephod. Blue, in Hebrew, was typified by a sapphire, a precious stone of a blue color, called S P H I R. This word comes from the root S P H R, which signifies, in Hebrew, to write, to speak, to celebrate, as likewise a scribe, a writing, a book. The Old Testament is termed Sepher, the book, “par excellence ;” as the Muslim terms his Koran, the book, “ El-Ketab ;” or as we say, the Scripture, for holy writ.* Blue the color, sapphire the stone, and all the varied meanings of the root S P H R, combine in the Book, as the Word of God, the wisdom of the Almighty, inclosed in the sacred Sepher of the Jews, the Old Testament. In Egypt, the god Amun, called by the Greeks and Romans, Jove, as a deified derivative of the mystic Jehovah — is lord of the gods of Egyptian mythology — and one of a Triad, (Amun, the male ; Maut, the female, and Khonso, the offspring,) whose combination ex- presses, “demiurge intellect, mother, and created things” — attri- butes of the true God. A MuN, in his usual form. On Egyptian monuments Amun is always painted (where in this cut he is repre- sented black) of a blue color. Ilia place in the scale of divine attributes is ✓vVV'Aiudicated above. In Hebrew the word A M N Jt/mum, identical with the hieroglyphical name, meaning truth, wisdom ; and typified by the sapphire, the blue jewel, is the Word of God, inclosed in the Sepher, the Old Testament. The Egyptian hierogrammates wore on their breasts a sapphire, a blue stone, on which was engraven symbolically, like “ a signet,” the image of Thmd in her double character, symbolical of Justice and Truth, identical in sound and meaning with the Hebrew word for justice and truth. The high priest of the Hebrews wore on his breast a blue stone, on which were symbolically (like “a signet”) engraven words, identical with the Egyptian in signifi- cation, called Thmim or Thummim, the Two Truths ! This is a specimen of the application of symbolic colors to the elucidation of early mythes. It is proved beyond doubt, by Portal, that, from the remotest times, colors had a symbolical meaning ; and that remarkable analogies exist in regard to the mystical acceptation of every color, among the Persians, Indians, Chinese, Hebrews, Egyptians, Greeks and Romans, preserved during the middle ages of Christianity — the last relics of which remain to our day in Heraldry. The study of primitive arts and doctrines, whether in respect to the origin of writing, or to the sources of the Unity in Trinity, identical with the fountain springs of our sublimest conceptions, leads, by different roads, invariably to the same point, the common primeval origin of all things ; and attests that the God of Israel was the God of the Brahmans ; the God of the Chaldeans : as Champol- lion’s discoveries enable us to hope, that, shrouded under the veil of the sanctuary, he was likewise the Deity of those who were initiated in the mysteries of the early Egyptians. CHAPTER FOURTH. The first of my three previous discourses contained a sketch of the rise and progress of hieroglyphical discovery — with bibliographical notices, and biographical digressions — whereby we have been able to form an idea of what has been published in Egyptian archaeology up to the close of 1841. The second was a brief inquiry into the origin of the art of writing. The third explained the construction of the an- cient language of the Egyptians — their mode of writing, and varied * Our word Bible itself originates in the same manner, from bi/blus, the Greek nnme for papyrus. the material out of which the first paper was made: as in papyrus we find the root paper. The Latin name for a hook was liber, derived from the name of the inner bark of trees, from which the Romans manufactured paper. Byblus, the plant, gave to the Greeks their name for paper, and paper their name for a book in T0 /Ji/SXtiov. The Scriptures were termed, by the early Greek Christians, “ the Book, "or To Bibtcion; whence we obtain the name of Bible, which is exclusively applied to the Old and .New Testaments, The root sepher, associated with learning and knowledge, may be traced Into a great number of languages. ANCIENT EGYPT. 33 methods of expressing ideas ; with some translations of hieroglyph! cal legends of all ages, and various kinds, from the remotest discerni- ble post-diluvian period, down to the third century of the Christian era. I could wish that this my 4th discourse, should treat at once on the History of Egypt and of its venerable monarchs, as the numerous Illustrations drawn from the monuments would have secured your attention ; while the application of hieroglyphical explanation to events coeval with, anterior, or subsequent to Abraham, Joseph and Moses, would have excited your curiosity and your interest. But reflection has convinced me, that before venturing to speak of times prior to the Pyramids, or contemporary with them : before launching into ages and occurrences attested by monumental chron- icles, belonging to periods positively (though in remoteness scarce definably) dating previously to the year 2000, B. C., it is better to examine some chronological questions. It will be conceded, were not such my course, that when I speak with all the certainty of con- scientious conviction of Egyptian events, dating, say between the years 2500 and 3000, B. C., or above 4000 years ago, some of my readers might reasonably imagine that I am thereby setting my face in direct opposition to the authority of Scripture. They would be startled, perhaps shocked, at my indiscretion ; and the writer would fall in public estimation, in proportion as the novelty of the doctrines advocated might clash with the individual preconception of the reader. Some would consult the chronological dates, appended generally to our version of the Bible ; and seeing it therein laid down, that the Deluge took place in the year 2348, B. C., they might, with apparent reason, consider that my assertions were false in basis, subversive of true belief, or injurious in tendency; were I not at the very outset of my discourse to show to them, that the chronology of Scripture is not a matter of indisputable accuracy, and particularly that the dates appended to our Bible, which are founded on the authority of Arch- bishop Usher, do not demand our implicit credence. There is nothing in my essays or lectures which militates with the most orthodox views of Holy Writ, and there is nothing further from my purpose than to give umbrage to any one, in free, but temperate and deferential inquiries. My observations will tend, on the contrary, to confirm Biblical authority; and, if at first sight my still-apprenticed method of introducing a subject, causes a momentary apprehension that I am departing from legitimate views, I am desirous that the results should be found conclusive and satisfactory. Consequently, if I do not take the Deluge at 2348, B. C., I am not differing from the Bible, but simply from Archbishop Usher. These are the reasons which induce me to preface Egyptian History by a brief chronologi- cal inquiry. When, some years ago, I amused my vacant hours by reading the different works that treated on Egyptian studies, I remember being struck with the incomprehensible discrepancy existing between the result of some of the new discoveries, and those systems which 1 had been taught at school. Believing at that time, that the dates appended to our Bible were certainties immutable as Scripture itself, I could not but feel apprehensive, that the existence of the pyramids looming like mountains in the distance from my window-seat, and the anti- quity insisted upon for them, might affect the truth of the Bible, and the veneration with which I had been taught to regard it. In the end, I was driven to examine and inquire for myself ; and great was my surprise to find, that the date chosen by Usher for the Deluge, 2348, B. C., was only one among some 300 opinions, all varying from each other in biblical chronology; and it was highly satisfactory to learn, that no point of Christian faith or doctrine would be prejudiced whether the creation of the world be taken at B. C. 558G, (which is the Septuagint computation) or at B. C. 3616, which is that of the Rabbi Lipman, upon the vulgar Jewish system. This fact to me being clear, I am desirous that those who may not have paid critical attention to these subjects, should arrive at the same conclusion. I have caused an abstract to be made of the table furnished by the learned Hales ; while for confirmation of what I am about to state, I refer to the erudite and conclusive work of that excellent and pious churchman. TABLE OF DIVERSITY OF CHRONOLOGICAL COMPUTATIONS. CREATION OF THE WORLD. Jewish Computation, before Christ, 4220 Idem. “ ft 4184 Chinese Jews, tt t' 4079 Some Talmudists, a 3761 Vulgar Jewish computation, 14 (< 3760 Seder Olam Rabba, great chronicle of the world, A. D. 130, 4! tt 3751 Rabbi Lipman, a 3616 CHRISTIAN DIVINES. Clemens Alexandrinus, A. D. 194, it ft 5624 Hales, Rev. Dr. 14 5411 Origen, A.D. 230, M «< 4830 Kennedy, Bedford, Ferguson, ft a 4007 Usher, Lloyd, Calmet, « ct 4004 Helvetius, Marsham, ft tt 4000 Melancthon, if a 3964 Luther, U tt 3961 Scaliger, (4 tt 3950 DELUGE. Septuagint version, H tt 3246 Samaritan Text, (« a 2993 English Bible, «4 t. 2348 Hebrew text. “ H 2238 Josephus, it a 3146 Vulgar Jewish computation, ft ft 2104 Hales, Usher, it tt 3155 tt 2348 Calmet, « tt 2344 EXODUS. Josephus, and Hales, Usher, and English Bible, ft ft 1648 « a 1491 Calmet, it a 1487 Vulgar Jewish chronology, it ft 1312 i. BIBLICAL TEXTS AND VERSIONS. Years. Septuagint computation, before Christ, 5586 Septuagint Alexandrinus, ft it 5508 Septuagint Vatican, tt tt 5270 Samaritan computation, tt tt 4427 Samaritan Text, it (( 4305 Hebrew Text, tt tt 4161 English Bible, it it 4004 JEWISH COMPUTATIONS. "I Playfair, tt it 5555 Josephs, i J a t S s ° n > tt tt ft ft 5481 5402 j Universal History (( tt 4698 Talmudists, (( ft 5344 Seder Olam Sutha, it ft 4359 Joining with the Rev. Doctor in his lament on the variety, dis- cordance and imperfection of chronological systems, I must not omit observing that the above is but an abstract of 120 different opinions on the epoch of the Creation, dating backward from the birth of Christ, to be found in his first volume, page 212. This list might be swelled to 300 distinct opinions on the same era. Between the highest epoch, B. C. 6984 years, (the Alphonsine tables,) and the lowest, B. C. 3616, (Rabbi Lipman,) there is a difference of 3268 years ! For the epoch of the Deluge, he cites 16 opinions — Maximum B. C. 3246 — minimum B. C. 2104 — difference years, 1142. Out of 15 authorities quoted for the epoch of the Exodus of the Israelites from Egypt, the highest in chronological length makes it B. C. 1648 — the lowest B. C. 1312 — difference 336 years. Thus, for the three most important events recorded in the Old Tes- tament, i. e. the Creation, the Deluge and the Exodus, the inquirer after truth is lost in a chaos of 300 different, published human opin- ions on the eras of the same events; opinions conflicting with each other ! But so uncertain is biblical chronology, that among 36 Chris- tian authorities, who have computed the epoch of the nativity of our Saviour, the year itself is a disputed point, and cannot be defined within 10 years ; so that, while all our present dates are dependent upon the birth of Christ for accuracy, we cannot say positively, whe- ther this year, which we term 1842, be 1837 or 1847. If the year be liable to doubt, how much more so must the day of the nativity? Our present Christmas day was not determined till the year 325 after our Saviour’s birth, and then erroneously. Hales quotes Scaliger to the effect, that “ to determine the day of Christ’s birth belongs to God alone, not to man.” All that can be positively averred is, that Christ was born about Autumn ; and most probably between 749 and 750 years after the building of Rome. Yet we are not much bene- fitted by this definition ; for, 34 chronologists assign six dates for the building of the Imperial city — maximum B. C. 753, minimum B. C. 627 — giving a difference of 126 years for an event, which is here dependent on the implied accuracy of a date, that cannot itself be determined within 10 years. The date of the Jewish Exodus has to be computed backward from the building of Solomon’s temple. If this were certain, many difficulties would be removed ; but, out of 19 dates for Solomon’s temple, the longest is B. C. 741, the shortest B. C. 479 ; so that we cannot arrive at the truth within 262 years. In consequence of which enormous discrepancy, we cannot define the precise epoch of Moses ; nor determine in Egyptian history under what particular Pharaoh the Israelites entered the wilderness ; although, within this space of 262 years, we know every Pharaoh who sat on the throne of Egypt. Could we find, in hieroglyphics, a record of the Jews, ws should be able to determine this point ; but, although every known legend is at this day translated, no light has yet been gained on this point, notwithstanding the most rigid examination. I shall take up this question in its proper place. The same discrepancies are infinitely more conspicuous in profane chronology. The epoch of Sesostris, the greatest king of Egypt, was a dilemma in history. We had eight probable computations, B. C. 1555 to B. C. 967, differing 588 years ; but the recent discoy ANCIENT EGYPT. U erics in hieroglyphics have enabled us to define his epoch within a hundred years with certainty; and, probably, within ten: of which, in due course. Siege of Troy : 2G dates — B. C. 1270 to B. C. 964 — differing 306 years; besides some doubts, arising in part from other circum- stances, and in part from hieroglyphical facts, as to the occurrence of the etent, or, at any rate, as to its historical importance. Nor for the overthrow of the mighty Nineveh, can we extricate our- selves from the confusion proceeding from 17 computations — B. C. B9G, and B. C. 59G — a difference of 300 years. Finding it impossible to adjust, on any former systems of chrono- logy, the leading dates of sacred and profane history, the Rev. Ur. 11 ales undertook the herculean labor of erecting a chronological edi- fice, built upon more solid and more liberal ground. He investigated the evidences for and against the longer and shorter computations of the patriarchal generations from Adam to Abraham, founded on the Masorete Hebrew text, the Samaritan, the Septuagint, and on the Jewish chronicler Josephus ; and the result was, a conviction of the untenableness of the shortest or Hebrew computation. He discovered, that this discrepancy between the older translation of the Bible — the Greek, made about B. C. 250 — and the Hebrew copy of the Old Testament, proceeded from a manifest corruption of the text, by the Jews themselves, about the time of the Seder Olam Rabba, their great system of chronology in A. D. 130. The Hebrew .biule was corrupted by the Jews, to throw the early prophecies con- cerning the Messiah out of date. Yet it is the computation followed by Archbishop Usher, and has been attached to the English copy of the Scriptures by Act of Parliament. However, “ Usher’s date, at- tached to our English Bible, has been relinquished by the ablest chronologists of the present time, from its irreconcileableness with the rise of the primitive empires ; the Assyrian, Egyptian, Indian and Chinese, all suggesting earlier dates for the Deluge.” And now that we can bring Egyptian positive annals, derived from writings on existing monuments, the chronology of the Hebrew version of the Bible is, in the opinion of the learned, altogether exploded. All these subjects have formed my studies, but 1 limit myself at present to generalities. I now proceed with my own special depart- ment of history, requesting the reader to keep in view the chronolo- gical tabie just cited, as an evidence that the impartial inquirer after truth cannot justly be blamed for errors on subjects wherein the texts of Scripture and the opinions of the learned theologists and pious Christian divines so widely differ. Till within the last few years, when, through the labors of the Hieroglyphists, we have been enabled to obtain not only faithful and authentic copies of most of Egypt’s no longer mysterious legends, but translations of their import, we were left entirely dependent upon an incidental mention of Egypt in the Scriptures, or thrown upon facts, meagre in themselves, or dubious from their ambiguity, handed down to us by profane authors. The ignorance, as concerns Egypt, of the Greek and Roman wri- ters, was exceeded only by their love of the marvellous, or their often wilful disregard of truth. Floundering in doubts and among uncertainties, we had frequent assurance of their fallacies or misrepresentations, without, however, possessing any criterion by which to test their accuracy, or to dis- prove their assertions ; and, in our speculations into the early pro- gress of mankind, so wrapped in fables or shadowed with absurdity, were the pale rays of light discernible, that we were then reluctantly inclined to subscribe to the doctrine — “ There is no evidence, but traditionary, of any fact whatever (the author probably means date) of profane history anterior to 600 years before the Christian era.” On no country have so many pens been employed, as on Egypt. All mankind agreed, from the most ancient to the latest times, that no nation’s history equalled in importance the Egyptian. And yet, so faint and partial was the amount of information to be collected from the records of ancient writers, and (until the promulgation of re- cent discoveries, since Champollion illumined the circumambient darkness) so unsatisfactory seemed the instruction derivable from at. tempts to lift the “ veil of Isis ;” that Egypt was still a land of enig- mas, of impenetrable mysteries, where the lamp of inquiry shed no light to rescue her annals from accumu ! ated gloom. My bibliographical sketch has shown, that on modem writers, with exceptions comparatively few, when we consider the ponderous tomes that fill the libraries of every nation of present times, we can pass but little encomium. Often servile copyists of errors perpetuated by time and repetition, without being thereby divested of erroneousness, we might apply to many of those learned investigators, who thought their labors had enlightened us, the verse that was once made upon the charge of a celebrated judge to a jury in England : “ Chief Justice Parker, He made that darker. Which was dark enough before !” The most authentic annals of Egyptian history, and the only cer- tain accounts w'e had of early Egyptian manners and customs, in- stitutions and systems, were derived from the Old Testament. But, excepting the period of the Exodus and the previous visit of Abraham, with the interesting events transpiring during the interval, we cannot, in the Bible, expect to gather more than incidental and transitory refer- ences to subjects, on which we seek for information; because the Pentateuch is a history of the early Hebrews, and touches on the Gentile nations, with whom they were brought into contact, only incidentally. The events dwelt upon by the Israelitish historian, may have been sometimes exceedingly important to the interests and welfare of the Jews, without always thereby requiring that they should be of equal consequence to the Egyptians. Nor must prejudice, or preconceived opinion continue to be flattered by deception, as to the relations be- tween the early Hebrews and a mighty and powerful monarchy like that of Egypt — whose conquests, prior to the Exodus as well as for many centuries subsequently to that period, had extended into Africa, further than a xchite man can penetrate at the present day ; whose garrisons held Palestine, Syria, Arabia, Assyria, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor and other remote Asiatic nations in tribute, or in bondage ; and whose powerful sway had already been felt in Lybia and Barbary. From the Old Testament, as from Profane History, wc could de- rive only a limited or partial view of the true greatness of the Pha- raohs ; and we had heard nothing from the Egyptians themselves, on events to them so momentous. But when, through the inestimable discoveries of hieroglyphical science we can read, translate, and understand the legends still sculptured, or delineated on Egypt’s vast monuments, and decipher the written pages of her crumbling papyri, we are enabled to bring forward her history, a speaking and irrefragable witness of her glory. It is to vindicate the early fame of the Egyptians — to attest their wisdom, their power, and their boundless superiority to any of their contemporaries, that I venture now to present a brief, but, I believe, an approximatively-correct summary of Egyptian resuscitated annals. The records of Egypt, such as time and barbarism have spared, are of more positive antiquity, and of more positive authenticity, than any uninspired histories with which we are acquainted ; because, they were chiselled, painted, or written, at the time of the events to them contemporaneous. We can row behold, and, if we choose to study we can read for ourselves, those pages of history, that to the Greeks and Romans were dead-letters and incomprehensible mys- teries. ■ Apart from the lamentably imperfect state,in which the monu- mental legends of Egypt have come down to us (mutilated by man, rather than Time,) the only doubts remaining in the minds of the hieroglyphical students, proceed rather from incidental vacuums in their own translation. Hence, errors have been frequently, and for some time will be committed ; but, as I shall explain, these, from their very nature, are of comparatively trifling moment. Already are we possessed of sufficient knowledge to ascertain with exactitude (so far as the translation is concerned,) the more important facts, or meaning of hieroglyphical legends; and already may the hiero- glyphical student, like Alexander when the Indian Ocean presented an insurmountable barrier to his dreams of conquest, weep at the approach- ing want of materials, whereon to prosecute his researches. It is a sad, but too-excruciatingly accurate conviction in the minds of Cham- pollion’s disciples, that, had all the hieroglyphic legends of ancient Egypt been proserved to us, we should now possess a complete, un- broken and authentic series of annals back to the remotest periods of conceivable post-diluvian time ; when the ancestors of the Hebrews were mere nomads in Aramanea ; when the Pelasgians were yet unborn ; the Greeks, the Persians, and perhaps the Phoenicians, had not been dreamc-d of; more than 15 centuries before Troy fell, and much “ more than 1300 years before Solomon” founded the Temple of Jerusalem, till we should approach the early hour, when mankind dwelt together on the plains of Shinar. Even with the paucity of unimpaired records which have come down to us, it is not too much to assert, that, at the present moment, Egyptian archamlogists possess more positive knowledge of events and data, ages antecedent to Moses, than we can glean upon some most important questions, from histories of England, about circum- stances precedent to Alfred the Great or of France before Charle- magne ! With such astounding results, achieved, as I explained in my first chapter, through the Rosetta Stone ; a mutilated but invaluable triglyphic and bilinguar fragment in the British Museum ; when we recognize the thrilling interest that now invests the monuments of Egypt, and the enthusiastic ardor of Chantpollion’s disciples, “ our indignation must then be cast on those barbarian efforts, which convert the Monuments of Egypt, those sacred records of art and of anti- quity, into quarries, and destroy what they cannot equal. Day after day, plunder and mutilation are rooting up all that remains — another century, and what Egypt was will be a tale — wo to Egypt ! The “impure foreigner” (the descendant of the Scythian — the race termed on the monuments, the sore of Sheto,) whom she bound to her char- iots— trod beneath her sandals — and forced to excavate the temples of her gods — recklessly mocks and defaces the palaces of her kings and the tombs of her dead 1” The monuments of Egypt, whereon are chiselled the glowing chapters of her history, presenting to us the records of events coeval with their erection, are, apart from the reverence due to inspiration, and the undoubted collateral testimony that demands our belief in Holy Writ, of interest next to the Bible in importance ; while, in authenticity of record (due allowance made for possible exaggera ANCIENT EGYPT. 35 lion and a national vanity, with the evils of which eve r history, of every age on earth, is more or less pervaded,) these legends are as satisfactory as the Old Testament itself: because, the Pentateuch, though preserved by the hand of Providence, has not reached us in one single original copy, written at the time of the events’ occur, rence ; and the text we make use of is acknowledged to be the result of varied and laborious comparisons, made and collated by learned divines of all nations and ages, from the most perfect editions ob- tainable at the several periods of their respective examinations, of the Masorete Hebrew, the Greek, Samaritan and other versions. The union in council of the highest Christian prelates, since the days of Constantine, has been at divers intervals required, to place tbe seal of confirmatory authenticity upon the originals, of which we possess only copies or translations. And that these last are not free from interpolations, misconstruction, or doubts, proceeding from am- biguities, or differences in their several originals, or trom the errors and opinions of translators and commentators, cannot be denied. In fact, “sacred classics are no more exempt from various readings than profane.” The differences, on comparing the masorete and Sama- ritan Hebrew texts, with that of the Septuagint, and the annals of Josephus, amount, in the generations of the antediluvian patriarchs to 600 years, and in the postdiluvian to 700 : that is, to a discrepancy of 1300 years, solely between the era of the creation and the life of Abraham! These differences, moreover, have not arisen from accident, but from premeditated design — and it is a superstition to suppose, that the Almighty is continuing a miracle, to prevent inter- polations or misconstruction in books, which, however sacred, are subject to the same casualties as others. These assertions are very easily supported ; and, in chronology, this is no mischievous innova- tion ; for I can produce the whole fabric of Church History in proof of the disagreement, among those most qualified to judge, Christian divines of all ages, from Clement of Alexandria, A. D. 194, down to Dr. Hales ; nor am I, in chronology, inclined to cry out with the Jew, “we wi 1 not recede from the usage of our forefathers.” The legends of Egypt are exposed to the same errors of transla- tion ; and, in their present mutilated condition, are moro liable to the same misinterpretations than are the Scriptures ; but, with this difference, that we are enabled to verify the Egyptian records in the original for ourselves, supposing we choose to consult them in the valley of the Nile, or in European collections, and that we acquire the necessary qualifications to forming a valid opinion. It is exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to reconcile the mon- umental evidences of remote antiquity in Egypt — the pyramids for instance — with the chronology of Archbishop Usher — which is the one, generally received in Protestant communities — and is based upon the Masorete Hebrew version of the Old Testament; and all attempts (and their name is Legion) to confine the chronology of Egypt to this unnecessary and spurious limit, must end in failure. The Hebrew Oed Testament — termed the Masorete Text from “ Masora,” tradition — or, in common parlance, the Hcbrcio verity — was verified by the Hebrew rabbis, at some period between 840 and 1030 after Christ. This copy is, by great theologians, maintained, not to be an exact transcript of the same original Law, from which the Septuagint was translated, B. C. 240. It is indisputable, that the Hebrew Scriptures, from which our translation of the Bible was made ; and, on the authority of which, Usher fixed the deluge at 2348 B.C. were altered curtailed, interpolated and mutilated by the Jews them- selves, about the beginning of the 2nd century after Christ: because, they then found “ their own Scriptures” turned, by the Christians, into arms against themselves; and were confounded by the proofs, drawn from their own archives, that the Saviour’s advent at the exact time he appeared, was prophesied from patriarchal times in the ancient Hebrew text. The Rabbins cursed the day of the Septuagint trans- lation, and compared it to that “ unhappy day for Israel,” when the “ Golden Calf was made.” That triple-apostate, Aquila , was prob- ably the instrument of the atrocious corruption of the sacred records, about A. C. 128. This controversy is to be found in all the Fathers ; and by all, save by Origen and Jerome, who acted under Judaic influ- ence, the interpolations were denounced. The computation of the Hebrew text, therefore, was rejected by the early Christians at its outset— revived, in the middle ages, by some Roman Catholic author- ities- — adopted by Usher, and affixed to our Bible by act of Parlia. ment — analyzed and overthrown by Hales and other orthodox Pro- testant churchmen, and now placed beyond further question, by the unanswerable evidence of Egyptian hieroglyphical annals. Note I. To show the incongruity of the Hebrew computation in early patriarchal genealogies, I extract two out of the many remarkable dilemmas, in which the supporters of that chronology, such as Usher, are placed. . ANTEDILUVIAN GENEALOGIES. In Genesis, we are told that Methuselah lived 969 years, that he was 187 years old when he begat Lamech, and that Lamech at the age of 182 years begat Noah, lherefore if we sum up together the age of Lamech, when he begat Noah, . years 182 and the age of Methuselah when he begat Lamech, , , . .187 find that Methuselah was 369 years old when Noah was born. Now, as Methuselah lived 969 years, ...... 969 if we deduct his age at the period of Noah’s birth, *. *. *. 369 years 600 it follows that Methuselah lived 600 years after this event. We are also told that Noah entered the ark at the six hundredth year of his age. 44 It follows then, that when Noah entered the ark, Methuselah was still alive ; and as there is no mention of his having accompanied his grandson into the ark, Methuselah must have been drowned in the universal Hood.” Let the defenders of the chronology of the Hebrew text explain this cir- cumstance as well as they can, and reconcile it with the account which Moses thus gives in Genesis — Meihuselah is thus drowned by act of Par- liament ! I am aware that this dilemma is supposed to be avoided by his conjectural decease in the last year before the Hood. POSTDILUVIAN GENEALOGIES. If we are wedded to the Hebrew computation, 44 we must admit, that Abra- ham, the Father of the Faithful, who is described as dying,” 44 in a good old age, and an old man full of years,” expired thirty-five years before Shem, who was born nearly a hundred years before the deluge, arid nine generations before the son of Terah. We must believe Abraham contemporary with Noah for more than half a century, and with Shem during his whole life. We must believe, that Isaac was born only forty-two years after the death of Noah, and that he was contemporary with Shem for the period of 1 10 years ; and, as not the slightest mention is made of any intercourse between Abra- ham and those venerable patriarchs who survived the deluge (Noah, Shem and others, who were miraculously preserved as the second progenitors of the human race,) we are forced to conclude that Abraham, the great refor- mer of religion, wandered about from country to country, “either ianoranl of their existence, or regardless of their authority while, as Mizraim, the sou of Ham, had not necessarily, or scripturally, departed from the pure prime- val religion of his father and grand ather, and as he colonized Egypt, per- haps sixty (if not more) years before the confusion of Babel, (on the primitive distribution of man in the days of Peleg) we must concede that the primitive Egyptians, children of Mizraim, were worshipping the pure God in Egypt, while Abraham’s father, Terah, deified the log he had hewn into a Pagan idol ! When, however, by the authority of the Septuagint, we place the birth of Abraham at 1070 years after the Hood, we are saved from these incongrui- ties; and have a longer time for intervening Egyptian history, between the deluge and the visit of Abraham. The following legend of the Hebrews, which I extract from the 44 New World” of 1 1th of March, 1843, will show that Torah’s idolatry is recognized at the present day by his descendants. It is tbe translation of a paragraph, in a work just published at Paris, forihe use of the lsraelitish youth, entitled 44 Les Matinees du Sainedi,” by G. Ben. Levi. The tradition is current among the Cairo Jews to this day. Abraham and the Idols. — At the period, when the first of onr holy pa- triarchs lived, worship was offered to the images of men, of animals, of plants, and fantastical beings, carved of wood, sculptured of stone, or cast in metal, to which divine power was ascribed by ignorance and superstition. Terah, the father of Abraham, was himself a maker of Idols, and never- theless adored them, which was repugnant to the good sense of his son. One day, when Abraham was at home alone, an old man presented himself in the idol-warehouse of Terah, to buy one of them. 44 How old are you ?” asked Abraham, of the old man. 44 Eighty years.” “Plow! what '• you, who are so old, do you wish to worship an image that my father's workmen made yesterday ?” The old inan understood him, and retired ashamed. A young woman succeeded him. She came to bring a dish of victuals as an offering to the idols of Terah. 44 They do not eat alone, (said Abraham to her,) try to make them take this food from your hands,” and the young woman, having made the attempt without success, went away undeceived. Then Abraham broke all his father’s idols, except one only, the largest, in whose hands he placed a hammer. When Terah, on returning, saw this havoc, he Hew into a violent rage ; but his son said to him, 44 It is ihe large idol that has done this; a good woman having come to bring your divinities something to eat, they fell greedily upon this offering, without asking leave of the largest and oldest of them. He was angiy, and has avenged himself by treating them in this manner.” 44 You wish to deceive your father,” replied Terah, full of wrath ; 44 do you not know that these images can neither speak nor eat, nor move in the least V* 44 If it be so,” cried Abraham, 44 why do you consider them as gods, and why do you compel me to worship them ?” Note 2. — To show the carelessness, with which some chronologies are appended to our English Bible, 1 will refer to 44 Alexander’s Stereotype Edi- tion” of the Old and New Testament. Philadelphia, 1839. See Index of that Bible, at the end, page 8. 44 Jn the beginning of the reign of A rtaxerxes (called in profane history Cambyses) the Samaritans,” &c. &rc. This confusion of personages well known in history, is inexcusable. Cam- byses reigned 8 years, beginning B. C. 530. In the “Shah Nameh,” he is probably “Lohrasp,” his name in hieroglyphics, is “Lambeth,” and we have hieroglyphical tablets of the Gth year of his reign. After the Magians, who ruled 7 months, Darius Hytaspes, succeeded him r and reigned 36 years, of which we have dates of the 36th. This name, in hieroglyphics, is 44 Ntariush as likewise in the cuneiform character ; in the Shah Narn-eh, he is Gustasp, or Gushtap. Then followed Xerxes, son of Darius; in the arrow- headed (ancient Persian) form, thus written : >/•»!?> a ch r a e “ IChchearcha,” in Hierogyphics, ch Kh He reigned 21 years — we possess a date, 12th year of his reign in Egypt. In Persian tradition, “Isfendiar.” Then tame Axtaxerxes Longimanus ■ in hieroglyphics, “ Artaksheersh in Persian, “ Ardisheei Dirasdost;” he reigned 40 years. We have hieroglyphical dales of 16th ol his reign. Thus, then, instead of the nonsense, that Cambyses and Artaxerxes are one and the same personage (!) they are separated by a period of .vnarchy, and two intervening reigns ; and, from the beginning of the rule of tko former 36 ANCIENT EGYPT. In the end of the reign of the latter, the hierologisls account 100 years and 7 months. I quote this merely as a proof of the advantage that chronologists may de- rive from Egyptian history and hieroglyphical studies. The Samaritan Pentateuch — is also a corrupt text, in regard to the antediluvian generations ; nnd its first mutilations may have ex. isted before A. D. 230 : but, after that, it was subjected to greater cor. ruption, for then, the post-diluvian generations were curtailed. It was undoubtedly, at first, an exact transcript of the original law — a copy of the archives having been furnished by the Jews to the Sa- maritans, shortly before the fall of Jerusalem, in A. D. 70, when it would necessarily have agreed with the Septuagint. Its manifest anachronisms were introduced subsequently, from the same motives which prompted the Rabbies to alter the text of that volume, which was hypocritically termed so sacred, that “ every letterwas counted!” It was counted, however, after the interpolations had been made. The Septuagint, or translation by seventy learned men, who, in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, B. C. 240, rendered the He- brew Scriptures (at the time not mutilated) into Greek, at the Isle of Pharos, Alexandria. It was recognized as orthodox by the Jews, for 300 years ; and all its parts were publicly verified, and collated by Jews and Greeks. It was a faithful translation, of the copy of the Law, sent by the High Priest of Israel to Philadelphus, at the latter’s solicitation, in return for his liberation of 100,000 Jews from bondage. This He- brew copy came from Jerusalem to Alexandria, written on parch- ment, in ietters of gold. The Rabbies disputed its authority, about 100 years after the birth of Christ. “ Wherefore,” we may say with Syncellus, “ it is with reason, that, in our chronology, we follow the version of the Septua- gint, which was made, as it appears, from, an ancient and uncor- rupted Hebrew copy.” The Septuagint is not free from interpolation being subject to the same casualties to which all books are liable ; nnd the most remarkable is that of the second Cainan, between Ar- phaxad and Salah, of 130 years. This spurious personage was in- troduced into the Septuagint, about the time of Demetrius, 220, B. C., or about 20 years after the first publication of the pure uncor- rupted Greek translation of the Old Testament. Next in authority to the Septuagint, on chronological points, ranks the Jewish chronologist, Josephus ; and the one confirms the other. Let us rejoice, therefore, that the Septuagint version allows of more enlarged, liberal and equally orthodox constructions, confirmed by the authority of Josephus, and by the traditionary fragments of the Persians, Hindoos, Chinese and Phoenicians, independent of the absolute necessity of receiving, in addition to all these, the positive confirmations now elicited from Egyptian legends. The chronology of the Bible, being a human computation, is not an article of indispensable faith ; for it should be borne in mind, that no two persons, who have entered upon a chronological inquiry, founded on an examination of the sacred Scriptures, agree in compu- tation, or (not unfrequently,) as to the meaning of the texts they con- sult ; whence endless discrepancies in their conclusions. The con- sequence of these controversies is made apparent, by the Table refer- red to ; and we must remember, that, by different chronologists, of all ages, religions and nations, and, among them, many of the most eru- dite and pious divines, or Christian philosophers (such as Sir Isaac Newton,) there have been put forth some 300 systems of chro- nology chiefly founded on biblical records, all differing in the dates assigned to the Creation, the Deluge, the Exodus, and other events, of which the occurrence is indisputable ; though the period of the oc- currence of each may perhaps for ever remain an open question. If therefore, in arriving reluctantly at the inference, that the Holy Records themselves are, in chronology, deficient in precision and perspicuity, we are forced to select for ourselves, that view of the subject which best accords with our peculiar opinions : so long as we demand no extension that is not sanctioned by some high bib- lical authority, we are not obnoxious to the charge of heresy (though heresy may be obnoxious to us,) because, it is not with the Scrip- tures, but with the commentators on the Scriptures (men like our- selves, liable to err) that we differ. So far as the epoch of the Deluge is concerned, it is speculative, and not achievable by any process hitherto attempted, within 1300 years. But, the most critical examination establishes for the pyra- mids of Egypt, and for “ Shoopho,” builder of the largest, an an- tiquity, totally incompatible with the short chronology of Usher, founded on ths Masorete Hebrew text, and demands for them the more extended, and equally if not more orthodox readings of the Septuagint version. These pyramids were built, and “ Shoopho” ruled, before Usher’s date of the Deluge, the year 2348, B. C. ; and this fact once admitted, it is not inconsistent with the deference due to Holy Writ, to seek for an explanation, and thereby to silence scepticism. It is satisfactory to be able to prove, that there is nothing required by Egyptian antiquities, that can affect the truth of Scripture, or that is so boundless, as to subvert the text of the Bible. If, through the errors of man, his misconceptions and perversions, we differ in opinion with an individual on the period of the Deluge, that difference will not affect the fact of its occurrence. If we show positively that Usher was wrong, as others have don# 1 by different arguments, when he chose the Hebrew text, instead of older, purer and more orthodox versions of the Old Testament, our difference is not with Scripture, but with Archbishop Usher, on a subject whereon his is only one of 300 opinions, and on which it is a sacred right of every human being to have an opinion, and in that to be guided, after adequate examination, by his conscientious belief. When we point out that Usher was wrong in fixing the Del- uge at B. C. 2348 ; that he was in an error in not giving due weight to the other versions of the Scripture, as other equally pious divines, and equally erudite scholars have done, we are entitled to entertain, and to express our opinion, just as freely as he was authorized to pub. lish his. Nor can an act of Parliament, or of Congress, render one opinion more reasonable than another. Our proving that the Pyramids were built before Usher’s era of the Deluge, will establish nothing beyond the fact that he was mistaken , nor can the opinion of either of us affect the true epoch of tbo event, or the fact of its occurrence. It would be ridiculous to sup. pose the pyramids to have actually been erected before the Deluge ; and as we find they positively exisited in B. C. 2348, it stands to reason, that the Deluge must have occurred many centuries before them. When, however, we are compelled to overstep, even by one day, the year in which Usher fixes the era of the Deluge, we may as well go back to any epoch, that we can show to be admissible by two of the three versions of the Old Testament, of which he only adopted one ; and it is a source of peculiar gratification to find, that the Del. uge, upon the authority of Christian churchmen, can be carried buck to a date, that causes no doubt as to the validity of the uncorrupted Mosaic record ; and that if it be placed anywhere, beyond 3000, B. C. (for Providence seems to have designed that man should not be able to discover the precise period of the event,) there is nothing in Egyptian monumental history, that will not corroborate the sacred word, though some facts may trench on mere human opinions in re. lation thereto. Taking the Deluge at any given point within the chronology of the Septuagint — say B. C. 3200, and “ Menei,” the first Pharoah of Egypt, about 2700, we allow 500 years for the migration of man into Egypt and his progress toward civilization, till he could build one pyramid. In allowing 500 years more for the erection of all those pyramids at Meroe, in Ethiopia, and in Egypt, we have sufficient time for their possible construction ; and then, taking up the acces. sion of the 16th dynasty at about B. C. 2272, we adopt Rosellini’s chronological series, and have time for all subsequent events in Egypt. This is but approximative of the truth. My department is Egyptian history ; and, in rejecting Usher’s chronological system in toto, I accept the Septuagint date for the Deluge only — because, for all subsequent epochs, I consider myself free to choose (from among three hundred systems of chronology) that arrangement best adapted to Egyptian monumental, and other records. I com. mit myself therefore only to the Septuagint date of the Deluge, as the shortest limit allowable for Egyptian history, independently of all other nations ; while I reserve the right of adopting any ex- tension, that future discoveries may make orthodox, or indispensable. As it is, wc have not a year to throw away — and if 1000 more years could be shown admissible by Scripture, there is nothing in Egypt, that would not be found to agree with the extension. The Septuagint era of the Flood is equally necessary for the his- tory of mankind in other countries. The events and histories of other nations demand an equal chronological extension — all require, that time should be allowed for human multiplication and distribu- tion. We will not speculate on the possible time required, if we are to trace the progress of civilization, from a hunter to a shepherd, from a shepherd to an agriculturalist, and a manufacturer, till man could build a pyramid, such as any of those at Memphis, or in- scribe in the largest the name of “ Shoopho.” I have already ex- pressed my conviction, that the art of writing is a divine revelation, in antediluvian periods ; and I incline to the belief, that man was not turned upon the earth an uncivilized savage, but that his Creator en- dowed him with a certain intuitive knowledge in arts and sciences, which practice could improve, or negligence deteriorate. But still, ages must have elapsed before the conception of such an enterprise as a pyramid, could have entered the human brain ; and both abund- ant population and long practical experience, in an infinitude of arts and sciences, must have been for centuries in operation, before Shoopho, who is Cheops and Suphis, could erect the largest of these monuments in Egypt — before, in Chaldea, a knowledge of astronomy could be acquired, to record calculations as far back as 2232 B. C. — before, in China, Yao could rectify the year in B. C. 2269 — before, in Greece, JEgialus could found the city of Sicyon, in B. C. 2089 — before Nimrod could found Babylon, in B. C. 2554— or Ashur’s sons have settled at Nineveh — or before, in Indian records, a Sanscrit his. tory should evince high civilization 2000 years B. C. ! I will say nothing, at present, about the incongruity of these statistical calcu. lations, that would people the world, like Dr. Cumberland, Bishop of Petersborough, with 30,000 human beings, in the 140th year after the flood (!) whereby, in the 3rd century, there would have beer 6,666,666,660 married people ! We have only to add the moderate average of 2 children to each marriage, and, in the year 340 aftex ANCIENT EGYPT. 37 the Deluge, according to this absurd doctrine, the world must have contained twenty thousand millions of human beings! whereas, after more than 5000 years, we only reckon, at the present day, between 900 and 1000 millions of inhabitants on the earth. Noah left the ark with his family — in all 8 individuals — and, making every allow, ance, it must have taken 130 years to increase that community to about 1000 persons. How many centuries must have passed away ere the world could have been sufficiently populated (to sajrnothing of its civilization) to bring about any of the great events above re- ferred to in Egypt, Chaldea, China, Greece, Assyria and India ? If we now know more of Egyptian history, than we do of that of any contemporary nation in those remote epochs, it is not that other nations were not in existence, but because their records have per- ished in the lapse of time — for which loss, the wisdom and the fore- thought of the superior Egyptian civilization, have, in some degree, given us a compensation. I have, in a previous discourse, sketched the modes in which the venerable annals of other nations have been swept away, leaving us to mourn over their irrecoverable loss. Finally, Sir Walter Raleigh, nearly 300 years ago, (after instancing the nations that had already attained to greatness in the days of Abra- ham, and little foreseeing the remote antiquity, that, in the year 1843, can be insisted upon for Egypt, which places “ Menei ” at least 800 years before Abraham’s visit to Egypt — according to the Hebrew text computation,) remarked, “If we advisedly consider the state and countenance of the world, such as it was in Abraham’s time, yea, before his birth, we shall find, that it were very ill done, by following opinion, without the guide of reason, to pare the times over deeply between the flood and Abraham ! because, in cutting them too near the quick, the reputation of the whole story might perchance bleed,.’’’ In that which such a man, as the ill-fated Raleigh had penned, and which so excellent a divine as Dr. Hales had endorsed, before the hieroglyphic chronicles of Egypt were deciphered, I may safely con- cur — acquainted, as I consider myself to be, with Egyptian subjects. Truly did the poet Campbell, in his beautiful address to a mummy, in Belzoni’s collection, thus apostrophize the fragile relic of a once noble being : “Antiquity appears to have begun, Long after thy primeval race was run.” In order, therefore, that I may convey no erroneous impressions, I have prefaced Egyptian history by this chronological disquisition ; and it may be fearlessly maintained, without deserving the charge of heterodoxy, that, in rejecting the short chronology of the Hebrew texts of the Pentateuch (wherein by Archbishop Usher’s computation the creation of the world is fixed at 4004 B. C. and the deluge at 2348, ) as inapplicable to, and overthrown by, the positive facts of hieroglyphicat researches, we do not affect the validity of scriptural record ; because, the Septuagint version and the venerable array of orthodox churchmen, who support the latter’s computation, permit us to place the deluge somewhere about 3200 B. C. — by which ar- rangement we attain a period of 32 centuries, and one that gives us “ample room and verge enough ” to reconstruct the history of ancient Egypt, founded upon the results of hieroglyphical interpretations, and corroborated by authorities, sacred and profane. It is on this basis, that the annals of Egypt will be herein consid- ered — one that allows abundance of room for the events which occu- pied the several branches of the human family, between the Deluge of Noah, the primitive migration of man in the days of Peleg, with the subsequent dispersion of mankind from the plains of Shinar, and the accession of the first Caucasian monarch to the undivided throne Egypt, Mencs of History, and Menei, “ who walks with Antun,” of the sculptures; and although unable, with satisfac- tory precision, to define within a period of five hundred years, the date of his assuming the exclusive sway of Upper and Lower Egypt, the countries typified by the Lotus, and the Papyrus, the “ region of justice and purity” the “ land of the Sycamore,” yet various cor- roborative circumstances will justify the hypothesis, that his reign began at some period between the years 2900 and 2400 B. C. Having stated the scriptural grounds upon which the antiquity I shall unfold for Egypt is based, it becomes necessary, before com- mencing the history of that country, on a scale so generally novel as will by me be adopted, to give a succint enumeration of the principal profane chroniclers, upon which the historical portion of the edifice is reconstructed. To omit doing so, would defeat the object of these discourses, which is to give a popular view of subjects, hitherto han- dled only by the most erudite scholars. I shall therefore name Manetho, Eratosthenes, Josephus, Herodotus, and Diodorus, as the most ancient writers on Egyptian History. I have placed them in the order in which hieroglyphical discoveries, and with me, long practical Egyp- tian associations have combined to give them authenticity and value. To these, the other and later Greek and Roman writers, such as Strabo, Tacitus, Plutarch, Pausanias, Pliny, &c., are subordinate, though frequently of eminent value and assistance. The later works of Christian chronologists, such as Syncellus, Eusebius, with a host of others, are often important ; and it may be presumed I have not omitted to consult them and others, either when the originals were within my attainment, or far moee frequently, when in tho course of U ire r reading the works of the Champoliion school, I have met with pas- sages extracted by modern classics, which their superior learning enabled them to produce. It is only on the previous five, however, that I deem it necessary to make some remarks. The translations of these are accessible in every library; but for the few precious relics preserved to our day of Manetho and Eratosthenes, I refer to “Cory’s Ancient Fragments,” as the hieroglyphist’s historical text-book. To proceed further would be to write on bibliography, which, though a most interesting subject is one above my present attainment; and I will conclude with this general observation, that the authors through whose imperfect records we have been able to glean historical frag- ments of remote Egyptian ages, and to whom 20 years ago, we were indebted for all we then knew on these abstruse questions, are various in nation, in epoch, in merit, and in importance. Apart from the Scriptures, which do not touch on Egyptian internal events before Abraham, (a period long subsequent to the occurrences on which we shall have first to treat) we had so many contradictory annals, that it seemed hopeless to arrive at any reasonable conclusion, from mere historical narratives. The discovery of the key to hieroglyphics has enabled us to discriminate ; and our first authority in Egyptian chron icles after the monuments, is Manetho. Among the manifold advantages, since 1820, accruing to general knowledge through the impetus given to all studies, and antiquarian researches, by Champoliion and his school, may be enumerated the resuscitation of historical fragments, and the collection and re-trans lation of early authors, whose boots till within the last 20 years were looked upon with distrust, and wdiose accounts w'ere treated as fables. And besides the excessive value in Egyptian Archaeology that now ac companies fragments, such as Horus-Apollo, Hermapion, Poemander, Apulcius, and other obsolete waiters too numerous for specification ; the intense interest excited by hieroglyphical discoveries has caused new and more faithful transcriptions of the remains of such early chroniclers as Sanconiathon, Manetho, Berosus, &c. to be made and republished. These, and similar sacred historical relics are now within the attainment of the general reader, which, before hieroglyphi- cal researches had demonstrated their utility, were to those as un- learned as myself, so many sealed books. One of the most gifted men and celebrated scholars of the present age, with whom I was for a long period on terms of social intimacy, told me, while we were one day repining at the errors and misdirec- tions of my school-boy, and his collegiate education, that on leaving the University of Oxford, he was immediately thrown into literary and scientific society in London. He was there struck with amaze- ment and chagrin, at the constant recurrence of topics of conversation, on the most interesting and important subjects, but which to him, who had won the first honors of Oxford, were mysteries he could not comprehend ; and so ill-provided was he at the age of 22, with general information, that on hearing the name of Linnaeus, { the well-known naturalist) he thought he was some mythological personage, whose name had escaped him, and actually looked into “ Lempriere’s Clas- sical Dictionary” to ascertain who he was ! In the same manner, I can well remember the period, long after I had left a classical school, and had for years been engaged in active life, when the only knowledge I possessed of Manetho, was derived from the “Vicar of Wakefield,” wherein Mr. Jenkinson, in treating on the cosmogony of the world, mentions Sanconiathon, Manetho and Berosus. I may therefore be allowed to inform others who the author is, on whom so much stress is laid, and whose authority in Egyptian history is now considered of such importance, referring them, at the same time, to “ Cory’s Ancient Fragments,” for all that we possess of his once voluminous works, bearing on the points under consideration. Manetho, was a learned Egyptian — a native of the Sebennitic Nome in the Eastern Delta, Lower Egypt — high priest, and sacred scribe of Heliopolis, who flourished about the year 2G0, B. C., and who at the command of Ptolemy Philadelphus, composed a history of the kings of Egypt, in the Greek language, from the earliest times down to Alexander’s invasion, B. C. 332. This work he dedicated to Phila- delphus, with the following letter : “ The Epistle of Manetho, the Sebennyte, to Ptolemaeus Phila- delphus : “To the great and august king Ptolemseus, Manetho, the high priest and scribe of the sacred Adyta in Egypt, being by birth a Sebennyte, and a citizen of Heliopolis, to his sovereign Ptolemseus, humbly greeting : “ It is right for us, most mighty king, to pay attention to all things which it is your pleasure we should take into consideration. In answer, therefore, to your inquiries, concerning the things which shall come to pass in the world, I shall, according to your commands, lay before you what I have gathered from the sacred books written by Hermes Trismegistus, our forefather. Farewell, my prince and sove- reign.” It is very curious, that Manetho, besides giving a compendious history of the past, appears to have also furnished to Ptolemy some extracts of early prophecies concerning the future. These last, however, are lost to us, and it is of no use to speculate about them. The history was compiled from the most ancient and authentic sources, by an Egyptian, whose position and learning, aided by the influence of the government, enabled him to obtain accurate inform- ation. The sacred incrlptions on the columns of Hermes, and the ANCIENT EGYPT. 38 books of Thoth-trismegistus, seem to have been his sources ; while we may infer, that the celebrated Library of Alexandria, the papyri of the sacerdotal order, the sculptures on the temples and the genea- logical tablets (some of which have come down to us,) were con- sulted by him, and afforded him abundance of materials. This great work has been lost ; and the rediscovery of one copy of Manetho would be the most desirable and satisfactory event that could be conceived in Egyptian, and we may add, in universal history and chronology. As the work of an Egyptian, testifying the glory of his nation, it was probably conscientiously prepared ; although he may have allowed national pride to give a too partial coloring to his nar- ration, and possibly an exaggerated view of his country’s antiquity. But we can no longer be harsh in our criticisms; seeing, that to his 16th Dvn. he is confirmed by the sculptures, while every new step of discovery that is made in hieroglyphics, gives some new confirm- atory light in support of Manetho’s earlier arrangement. Again, because we have only mutilated extracts of his original ; one, a fragment preseved by Josephffs, which seems to have been copied verbatim from Manetho’s work ; another is an abstract in the chro- nology of Syncellus, who did not even see the original book himself, but embodied in his compilation the extracts he found in Julius Afri- canus and Eusebius. Within the last few years, the discovery of an Armenian version of Eusebius, has added some better readings to those we formerly possessed. These writers, Josephus, Eusebius and Julius Africanus, differ so much from each other in the several portions of Manetho’s history of which they present the extracts, that, in their time, either great errors had crept into the then-existing copies of Manetho, or one or more of them were corrupted by design ; especially in the instance of Eusebius, who evidently suppressed some parts, and mutilated others, to make Manetho, by a pious fraud, conform to his own peculiar and contracted system of cosmogony. It will be seen how the hieroglyphics enable us to discriminate error from truth, and to recompose and correct Manetho. The indefati- gable Cory has rendered Manetho easy of access ; and it is due to the learned Prichard, to point him out as the one who vindicated Mane- tho’s claim to our credence in 1819, before Champollion’s discoveries, no less than as one who proved that many ancient authors, whom modern scepticism had rejected, were, in their annals, not undeserv- ing of belief. It is to be regretted, that Prichard in his more recent work on ethnology and the human species, does not give due weight to the discoveries of the Champollion school on ancient Egyptian subjects ; nor is he by any means correctly informed on modern ones : but this vacuum is now about to be filled up with a mass of anatom- ical, geographical, historical and monumental evidences in the “Cra- nia rEgyptiaca ” of Dr. Morton, of Philadelphia. Manetho is herein regarded as the authority, par excellence ; with- out, however, pretending to claim for the length of his reigns undue credence, or to tax him with errors that proceed from his copyists rather than from himself ; especially, when the “ Old Chronicle ” preserved by Syncellus was evidently known to and consulted by him. In a subsequent chapter I present a table of his Egyptian Dy- nasties, which I shall explain in due course ; and would only observe, that those figures in smaller type are doubtful, and that there are plausible reasons to reduce the period from the 1st to the end of the 15th Dynasty to 443 years, as I have noted in the relative column. Eratosthenes of Cyrene, the grammarian, mathematician, astro- nomer and geographer, was superintendent of the Alexandria Library in the reign of Ptolemy Evergetes, and lived about 200 B. C., or 60 years after Manetho. It appears he constructed his Laterculus, or catalogue of Egyptian kings, by order of Ptolemy, from Egyptian records and from information communicated to him by the sacred scribes of Diospolis — Thebes. The original work has perished ; and the only portion extant is a fragment preserved by the diligent compiler Syncellus, from an ex- tract he found in the chronography of Apollodorus, whose work no longer exists. As his Laterculus gives tire translations of some of the Egyptian names of kings, it has been found useful : but inasmuch as it appears he wrote with a predetermination to cast the labors of his predecessor Manetho into disrepute, and as the latter is infinitely more conformable to the sculptures, the catalogue of Eratosthenes holds but a subordinate station; while we cannot forget the witty remark of Hipparchus, that Eratosthenes “ wrote mathematically about geography, and geographically about mathematics.” With the fact staring us in the face, that Manetho, in names, in rimes and in number of kings, has been so remarkably confirmed up to the 16th Dynasty by the mon-aments, we need not lay much stress on the discrepancies of Eratosthenes. It may well be con- ceded, that a learned Egyptian, who composed, by order of his king, a record of his own nation in the Greek language, from the most authentic sources, was less liable to err, as well as more likely to obtain correct information, than a foreigner, who may have spoken, read and wrote (but probably did not) in the Egyptian language. And, with the constant evidence of Greek mendacity and utter igno- rance in Egyptian matters before our eyes, we may make due allow- ance for the envy and jealousy of a Hellene, at the antiquity of a country, which was already ancient long ere the fathers of the Greeks were known in history. Josephus is the well known Jewish historian, who wrote at Rome, Boon after the full of Jerusalem. As before stated, his chronology, according with the Septuagint, renders him valuable for daus ; while we are indebted to his defence against Apion, for some fragments of Manetho’s history, that are of the utmost importance. The works of Herodotus and Diodorus are too familiar to general readers, to require much more than designation. The former was in Egypt about 430 years B. C., during the dominion of the Persians, and after Egypt had fallen entirely from her pristine greatness. The latter was in Egypt in 40 B. C., toward the close of the Ptolemaic Dynasty, at a still lower period of degradation. Valuable, as are the works of these two Greek authors, they have fallen very considerably in our estimation, since Egypt as a country, and the ancient Egyptians as a people have become better known to < , us ; and the inconsistencies, misstatements, misrepresentations, mis- ' conceptions and absurdities, that are hourly exposed in their accounts of Egypt, more than compensate for the information, in which, by accident, they are correct. This assertion may seem audacious ; but will be substantiated in the sequel, when a comparison is insti- tuted between Egyptian history, as developed in these chapters and future lectures, and the accounts of Herodotus or Diodorus. It would require a volume to elucidate the discrepancies, now de- monstrable, between many, nay most of the assertions of Herodotus and Diodorus, in regard to almost every subject relating to ancient Egypt ; and the facts, with which we are made acquainted, in the works of the whole Champollion school. Nor, in common fairness, must my assertions be doubted, until an antagonist shall have actually verified in Champollion, Rosellini and Wilkinson, some of the points in which Greek authors are shown to be so lamentably ignorant. I will, however, add the following reasons, gleaned chiefly from loni* personal acquaintance with Egypt, to show that it was not in the ntT ture of things that Herodotus or Diodorus could be often correct. In the first place, Herodotus, though a learned and highly respect, able Greek, and who, as the greatest of their ancient travellers and universal historians, deserves our respect and gratitude, was in Egypt, a stranger. He was certainly not in literary, or scientific, or fash- ionable, or aristocratic society in that country ; which he visited, after intercourse with the Greeks, and the Persian conquest had ruined the former greatness of the higher castes, and had corrupted the in. habitants of Lower Egypt, with whom Herodotus chiefly mixed. For his own sake, we must hope he did not (although he says he did, as far as the first cataract) visit Upper Egypt, else he would not have left Thebes undescribed; or have listened to the idle tale, that the sources of the Nile were at Elephantine ! In his day, 500 years of decline had deteriorated the Priest-caste, the only depositaries of history in Egypt. As a foreigner, Herodotus was looked upon by the sinking aristocracy of Egypt in the light of an “ impure gentile and utterly ignorant of the language, he must have gleaned all his information through an interpreter. If, as we have a full right to do, we judge of Herodotus’s interpreter by those of travellers in modern times, the result with respect to the sort of information he could receive through such a medium, may well be imagined. Nay, it is proved, by his mistakes upon almost every Egyptian subject which he handles in Euterpe. Like some English and other modern writers, who compose vol- umes on that misrepresented country, that are like Hodges’ razors, only made to sell, Herodotus prepared his work to read at the Olym- pic games to a Grecian audience, more ignorant in those days on Egyptian affairs, than even Europeans of modern times are generally ; and it was necessary to interlard his discourse with occasional fabri- cations, some of which will scarcely bear the dubious praise of “ So non d vero, d ben trovato.” Diodorus was in Egypt just before the downfall of the house of Lagus, in B. C. 40, when the decline of Egyptian learning had been going on for 700 years — 400 of which had been spent under the yoke of foreign masters. Diodorus copied Herodotus, and Hecataeus ol Miletus, who had visited and written on Egypt, in the reign of Da- rius ; and, perhaps the later work of Hecataeus of Abdera, who was in Egypt after Alexander ; and who, from the little we know of him, appears to have been an intelligent man, although, to the Egyptians, all of them were naught but “impure foreigners” — so termed in hie- roglyphical legends by the Egyptians ; in the same manner, that for- eign nations are, to this day, in China, termed “outside barbarians.” Other information was imbibed by Diodorus, from Greeks in Lower Egypt; whose profound ignorance of Egyptian learning is only ex- ceeded by their indifference, their stupid self-complacency and egre- gious impudence. It will not be pretended that Diodorus could speak Egyptian. There is so little dependence to be placed on the accounts of He- rodotus or Diodorus, excepting on what they actually saw with their own eyes, or could comprehend from its nature when they saw it, that, by hieroglyphists their narratives are followed only in the ab- sence of better guides ; or, when their accounts are confirmed by other testimony. They could not discriminate between the truth or falsehood of the things that were told them ; and the only way of accounting for the nonsense they often record, is to suppose, that the humorous Egyptians purposely misled them. We have to thank them however for putting all down ; leaving us the task of culling the pearls from the rubbish ; for there is no doctrine, however incon- sistent or improbable, that cannot be supported by quotations from Herodotus or Diodorus. ANCIENT EGYPT. 39 Let any stranger at the present day, through the medium of an interpreter ask. the most intelligent native in the Delta, a question about modern Nubia, and its present relations with Egypt : and the answer will be a fable, modelled into the form the Felldh deems most likely to be pleasing to the stranger, if he does not con- fess his utter ignorance thereon ; a candor rare in the valley of the Nile, and possibly elsewhere. We must not merely look at the authority, but at the authority’s resources and qualifications for information, no less than at the na- ture of the sources whence he could acquire that information. It would surprise any one to read descriptions of Egypt in some mod- ern works (published since Champollion’s discoveries,) and then go to Cairo and ask old residents their opinions thereon. The authority of Herodotus and Diodorus on ancient Egyptian, and still more on ancient Ethiopian questions, distant 1000 miles from the provinces they visited (the epochs of the occurrence of which, date from 2000 to 3000 years before they were in Egypt,) is of about the same value, as would be the authority of some modern travellers of the last half century, whose puerile information about even modern Cairo would be derived during a fortnight’s residence, from an Arab Rais, or captain, a donkey-driver, or a European hotel- keeper ! Ask any of these last, about events which took place in Egypt only 500 years ago ! Travellers, therefore, who go beyond the first impressions they receive, are liable to err, if they attempt, without time and adequate study, to explain even what they behold. That information must be incorrect which is solely derived from a village Arab Sheykh, or Turkish Ntizir, on events whereon it is im- possible these can possess any information — and which, in either case, is given to the traveller, ignorant of Arabic, through the medium of a stupid rascal, who, because he can jabber a few words of Eng- lish, waits at table and cleans your shoes, is dignified by the inappli- cable and inappropriate title of “ dragoman” or interpreter. Let me ask, have not Americans just reason to complain of the cursory notes of English travellers, taken, during a railroad and steamboat trip, through the United States? Yet, in this case the traveller speaks the same language as the nation, through whose country he whirls like an “ ignis-fatuus.” Judge then how incompetent must that traveller be, in a foreign land, unacquainted with the language of the natives, when he inquires of unlettered Felldhs, or of European freshmen, about events that transpired thousands of years before his visit ; and yet, such was precisely the position of Herodotus and Diodorus, in Egypt. If, therefore, my own assertions differ front those met with in works of any epoch, not written by disciples of the Champollion school, the reader will be so indulgent as to make some allowance for diversities of opinion, between one who knows a country from 23 years of domicile and many years of critical investigation, and others, whose sojourn therein rarely equalled the same number of months, generally fell within the same number of weeks, and often did not exceed the same number of days. When Herodotus or Diodorus are quoted upon subjects, which we can prove they could learn little or nothing about, it is of no great consequence what inference may be derived from their conclusions ; because the well informed hierologists have better sources of inform- ation ; and may draw inferences from existing monuments and Egyptian autocthon chronicles, which give them, in 1843, an infi- nitely superior knowledge of early Egypt (dating 2000 years before the earliest Greek historian) than could be acquired by, or was known to, the Greeks, or the Romans ; whose testimony may be very often useful, but it is not evidence. All authors who wrote on Egypt and Ethiopia, before the discov- eries of Champollion, or without a thorough perusal of the works of his school, are liable to error on subjects now perfectly understood ; and, in the present year, 1843, for a man to write on ancient Egypt, without first making himself really acquainted with what in the last 20 years has been done by the Champollions, by Rosellini, by Wil- kinson and all the hicroglyphical students, is to act “ the play of Hamlet, the part of Hamlet being left out by particular desire.” Suppose an Egyptian were to write a history of the United States ; and to make a rule of never consulting one American author, while treating on American institutions, systems of government, manners and customs, annals or personages ; what sort of a book would he write ? and what opinion would the citizens of the United States have of his one-sided and narrow-minded production, teeming, as it necessarily would, with nonsense, errors and misrepresentation ! And yet, it is a deed in absurdity precisely parallel for any one, in 1843, to write on ancient Egypt, without ascertaining first what its ancient inhabitants record of themselves. It is the special object of these discourses to show what Egyptian history really is, at the present day ; and not to omit the facts, now elicited by the interpretation of hieroglyphical chronicles. At last, therefore, we can spread our canvas to the breeze, and begin our voyage down the stream of time. Fogs and mists preclude a very distinct sight of the course. We have many shoals to avoid ; and there are many long and gloomy portages, over which we must carry our imaginary bark, without knowing precisely the len entered Egypt. It is our part now to prove, that not time, nor circumstance, nor climate, effected any palpable change, or physical alteration, in their progeny; and that Ham’s lineal descendants, the Egyptians, were all pure blooded Caucasians, from the earliest to the latest Pharaonic epoch — modified in the Upper Nilotic provinces by the admixture of exotic Austro-Egyptian (that is, as Dr. Morton explains, by com- pound Semitico-Hindoo and equally Caucasian) blood ; and this was strictly the fact, except in incidental and individual intermixture with the African races of Berbers and Negroes in those provinces to Ethi- opia adjacent. This latter commingling, however, appears to have but partially affected the gross of Egyptian population of Asiatic ori gin ; and to have been no more visible, (probably still less so) among the Pharaonic Egypto-Caucasian family, than it is now discern- ible among the Felldhs, of the lower and middle provinces of the present day. On the dubious authority of the Greeks, and their pupils the Ro- mans, it has been and is still asserted, that at the early period of which we are treating — that of primeval migrations — Lower Egypt was an “uninhabitable marsh;” and, therefore, that Upper Egypt must have been settled first. Nay, Herodotus and Diodorus main- tain, that Ethiopia, above the cataracts, was the cradle of the ancient Egyptians. Bryant, who, by the way, frequently breathes “ the word of promise to the ear, and breaks it to the hope,” has judiciously remarked, that “ among many learned men, who have betaken themselves to these researches, I have hardly met with one that has duly considered the situation, distance, and natural history of the places about which they treat and, on applying his observation to the points at issue, it will be found wonderfully pertinent. From the poetic era of Homer, down to the sentimentalism of the present age, it has been fashionable, to take much for granted on Egyptian subjects, of which a sober and practical investigation of the facts would at once have exposed the fallacy. These chapters and my future lectures are specially directed to the removal of the more prominent instances of ancient or modern misconception. My opin- ions are the result of some study, and comparison of the most distin- guished authorities. I have had opportunities of which I have gladly availed myself, for hearing many of these questions canvassed in Egypt, by some of the most critical observers of the day, often standing on the very spots under discussion. Much have I verified in personal trav- els, and through favorite occupations, during a sojourn prolonged in that country for the greater part of twenty-three years. When, therefore, I make a confident assertion, it isnotdone rashly, nor with some acquaintance with the matter, nor without abundance of evi- dence in reserve for its support. Among the illusions consecrated by the halo of ages, there is none so singular, and that strikes any one who has traversed the Nomes or Provinces of Egypt, in their length and breadth, as more unac- countable and inconceivable with the array of natural facts presented to hint, than the statement, that the Delta of Egypt is of recent date ; or otherwise, that its formation has taken place within any period, to which even tradition may carry us. To adopt the language of Sir J. G. Wilkinson, whose critical investigation of every subject and ANCIENT EGYPT. locality of that country during some twelve years of actual sojourn, has led him to the most accurate conclusions, “ we are led to the necessity of allowing an immeasurable time for the total formation of that space, which to judge from the very little accumulation of its soil, and the small distance it has encroached on the sea, since the erection of the ancient cities within it, would require ages, and throw back its origin far beyond the deluge, or even the Mosaic era of the Creation.” So thoroughly, indeed, has Sir J. G. Wilkinson demonstrated this , fact, that, were it desirable to enter into details, the most convincing method would be to extract from pages 5 to 11 of his first, and from pages 105 to 121 of his fourth volume, of “ Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians.” But, since the curious can readily peruse this eminent work for themselves, I perform an agreeable duty in referring to his statement, adding at the same time an expression of my admiration of its accuracy. The following axioms will then be arrived at : 1st. That the Delta is as old as the flood, and was as inhabitable when Ham’s children entered Egypt, as it is in those parts which are peopled at the present hour. In fact, owing to the constant rise of the bed of the river being more rapid than that of the soil on its banks, the Delta and Lower Egypt arc probably more marshy now, than at any previous period. 2nd. That, to the south of the Delta, the perpendicular rise of the bed of the Nile extends the inundation and alluvial deposit much farther, in a horizontal and lateral direction, East and West, at the present day, than was the case at any anterior period — that this pro. cess has always been in operation — and that there is now a wider extent of superficies overflowed and irrigated by the inundation than at any former time. 3d. That the exaggerated andridiculous stories, about the encroach- ment of sand on the arable soil of Egypt, deserve no attention; for, on the contrary, whatever injury the sand may have here and there effected (that is, at Rosetta, Beni-saltime, the pyramids, Behnesa, and Aboo- eimbel) the number of square miles of inundated alluvium has always been, and will ever be, on the increase, so long as similar causes operate to produce similar effects. 4th. That the celebrated Oases, to the westward of Egypt, are not "fertile spots in the midst of a sandy plain;” but depressions in the lofty table-land of Africa, where, in the absence of the superincum- bent limestone strata, the water has the power of rising to the surface. 5th. That the desert is not a dreary plain of sand, which has over- whelmed a once fertile country, whose only vestiges are the “iso- lated gardens of the Oases,” but a high table-land of limestone, sand- stone, granite and other rocks, according to locality; broken and in- terrupted by alternate elevations and depressions: where, when not on the top of the table-rock itself, you travel in ravines, defiles, and spaces, on hard gravel, upon which your tread often leaves no trail ; and where frequently you are truly delighted, as the shades of even- ing warn you to search for a bivouack, if you can find as much sand as will make under your carpet a Bddawee’s mattress. The Isthmus of Suez, and those already-named places, which the casual Anglo- Indian hurries over in his explorative transit, are exceptions to the above rule, for very simple reasons. The fanciful accounts of caravans’ being overwhelmed by sands in the desert, would be too puerile to deserve attention, did not those paragons of observers, Herodotus and Strabo, Paul Lucas and Mr. St. John (who confine their knowledge to the half-mile strip of sand between the cultivated soil and the desert, or “Hdgar,” stone) per- petuate the delusion. Strabo, like some later travellers, must have braved great dangers during his voyage 1 and, even now, we read about wonderful escapes and miraculous preservations from a Si- mod m ! The army of Cambyses is said to have been swallowed up by waves of sand. It would be a phenomenon in physics to see one of such waves. Others, besides the writer, who are still alive to tell the tale, have been out in the wilderness during the worst Si- mooms that ever blew, and found them disagreeable enough ; but, having abundance of water at hand, they sat down under the lee of anything they could find — (camels kneeling down afford as much shelter as ri necessary) and, without a shadow of apprehension, suf- fered the blast to blow over with its cloud, not of sand, but of hot, impalpable, though penetrating dust. No aerial force having the power of raising waves of sand, there never was, during a Simoom or Khdmeseen, the slightest danger from anv motion ot the sands of the desert. If a man, during these hot winds, be remote from pools or springs, and the skins which con- tain water for his beverage break, or are dried up, then he will per- ish from thirst, his drought being aggravated by the parching heat ot a lurid atmosphere. Consequently, where caravans have perished in the desert, from causes not originating in man himself, they have died, after losing their way, from hunger and thirst; as did the army of Cambyses, after encountering the arrows of the “ nine bows” of Lybia. As the animals fall, the light particles of dust or fine sand- drift accumulate with the obstruction, and may sometimes bury the carcass ; but this is so rare, that, when occasionally in journeying over the desert, you pass the skeleton of a camel, you often regret, that there was not sand enough to screen the unpleasing relic from your view. The desert, the sand, the Simoom, the Khtimeseen, with all their fabulous horrors, alarm not the Arab who has plenty of water: and to a hale European, are infinitely more appalling in a book of travels, than when encountering the acme of their disagreeables m the Sahara itself. To those who love clear skies, pure air, often beau, tiful, ever romantic scenery, there is a charm in desert- life, that can be felt, but not described. Finally, there is no danger in the deseit at any time, (save now and then, from man, who, even there is much belied) provided the wayfarer has food and water (without which he could not exist in Eden,) and, as for the dangers of a Simoom, in comparison with those of a snow-storm in the Highlands of Scotland, among the Alpine crags of Switzerland, or on the northwestern prairies of America, they are not to be mentioned in the same breath. These subjects afford ample room for prolixity, but being at present irrelevant, I apologize for the digression. Let us return to Lower Egypt, the pristine seat of Ham’s descendants. Positive levels demonstrate to us, that when the Delta was an “arm of the sea,” or even “an uninhabitable marsh,” Asia and Africa were separate Continents, and the Red Sea flowed into the Mediterranean In those days the Mokattam hills behind Cairo, and the opposite Ly- bian chain, whereon now stand the eternal pyramids, (if those hills were then in existence) stood out, into the sea, bold capes and prom, ontories. The nearest points of either Continent would have been Gcbel Attaka on the African, to Gebel Ein Mbosa on the Asiatic side, at the present apex of the Red Sea, distant from each other about thirty miles. While, on each Continent, sterile rocks were all, that for hundreds of miles, were out of the water. The same geological transitions that caused the recession of the waters, and upheaved the narrow slip which now connects Africa with Asia, burst asunder the basaltic barriers of W&dee Haifa, rifted the granite portals of Syene, opened the sandstone gateways of Had- jar Silsilis, separated the limestone ranges of the eastern and western hills, and by forming the Valley of the Nile, allowed the “sacred river” to pour along the narrow channel its ever fertilizing stream. Then was the alluvial soil of Upper Egypt begun, and eventually formed, simultaneously with the Delta — one did not exist without the other : and until the alluvial deposite had been made, there was no soil throughout the land of Egypt, or in Ethiopian latitudes, but all was hard rock, unfit for man’s abode. The periods of these events are geological, their latest epoch is diluvian; but the alluvium had to be formed, before man could inhabit the “ land of the Sycamore.” The geology of the Isthmus of Suez and of the adjacent deserts, with their oyster beds, and petrified forests; their vitrified rocks of sandstone upon limestone, and their porphyry upheavings; their erratic blocks, and argillaceous strata; presents a mass of conflicting irregu- larities, from the dilemmas of which it would require the analyzing hand of a Lyell to extricate us ; but, amid the chaos, one point is certain, which is, that when Ham’s children came from Asia into Egypt, their journey was by land from Assyria through Palestine, and across the Suez desert — that they found Lower Egyp , and the Delta as inhabitable then, and as suited to agriculture, in proportion to tho alluvium then existing in the upper country, as they are now — that if the Delta had little soil, there was then still less above — and that all scriptural commentators agree in distributing the sons of Mizraim over this lower tract ; whence, as population increased, their progeny spread themselves in suitable directions, according to circumstances by us unknown, but actuated by motives probably to them expedient. “ Dato il caso, e non concesso;” let us for a moment suppose, that Lower Egypt, on the immigration of Mizraim, was a marsh. Let us concede, that there was a macadamized road from Palestine to the Mokattam at Cairo: and let it be, fora moment allowed, that Miz- raim, his wife and children ascended at once to the first Cataract. Where shall we place them ? where shall we find alluvial soil and vegetation, in a land in which these primary principles were entirely wanting ? that is ; for all pastoral, and still more for agricultural pur- poses? For when the Delta was a marsh, there was not six feet breadth of soil above Hadjar Silsilis ; but all was barren rock. However, we will suppose that onward they plod their weary way, (as did those Cushites 1 who, by some are said to have come from Babel, through Asia, across Behring’s Straits, into North America, as far as Mexico, and onward to Peru,) taking their provisions with them. Mizraim had to bring from Palestine to the Mokattam, a dis- tance of at least 300 miles, sufficient for his family and his flocks, and thence to convey his commissariat CIO miles farther to Syene. It being useless to remain amid granite rocks, they are hence carried onward into Nubia. Now, in Lower Nubia, eve.n at the present day, there is not soil enough to support its sparse and frugal population of “ Barabera.” Yet, their provisions being abundant (probably her- metically sealed,) after a march of 220 miles more to the second Cata ract, and not discouraged in the least, by the howling wilderness they “go ahead;” and after a couple of hundred miles, thev find wha’ are now the plains of Dongola, but which were then rather more rocky than alluvial. “ Rebus angustis animosus” &,c., Mizraim, nothing daunted, after a march of 200 miles (for he had to follow the river to obtain water) finally reaches the far-famed “ Isle of Meroc in Ethiopia.” We will suppose this spot to have been a terrestrial para- dise at that time, whatever it be now, and it is about as fertile as Lower Nubia. Here, after a weary tramp from Palestine of above 1500 44 ANCIENT EGYPT. miles (performed with as much rapidity as the children and flocks allowed,) Mizraim and his family settle and here they multiply. As Mizraim and his children were all Caucasians at first start, in order to change their skins from white to black, their hair to wool, and to alter their osteology, “ through the effects of climate,” time at least must be allowed. Who will define the necessary period for these radical changes ? Never mind — we grant every facility. Let countless generations transpire. Let them become Negroes, or Ber- bers, in race. Let them reach the acme of civilization. Let them surpass Dahomey ; outrival Ashantee ; become as intellectual as Hottentots — as philanthropical as Tuarieks — as constructive as Tib- boos. Let them build the pyramids of Meroe, Gebel Birkal, and Noori — which done, let them come down the Nile again, to build the pyramids of Memphis and cover Egypt with stupendous struc- tures ; a perfect, and essentially a civilized community ; to confirm Herodotus, and his Egyptian applications, of /j£\ayxpni; sal oi\6rpixci “ black in complexion, and wooly-haired”* to be called also M:X«^ird- iav — “the black-footed;” or more appropriately, “ the long-heeled race.” On their arrival in Lower Egypt, the Delta, of course, is no longer a marsh; and having waited for its formation, they cover it with cities. Let them, I repeat, perform all of these impossibilities, and then they are no longer Africans in Egypt. A miracle (of which we have no record) has metamorphosed them again into Caucasians. It does seem odd, if not unnecessary, to make the Asiatic and Cau- casian Mizraimites at once proceed up the Nile, 1500 miles to Meroe; there to study and improve and sojourn, until the wonderful eftects of climate should transmute them into Africans ; and then, after countless generations, to lead them back into Egypt, and there wit- ness their transition into pure white men, in a climate where no Ethiopian ever changed his skin ! And we must make all these changes in far less than one thousand years : that is, we start with Ham and Mizraim as Caucasians ; we transport them from Assyria into Ethiopia, and watch their transition into Negroes, or Berbers, by the effects of climate, and under the vaguest extent of time : we perfect them as such, and doat upon the sable or dusky philosophers, who are to instruct Moses, and civilize the Greeks. We then bring them back into Egypt, and by magic as it were, transmute these Negroes or Berbers, again into pure white men, or Caucasians, such as every Egyptian was. We must accom- plish all this between Mizraim and Abraham — in a space of about 100 years, by the Hebrew version; of about 500 by the Septuagint. On Egyptian monuments (as I shall prove by facsimile copies) we find the Negro and the Berber, painted prior to 1500, B. C., as per- fectly distinct from the Egyptian natives, as an Anglo-Saxon is from a Chimpansee. If four thousand years have not had the slightest effect in whitening Negroes, how much change of color could have been accomplished in one-eighth of the time ? What should we say, if such a doctrine were maintained in defi- ance of Scripture, of nature, and of fact ? We should disdain to regard such nonsense ; and yet such is precisely the course we must pur- sue, if Ham be the father of the Egyptians, and the Egyptians de- scended the Nile from Ethiopia into Egypt. Such is precisely what must have occurred, if we believe Herodotus, Diodorus, and their Roman plagiarists ; and such is, in fine, the analysis of the Ethiopian origin of the Egyptians, if we pretend to believe the Bible. I will cast ethnography to the winds ; I will discard chronology as a dream ; but even then, I confess my inability to comprehend, or to accept, such a tissue of absurdities, if not profanations. However, with Genesis for our guide in human primeval migra- tions, with the Septuagint chronology as our limit, and the Delta an inhabitable province, at the time of Mizraim’s arrival from the plain=’ of Shinar ; it will be seen, that Egyptian monumental history coin- cides — that, where Scripture is silent, other lights are now obtain- able — and that, if a blank intervenes between Mizraim and Abra- ham’s visit, the Septuagint gives a period of about 550 years : to fill which, we have a mass of materials. Turn now to Archbishop Usher’s chronology, and take note, that between Mizraim and Abra- ham, we have to condense all the events into a space not exceeding 200 years ; when there could not have been 100,000 inhabitants on all the earth, according to any reasonable statistical calculation ; where- as, if Abraham’s birth be placed at more than 1000 years after the Flood, a period has been allowed for the propagation of mankind, which, at least, is more reasonable, no less than more orthodox. However, it is sufficient for me to acknowledge Ham and Mizraim to be the progenitors of the Egyptians. On the epoch of the latter’s immigration, I have not the presumption to decide. It is enough that it took effect, at an adequate lapse of time after the Deluge, and yet sufficiently remote from Menes, the first Pharaoh of Egypt, to admit all relative preparatory events : and as, on Egypt, the Bible is silent for many centuries, we may legitimately look to other sources for information. The authority of Sir J. G. Wilkinson, on the antiquity of the Delta, is supported by that of all scientific gentlemen of present times in Egypt, whose occupations, as surveyors and engineers, enable them to corroborate this view by mathematical demonstration. By * l give the generally accepted translation, though aware that it will bear some modi- fication, by going back to the Greek roots. Melamoodon probablv refers to leet black- ened by the Nilotic alluvium. casual observers, like the writer and other old residents whose mi. gratory and sporting habits take them into places where the mere traveller never dreams of going, this doctrine is implicitly believed, as agreeing with all their personal experience. We shall have occa- sion to return to the inundation of the river, and its prolific alluvium ; but, at present, attention is expressly solicited to the following asser- tion, viz : that the Delta and Lower Egypt, having existed almost in their present physical state, since the remotest limit of known time, there was no obstacle of an aquatic or marshy nature, to preclude the immediate settlement of the first immigrants from Asia, in any portion thereof, that is by man inhabitable at the present hour. Lower Egypt and the Delta, the western province of Bohbyreh, and the “ land of Goshen” — now the Sharkeeyeh, or eastern prov- ince — of yore the Tamtic and Bubastite nomes — containing the rich- est portions of the alluvium, and blessed by the finest climate of the Valley, would present to any new colony, agricultural or pastoral, inducements to sojourn wathin their area, superior to any that could be met with after passing Middle Egypt, or the Heptanomide. As from the Thebaid, you proceed upward along the Nile about Hadjar Silsilis, the features of the country on either bank undergo a change, from fertility to unfruitfulness, from alluvial to hard rock, from cultivation to sterility : nor can it be said that any incitements to agriculturists, or any resources for abundant population, exist be- tween Hadjar Silsilis in lat. 25, and Khart ohm about lat. 15, com- parable in value to those infinitely superior advantages to be found below the Thebaid ; and which increase in the exact ratio of your descent from Ethiopia to the Mediterranean. Between Hadjar Silsilis, where the sandstone formations rise per- pendicularly from the very edge of the river, and where the Nile is compressed into its narrowest Egyptian channel, and Khartobm — the juncture of the Bithr-el-kbiad, or White Nile, with the Bkhr-el-kz- rek, or Blue Nile — there is a length of some 600 miles, as the crow flies, and probably 1000 by the windings of the river. In this space, population is now, and ever has been, sparse ; with propensities more or less nomadic, and driven by natural causes to he rather pastoral than agricultural. If all communication of the in- habitants of this line, with the Egyptians on the north, and with the Nigritian nations on the south, were cut off ; the mass of an abund- ant population would perish from starvation, as it would be impos. sible for them to raise a sufficiency of food for their sustenance. Certain spots, of no great extent, are, however, fertile, and may sup- port a population in direct proportion to their alluvial superficies. Such a spot was the Isle of Meroe in ancient days. But to suppose that, even thereon, the alluvial soil was ever so extensive as to fur- nish food for one million of inhabitants, would be contrary to geo. logical evidences, as well as to statistical facts. About Khartobm, and upward through Sennkar, the country could be rendered extremely prolific, if a radical change were effected in the governing power ; but, within a few decades of miles to the southward, commence the dense forests and rank vegetation of cen- tral Africa, with its inland seas, its annual rains — territories that are, and for more than four thousand years have been, inhabited solely by Negro races ; where no living White man has ever penetrated 500 miles ; and whence the White Nile transmits, from unknown sources, its ever-bountiful, ever-welcome floods. On these latitudes, all we can say is, that we literally know nothing ; but, we may rea- sonably infer much ; and conjecture anything we please. No hierolo. gist doubts, that the Pharaonic governments of Egypt were better acquainted with Nigritia 3,500 years ago, than any geographers of modern times, who have gone little beyond the legendary fragments bequeathed to us, 2000 years ago, by Eratosthenes. Now Meroe, we are well aware, was a powerful state ; and,atonetime, gave a dynasty of kings to Egypt ; but this was an accidental occur- rence, of brief duration, and in ages long posterior to primeval epochs Here pyramids attest remote antiquity. Temples bear witness of later grandeur. But the Isle of Meroe itself was no “ officina gen- tium” — no laboratory of nations. It held a small community. Its alluvial soil could merely support a population commensurate with its area, and both were small. Immigration created its social struc- ture — Commerce supported its vitality and protracted its duration — • Religion sanctified its inhabitants, and protected their trade. Yet, notwithstanding all these attributes, Meroe bore no more relation in military strength, mass of population, or physical power, to Egypt ; than to the latter country was borne by the Oasis of Sekwah, the templed sanctuary of Jupiter Ammon. In fact, between Meroe and the Oasis the case is parallel. Both were fertile spots, of limited area, in the midst of deserts — wilder- nesses, affording secure retreats to wild and varied tribes of nomads. Both were equally exposed to their inroads : with this immense ad- vantage in favor of Meroe, that she possessed water-communication southward and northward ; and that, from her geographical position in relation to Abyssinia, whence journeyed Hindostanic and Arabian commerce ; to Nigritia, whence gold, and slaves, and African pio. ductions swelled her marts ; to Lybia, whither flowed the commercial stream toward Carthage and Europe ; and to Egypt, as her presiding genius, and “ministering angel,” she had resources, of which the Oasis could only partially partake. Geographical position rendered both of them the concentrating points for the divergences of commerce, and the transit of free trade ANCIENT EGYPT. 45 — made them the connecting links of vast countries, which were separated from each other by wildernesses of great extent. The political foresight of the ruling powers of Meroe and of the Oasis, made Religion the instrument of that control and dominion, which were denied to them by the limited number of their inhabitants, and the paucity of their respective inherent resources. And the roving Bisharree, the single-minded* Berber, the predatory Arab, and the Lybian archer, acknowledged the moral sway of the wise and sacred hierophants — flew to arms at their bidding to defend the temples, or to harry a foe — spared the caravans, traversing their native wastes, out of pious respect, and superstitious fear, of the sacerdotal guardi- ans of commerce — and spell-bound, as it were, by the moral domin- ion of superior wisdom, cringed beneath the dictates of the “ high priests of Amitn-Ra.” It was not from their fertility, which was partial ; it was not from their military force, which was insignificant ; it was not from their population, which on their cultivable area was unimportant ; it was not from the inherent resources of their territory, which were inade- quate — that Meroe and the Oasis, rose supreme over the wilderness, and ruled with despotic sway over the tribes of men to each respec- tively adjacent; but, from the political wisdom of their respective governments. And, of what race were these sages, these deep- thinking politicians ? I answer, they were Caucasians ; they were white men ; they were Egyptians — the high-caste descendants of Ham, the Asiatic ! and their dominion over the varied nations, by whom they were surrounded, proceeded from the mental and physical superiority of the Caucasian over ail African aborigines. These Caucasians founded a pontificate at Meroe, and at the Oasis, originating in the same hierarchal doctrine, and supported by its ties with, and affiliations proceeding from, the founders of Thebes and of Memphis. Its sway was based upon the same political principles which have, through so many centuries, preserved Christian Rome, and not upon physical importance. The sources were political fore- thought, and intellectual discrimination ; its duration proceeded from their utility to the happiness of man, and was consecrated by their judicious and salutary protection of man’s material interests. By a silken web confining his physical powers of resistance, while by a moral influence it secured his obedience. When, therefore, Meroe and the Oasis arose, it became the inte- rest of every neighboring tribe and individual, to preserve institu- tions so beneficial to the prosperity of commerce, so conducive to the interchange of social relations : nor did Meroe expire, till the doctrine changed, after a duration of 3000 years. I am perfectly aware of all the views that have been put forth by the learned Von Heeren, on these subjects; and owe many of my conclusions to the light derived from him, and others ; but hiero- glyphical and craniological discoveries have served to dissipate some of their positions. That beautiful fabric of Professor Heeren, so astoundingly constructed from such crude materials, is correct in system ; but, in regard to Meroe, its application is now reversed ; for, instead of appertaining to primeval periods, it was not consolidated till some TOO B. C. ; and we are discussing subjects anteceding this date by twenty centuries. It is said by Diodorus, that Egypt held about eight millions of population, from the 1st Cataract to the sea. At present, owing to the benign rule of Mohammed Ali, there are less than two millions. In Nubia, Dongola, Meroe, as far as Khartobm, it seems questionable, if, including the nomads of the adjacent deserts, there ever were as ma.,y as one million of inhabitants. At present, there are less. Even these must look to Egypt, or Nigritia, for the bulk of aliment ; for there is not alluvium enough in these regions now, whereon to raise a sufficiency of substance, from Asswhn to Khartobm. And yet, every year the Nile has brought down additional soil, so that the alluvium is greater now than formerly. Meroe was a' province of Egypt for 2000 years ; for, how could the Pharaonic armies have conquered Negro nations without passing by Meroe? Armies in Ethiopia must follow the river ; else they can find no sufficiency of water ; and following the river, to reach Negro nations, not nearer to Egypt than lat. 15, they must unavoidably have passed by Meroe. Negros are not a migratory race in Ethiopic latitudes, and only come northward by compulsion. We have gone as deeply as was necessary into the subject before us to show, that the case of Meroe is parallel with that of the Oasis. No one, I presume, will think it possible that the original source of the Egyptians was at the Oasis of Seewah. Scripturally, ethno. graphically, geologically, philologically, geographically, historically, and monumentally, it is as unreasonable to make Meroe in Ethiopia the birth-place of the Egyptians. It is vain to quote Herodotus or Dio- dorus, Eiatosthenes or Strabo, on questions whereon they could learn but little, inasmuch as the events precede them by 2000 years. With these classical writers, as with some others in modern times, it has been customary to take “ omne ignotum pro magnifico. ” Sufficient has been said, to evince the stand we take in early Egyp- tian history, in order that we may not find ourselves behind the age in the continual progress of discovery ; and, in the same mode that we as- serted that the Delta was inhabitable at the time of Mizraim’s arrival so now we still maintain, that Mero e and Ethiopia were unqualified’ * Terme<| , derision, by the Arabs, “ Aboo-*hu K le-wahe ; )”-fatl,ers of one job-in consequence of their national stolidity, and their inability to entertain more than one idea at a time. geographically and geologically, to nurture the primeval parents of the noble race, whom we now know to have been high-caste Caucasians. A point has been reached in this exposition, where, before pro- ceeding further, it is imperative on me to acknowledge the source, whence I derive these views of primeval Nilotic history ; and it is with cheerful readiness that I indicate my valued friend, Dr Samuel Geo. Morton, of Philadelphia, as my authority for the positive de- monstration of the Caucasian race, and Asiatic origin of the ancient Egyptians. Under the title of “ Crania iEgyptiaca,’ has appeared from Dr. Mor- ton’s pen, a memoir, wherein the Caucasian race of the early Pha- raonic Egyptians is, for the first time, demonstrated, by a mass of craniological, anatomical, historical and monumental evidence. 1 have had the full advantage of Dr. Morton’s revision of whatever on this subject is herein advanced ; while, so far as my name may be associated with the “Crania EEgyptiaca,” it need only be said that 1 derive the original idea, all the craniological facts in its support, and by far the greater portion of the argument herein put forward, from the perusal of this work no less than from these sub jects having, for six years, formed the substance of much epistolary intercourse, and for many months, the constant theme of conversa- tions between its author and myself. Were it not for the conviction, thus acquired from the incontro- vertible array of facts set forth in the “ Crania iEgyptiaca,” (fact3 hitherto unpublished by any writer in the world ; and, with the ex- ception of Sir. J. G. Wilkinson and one or two others, heretofore contested by all hieroglyphical authorities,) I should not have ven- tured to take up against the opinions of learned and unlearned, the subject of the Caucasian race of the Egyptians; but reposing in con- fidence upon the labors of one so eminently qualified to decide, I am not apprehensive of the consequences in the minds of those who will peruse the work thu3 announced. Furthermore, its author is not responsible for any deviations from his views I may, perhaps erroneously, have adopted. To show, however, that an adequate foundation exists for the novel assertions 1 have made, I extract from the ’’Crania /Egyptian a, a few paragraphs which may serve to illustrate the views of the author of that work ; merely premising that the heads employed in Dr. Mor- ton’s researches, were obtained by me from seven sepulchral local- ities in Egypt and Nubia. Dr. Morton remarks, that the entire series of one hundred crania “ may be referred to two of the great races of men, the Caucasian and the Negro, although there is a remarkable disparity in the number of each. The Caucasian heads also vary so much among themselves as to present several different types of this race, which rqay, perhaps, be appropriately grouped under the following desig- nations : — CAUCASIAN RACE. “ 1. The fPe/asgic Type. In this division I place those heads which present the finest conformation, as seen in the Caucasian na- tions of western Asia, and middle and southern Europe. The Pelasgic lineaments are familiar to us in the beautiful models of Grecian art, which are remarkable for the volume of the head in comparison with that of the face, the large facial angle, and the symmetry and delicacy of the whole osteological structure. “2. The Semitic Type, as seen in the Hebrew communities, is marked by a comparatively receding forehead, long, arched and very prominent nose, a marked distance between the eyes, a low, heavy’, broad and strong and often harsh development of the whole facial structure. “3. The Egyptian form differs from the Pelasgic in having a nar- rower and more receding forehead, while the lace being more prom- inent, the facial angle is consequently less. The nose is straight or aquiline, the face angular, the features often sharp, and the hair uniformly long, soft, and curling. NEGRO RACE. “ The true Negro conformation requires no comment; but it is necessary to observe that a practised eye readily detects a few heads with decidedly mixed characters, in which those of the Negro pre- dominate. For these I propose the names of Negroid crania; for while the osteological development is more or less that of the Negro, the hair is long, but sometimes harsh, thus indicating that combina- tion of features which is familiar in the mulatto grades of the pres- ent day. “ The following is a Tabular View of the whole series of crania, arranged, in the first place, according to their sepulchral localities, and in the second, in reference to their national affinities.” The Table speaks for itself. “It shows that mote than eight tenths of the crania pertain to the unmixed Caucasian race ; that the Pelas- gic form is as one to one and two thirds, and the Semitic form one to eight, compared to the Egyptian : that one twentieth of the whole is composed of heads in which there is a trace of Negro and other exotic lineage; that the Negroid conformation exists in eight in- *Crania /Egyptiaca, or Observations on Egyptian Ethnography, derived from Anatomy, History and the Monuments. By Samuel George Morton, M 1). 4to Philadelphia, 1844, J. Penington. “ fl do not use this term with ethnographic precision; but mere- ly to indicate the most perfect type of cranio-fucial outline.” 46 ANCIENT EGYPT. ttances, thus constituting about one twentieth part of the whole ; and finally, that the series contains a single unmixed N egro.” “Ethnographic Table of one hundred ancient Egyptian Crania. Sepulchral Localities. No. Egyp- tian. Pelasgic. Semitic. M i xed fegroid. 5; CD jq o C- C Memphis, 26 7 16 1 1 1 Maabdeh, 4 i 1 2 Abydos, 4 2 1 1 Thebes, 55 30 10 4 4 5 2 Omhos, 3 3 Phihe, 4 o 1 i Debod, 4 4 101) 49 29 6 5 8 i 2 From these and an infinity of other details embraced in Dr. Mor- ton’s work, he lias drawn the following among other conclusions: — “ The valley of the Nile, both in Egypt and Nubia, was original- ly peopled by a branch of the Caucasian race. “ These primeval people, since called the Egyptians, were the Mizraimites of Scripture, the posterity of Ilam, and directly affilia- ted with the Libyan family of nations. “ The Austrai-Egyptian or Meroite communities were an Indo- Arab'an stock engrafted on the primitive Libyan inhabitants. “ Besides these exotic sources of population, the Egyptian race was at different periods modified by the influx of the < aucasian na- tions of Asia and Europe, — Pelasgi, or Hellenes, Scythians and Pheriicians. “ 'I’he Copts, in part at least, are a mixture of the Caucasian and the Negro, in extremely variable proportions. “ Negroes were numerous in Egypt, but their social position in ancient times was the same as it now is, that of servants and slaves. “ The present Fellahs are the lineal and least mixed descendants of the ancient Egyptians ; and the latter are collaterally represented by the Tuariks, Kabyles, Sivvahs, and other remains of the Libyan family of nations. “ The modern Nubians, with a few exceptions, are not the descen- dants of the monumental Ethiopians, but a variously mixed race of Arabs and Negroes. “ The physical or organic characters which distinguish the several races of men, are as old as the oldest records of our species.” The Scriptures inform us, that Mizraim came from the banks of the Euphrates into Africa, and that his descendants colonized Lower Egypt. To bring the ancestors of the Egyptians from Ethiopia, leads to consequences irreconcilable with primeval biblical migrations. Ham and his son were indisputably Caucasians — to find, therefore, that their Egyptian descendants were Caucasians also, is perfectly in ac- cordance with nature, and with Scripture. Lower Egypt and the Delta-, would naturally be the region most suited to agriculture ; and contrary again to the general current of opinion, it was here that the earliest Egyptians settled — it was here, that the most ancient cities arose — and here, that the most ancient monumental piles still remain, to attest the correctness of the asser- tion, The erection, in Lower Egypt, of the most ancient monuments we encounter, does not at all impede the migration of the Caucasian race, at a very early period into the Thebaid, or even as far as Meroe ; nor is the inferior relative antiquity of those vast edifices, that proud- ly demand, for Thebes, and the Thebaid, an age nearly parallel to those of Lower Egypt, devoid of explanation on other grounds ; but, t is an indisputable fact, since the application of the Champollion jests to any of the ruins in the Nilotic valley, that the most ancient restiges preserved to us lie north; and the earliest extant are the Memphite pyramids; while those found to the southward, are com- paratively more recent ; with the doubtful exception of the pyramids of Meroe in Ethiopia, which will be attended to in due course. In the interval previous to the accession of Menes, and subsequent to the dispersion of mankind from Shinar, must that wandering tribe of Caucasians, who settled permanentlv in the valley of the Nile, nave entered Egypt from Asia ; and although we possess not the slightest account of the time, beyond that of its occurrence between Noah and Abraham, and none of the mode in which this march must have taken place, from Assyria into Egypt ; yet, the fact of the Asiatic origin, and Caucasian race of the early Egyptians being de- clared in the Bible, and proved by anatomy, with monumental and historical corroborations; it maybe desirable to inquire how far geo- graphical facilities smoothed their path, and whether topographical circumstances, in connection with localities in Egypt, admit of and confirm their introduction. According to the facts, set forth in Morton’s “ Crania jEgyptiaca,” we find the Caucasians occupying Egypt, at the remotest time we can descry; and any errors unintentionally committed in speculating upon the road they took from the Asiatic continent to Egypt, will not affect the fact of their journey. Whether their progress was slow, such as a pastoral people (we may infer they were at that primeval time) encumbered with families and flocks, would necessarily adopt ; or whether it was the rapid march of men driven by political convulsions, or family feuds to seek safety in countries remote from their first origin, are questions in themselves hypothetical, though the former speculation has most ot probability. Whether their migration, from east to west, was ante- rior or posterior to the dispersion of Babel, I leave others to deter- mine ; in either case, we may recognize the all-wise hand of Provi- dence, accomplishing by natural instruments, and according to im- mutable organic laws, the object of man’s creation. Whether, prior to their entry, they possessed any information concerning the fertility and salubrity of that smiling valley-land, whereon the “ sacred Nile” by its periodical inundations, spreads its rich alluvium, must ever remain doubtful. That they had their women with them is certain ; as they preserved their blood, pure and intact, from amalgamation with African abo- rigines ; excepting, in partial instances, of much later times, proceed- ing from very natural causes, and affecting mainly those provinces which were adjacent to these Africans ; but no more influencing the mass of population in Lower and Middle Egypt, at any period, than is apparent, or usual, as I have before remarked, with the present Fellah and Arab inhabitants of these districts at this day. The simplest view of the case would lead one to infer, that, in proportion as the increase of human and animal population rendered the area of Assyria too limited for the peaceful attainment of a sufficiency of food, small parties, offsets from the patriarchal tree, wandered, like the Bedawees of the present day, pasturing their cat- tle in search of forage, along the valleys of Palestine. The van- guard of these nomads, pushed forward constantly by the advance of later separations from the main body, or induced by other eontin- gences, which we may conjecture, but cannot define, crossed the small desert, which even at the present day, in winter, offers every facility for similar migrations, and reached the valley of the Nile, somewhere in the vicinity of Pelusium. Once in the land of Goshen, it may be readily imagined, whoever came the first would not be long in inviting his friends and relations to join him (and to sojourn permanently) in, what must have been to a herdsman, as it is the present day to the agriculturist, a terres- trial paradise. Similar causes always produce similar effects. Po- pulation increased, and migration continued, until every atom of the then alluvial soil between the deserts of Suez and of Lybia, and from the sea beach to that extreme point, where an African climate becomes mortiferous to the white man (which region commences about the 16th degree of latitude in Ethiopia above Egypt,) was colonized by the Asiatic Caucasians ; and, in those remote countries, by their intermixed descendants. As population increased, the herdsman was forced, by interest, and want of pasture room, to be- come a farmer; and the first spade struck into the yielding black mud of the receding Nile, was the first step toward that civilization and power which, for 2000 years, made Egypt the greatest country of the earth. I deem it requisite only to allude to the prevalent, but erroneous notion of the African origin of the ancient Egyptians, in so far as to express my disbelief of the possibility, that the Caucasian route from Asia to Egypt, could have lain, in those primeval times, across the Red Sea, at the straits of Bhb-el-Mandeb, or higher up. Eet any one look at the map, and measure the distance from Assyria to Meroe, by that road — let him pause and consider the vast geographical ob- structions to be encountered in Arabia : the time it would take to overcome them; and then let him consider the little chronological space we have for the events that occurred in Egypt between Miz- raim and Abraham ; and allow, that without overthrowing Scripture, this doctrine cannot be maintained. From Assyria and the plains of Shinar, even at this day (aside from human insurmountable difficulties) the journey through Arabia across the Red Sea, into Abyssinia, over the deserts of Catareff, to Meroe, and thence down the Nile, 1600 miles, to Lower Egypt and the sea-board, would be almost impossible to a family accompanied by children and by flocks. It may be objected, that this migration was not immediate, but may have occupied ages. In that case, my reply is, that their journey must have been rapid, and accomplished within a few years ; or we must reject even the Septuagint chro- nology as insufficient. To pass over the Red Sea with flocks and large family incumbrances, implies vessels; whence could they ob- tain timber on the western Arabian coast? how procure materials for naval construction and outfit, in those primeval times ? A mere glance at the map of Abyssinia will present obstacles, after their supposititious arrival on the western shore of the Red Sea, to render their progress toward Meroe and Ethiopia, anything but desirable ; nor is there any point, whereon the advocates of the African theory can hang a reasonable hypothesis, since the results obtained by Dr. Morton, and detailed in his “ Crania jEgyptiaca.” Asiatic in their origin, springing from the same stock as Shem and Japheth, and Caucasian in their osteological conformation, the Egyptians were white men, of no darker hue than a pure Arab, a Jew, or a Phoenician ; and it is auite as justifiable, and equally rea- sonable, to draw the dusky and the sable inhabitants of Africa from Shem, the type of the Hebrews and the Arabs ; or from Japheth, the type of the Europeans, as to derive the Berbers and the Negroes from ANCIENT EGYPT. 47 Ham, whom Scripture tells us was the parent of the Egyptians ; and as such, Ham must have been an Asiatic and Caucasian, since we know positively, that his Egyptian descendants were Caucasians, as pure-blooded in origin as ourselves. The climate of Egypt will never change a Caucasian into a Negro, a black into a white man ; and we have yet to learn what effect cli- mate may have had, in every other latitude, on the physical organi- zation of man, on the material variation of his hair and skin, or on his osteological and craniological conformation. How the real African aborigines — the Berbers and the Negroes, were disseminated over Ethiopia and Nigritia, is foreign to my dis- course, nor do 1 presume to offer an hypothesis. It does not seem possible (although the men are excellent swim- mers) that they, and still less their females and children, swam across the Red Sea ! and, if it be necessary to import these African races from the Asiatic hive, the same reasons which render the Isthmus of Suez the route the most natural to the Caucasian children of Ham, may likewise have served for the ancestors of the Berbers and the Negroes. Equally unnecessary does it seem, to speculate whether Egypt was inhabited by any or by what tribe of man, at the period of Mizraim’s immigration; because such a speculation would imply the possibility of the existence of other people at the time of Noah’s descent from the ark — a supposition hitherto irreconcilable with all we learn from Scripture. These are problems still insoluble by human reason — their results, such as are developed to us, point out the miraculous ordinations of the Creator without unfolding his inscrutable ways — and I again repeat, there is no more biblical reason or authority to derive the Negroes from Ham, than from Shem or Japheth; and if climate is to have effected the change, the same causes must have produced the same effects, operating on the same physical principles; so that it is just as probable that the Caucasian Shem or the Cauca sian Japheth was the parent of African races, as the Caucasian Ham, whose children, the Egyptians, were like their father and his blood- brothers, Asiatics and Caucasians. Finally, it seems more natural, that a tribe, coming from Asia and adopting Egypt as its resting place, should have entered that country by the route which, from the earliest times, has been the high road of nations between the Asiatic and African continents. It was by the Isthmus of Suez that the Hykshos, the Scythian shepherd kings of remote antiquity, came and were expelled ; this Isthmus was like- wise the beaten road of the Hebrews from Abraham to the Exodus, as it is at the present day between Jerusalem and Egypt. It served the Egyptians under the Pharaohs and the Ptolemies, as the route for their military expeditions and for all commercial intercourse with Asia. The Persians, under Cambyses and Artaxerxes Ochus, Alexander with his Macedonian phalanx, the Saracens under Atuner, and the Ottomans under Soolttm Selebtn, used it as their undeviating highway into and out of Egypt; while from the most ancient postdiluvian period to the present hour, it has afforded and will continue to afford, the same facilities between Asia and Africa, that induced me to select it as the route of the Caucasian family of Mizraim. An important confirmation of the Asiatic origin of the Egyptians, and, indeed, of all the views herein put forward, is to be derived from the results established by the learned ethnographer, philologist, and critical hierologist, Dr. Leipsius ; who has proved the affinities between the Indo-Germanic, Semitic and Coptic languages, to be identical, proceeding from their common origin in one primeval source. This discovery puts the seal of authenticity even as to lan - guage upon the Asiatic origin of the early Egyptians; while it goes iar to explain all Coptic linguistical affinities with Hebrew, Arabic, Sanscrit, and other Asiatic tongues. We have brought the children of Ham, under Mizraim, into Lower Egypt: here they settle; here they multiply ; and hence they spread all over the alluvial soil of Egypt, from the Mediterranean to Meroe, following the Nile, in a natural course of migration and settlement. Agriculture supersedes all pastoral habits; cities and orderly commu- nities take the place of the tents and the roving irregularities of the Nomad. The progress of civilization must have been so amazingly rapid, that to preserve our confidence in Scriptural chronology, we are forced to conclude (as stated in a previous chapter) that the chil- dren of Ham brought along with them all the knowledge and experi- ence accumulated during antediluvian periods from Adam to Noah, and by this second father of the human race, transmitted to the Egyp- tians. We can form but little idea of its original amount; but, within a few generations from the immigration of Mizraim, we find monu- ments that attest a skill in the arts, an acquaintance with practical sciences, a profound knowledge of political economy and principles of government, an extent of civilization of every kind, equal (save in the luxury and refinements superfluous to the necessities of human life) to the extreme civilization and well-regulated social system ex- isting in Egypt at any future peiiod. There are very few arts or sciences, the early antiquity of which astounds us on the monuments of Egypt, but must have been familiar to the Egyptians prior to the erection of the pyramids. As we proceed, we shall mention some of the most prominent. The time and the increasing ratio of population, are equal!)' unde- finable ;with this exception, that, taking the Deluge somewhere about 3200 B. C., on the authority of the Septuagint, and the immigration of Mizraim into Egypt in the third generation after the Flood, we have a vacuum of about four hundred years ; which we may legiti- mately fill with all these preparatory labors. The reason I pretend even to guess at the interval (which is purely conjectural, and merely possible) is, that the events which I shall soon show to have occurred subsequently, occupy all the space left, from about 2700 B. C. to the present year. It is with extreme difficulty that, even then, Egyptian chronological facts can be circumscribed within this limited area. Traditionary legends, floating in the works of Greek writers on Egypt, inferences gleaned from the mythological doctrines that wrap truth in the garb of fable, and deductions legitimately drawn from the monuments, enable us to consider it probable, that a priestly aris tocracy was the first form of general government n Egypt ; createc gradually out of the union of those patriarchal heads of villages, who probably governed, each his own family, in the same manner that an Arab tribe of the present day is ruled by its own Shdykh and the elders of the community. This would be perfectly in accordance with Oriental and Asiatic customs, that have varied but little since the patriarchal ages in Lower Asia and Arabia. A hierarchy appears to have been the first form of general govern- ment adopted by the Egyptians of that primeval period ; which we feel persuaded preceded the establishment of a monarchy. This hierarchy, we presume to have commenced within a few generations of Mizraim’s immediate descendants ; to have increased in power until the accession of Menes, the first Pharaoh ; and to have ruled Egypt during the conjectural period of about 400 years. It is here necessary to explain, that, from the earliest times, the Caucasian inhabitants of the Valley of the Nile regulated their social system by the division of castes ; which, however, must not be judged of by the notions we derive from India; for the Egyptian system ol caste was merely a division of classes, without any of those rigidities to this day practiced in Ilindostan. From the primitive simplicity of a patriarchal government, wherein the eldest of the tribe governs by general consent, as a father controls the domestic welfare of his family, the gradual increase of the num- bers of these elders, in proportion to the increase of their respective, families, probably suggested to them the propriety of union ; and ti.u Egyptians, essentially a religious community, bowed beneath the mild rule of a theocracy. This theocracy, formed 1 y the union of the elders, was the first form of general government, in which secula- and ecclesiastical interests, at first submitted to the control of tuc aged, become in a short time a hereditary right in certain families, where the character of priest gave power, independently of the age of the individual. Champollion Figeac has so clearly expressed the most accurate views on this particular head, that I will adopt his language. “A theocracy, or a government of priests, was the first known to the Egyptians ; and it is necessary to give this word priests, the ac. ceptation that it bore in remote times, when the ministers of reli- gion were also the ministers of science (and knowledge ;) so that they united in their own persons two of the noblest missions with which man can be invested, the worship of the Deity, and the cul- tivation of intelligence. “This theocracy was necessarily despotic. On the other hand, with regard to despotism, (we add these reflections, to reassure the readers too ready to take alarm at the social condition of the early Egyptians,) there are so many different kinds of despotism, that the Egyptians had to accept one of them, as an unavoidable condition. In fact, there is in a theocratic government the chance of religious despotism ; in a monarchy, the chance of a military despotism ; in an aristocracy, or oligarchy, the chance of a feudal despotism ; in a republic, the chance of a democratic despotism — everywhere a chanco of oppression. The relative good will be where these several chances are most limited.” And, with respect to the form of government best adapted to the social happiness of man, opinions are as varied as are the countries, and human races on the earth. That institu- tion which is admirably suited to Europeans, may be odious and de- leterious to Orientals. In Egypt, under the primitive theocratic government, the nation was divided into three distinct classes — the priests, the military, and the people ; an arrangement whereby the first two, the privileged classes, conspired to hold the third, and most numerous, in subjection. “ Time and the hour run through the roughest day and when a political evil becomes insupportable, nature has provided that it shall work its own cure. The progress which time inevitably realizes everywhere, effected in Egypt a notable alteration in this state of things. A rivalry sprang up between the two ruling classes. The military grew tired of blindly submitting to ecclesiastical sway, without par- taking of their full share of control. The physical power being in the hands of the military chiefs, a revolution was the consequence of these jealousies. A military chieftain seized the sceptre of dominion ; established a royal government, and made the throne hereditary, through his line of descendants. A soidier of fortune, but a statesman in mind, changed and ameliorated the social condition of Egypt ; and con- secrating the progress the nation had already made, perpetuated it through a long succession of after centuries. 48 ANCIENt EGYPT. This chief was Menes of History — Menei, “ who walks with Amun,” of the sculptures ; M who, from the days of Syncellus, has been con- founded with Mizraim, or rather, according to Syncellus, with Mestraim. y I would here observe, that if ancient Egypt was ever called Mestraea, we have no evidence T T kt c r ei ' ° f tlle name in hiero g ; yP h ics : although it may M c 1 be derived from two Egyptian roots, and com- pounded of Mes, begotten, and Be, the Sun. If Mizraim be Mes- traim he was certainly not Menes ; and if Menes be Mestraim, he was certainly not Mizraim, who preceded Menes, by at least 400 years. We fall into palpable anachronisms in endeavoring to make one man out of two personages, distinct in time, in name, in attri- butes, and in everything else. Brevity requires that I should limit my arguments simply to the exposition of this fact ; by not observing which, ancient and modern writers, (with a few exceptions among the hieroglyphists, including the learned chronologist, Dr. Hales,) have rendered early Egyptian history a chaos of anachronisms. This grand political revolution had, over the social welfare of the nation, an influence most salutary and durable. From a sacerdotal despotism, that in the name of Heaven exacted implicit obedience to the privileged members of the hierarchy, the Egyptians passed under the authority of a tempered civil monarchy, and acquired a constitu- tion that rendered them free as well as happy. The chief of the state was king, or Pharaoh ; and his power was transmitted, in the order of primogenitureship to his male children ; to his daughters, if he had no sons ; or to his brothers or sisters, if his direct line should, by absence of offspring, be broken. There was no Salic law in Egypt; and in a country where females were admitted to a full participation in all legitimate privileges with man — where women were queens in theirown right — royal priestesses from their birth; and otherwise treated as females are, in all civilized and Christian countries ; there were none of these social restrictions that elsewhere enslaved the minds, or constrained the persons of the gentler sex. We have the most positive and incontrovertible evidence, in a series of monuments coeval with Egyptian events for 2500 years, to prove that the female sex in Egypt was honored, civilized, educated, and as free as among ourselves ; and this is the most unanswerable proof of the high civilization of that ancient people. This is the strongest point of distinction between the Egyptian social system of ancient times, and that of any other eastern nation. Even among the Hebrews, the Jewish female was never placed in relation to man, in the same high position as her more happy and privileged sister en- joyed in Egypt. And if, at the present day, Mahommedanism has overthrown all the rights of the female sex in the valley of the Nile ; or if, in any ancient or modern nation, females were or are oppressed, it was certainly not from the early children of Ham that they took their precedent ; not from the primitive Caucasian inhabitants of Egypt, that the enslavers of the gentler sex received their lesson. Some of the evidence for this assertion will appear as we proceed ; but, in the mean time, let us render to the ancient Egyptians the proud honor of being the first nation who appreciated the moral ca- pabilities, social virtues, intellectual attributes, and civil rights of woman. In the procession, Tomb of Gurnah, the gallantry of the Egyp- tians is proved, by two queens — Aahopht and Aahmes-Nofreari (queens of Amunoph 1st.) taking precedence of the kings ; and this in a private tomb ! The royal authority was not absolute. The sacerdotal order pre- served in the councils, their rightful positions — the military were there to maintain order and to strengthen the monarchy, but were citizen- soldiers ; and in the great assemblies, termed pancgyries, wherein all religious, warlike, civil, administrative, commercial, poli- tical, statistical, internal and external affairs were periodically .reated ; the priests, the military, the corporations, and the people were represented, and the interests of all were protected, according 1 '■ the wise institutions of the Egyptians. The classes of Egypt may be divided into Jour great castes ; but not, as before said, on the rigid system of the Hindoos. These were the priests, the soldiers* the agriculturalists, and the tradesmen of all denominations ; each subdivided into more or less categories — but no Egyptian was an outcast from civil rights in this world, or debarred from eternal hap- piness in the world to come, save by his own misconduct ; and in the latter respect, the king and the peasant were equally amenable to the inexorable judgment of Amenti — “ the future state,” and ultimate tribunal. With the accession of Menes, dates the consolidation of the inter- nal polity, and of those wise and well-regulated institutions, that astonish us by their perfection and practical utility, as much as by the remoteness of their antiquity. I do not, at present, deem it ne- cessary to enumerate or detail them ; because an acquaintance with the greater portion will be rather a consequence of the history of Egypt, as I am about to unfold it; while I prefer leaving whatover may now be omitted to a future summary. It is necessary f/rst to establish the chronological scale of hieroglyphic developments, before discussing points, which in date are dependent on monu- mental evidence. The fragments we possess of ancient Egyptian history, in the writings of early travellers and chroniclers, .permit our dividing the dynasties, of Egypt into three categories, viz: 1st— The rule of the Gods — or Auritae ; 2n3— The rule of the Demigods — or Mestraeans ; 3rd — The rule of thirty-one successive human dynasties — or Egyptians. I. The Gods. Under this designation it may be plausibly con- jectured, that the ancient Egyptians, in their legendary tales to the Greeks, classed those primeval events, which are known to us as an‘ediluvian. It is also curious, that “ Cronus, and the other twelve divinities,” who are said to have reigned during 3984 years, do not very widely differ in number from the patriarchal generations from Adam to Noah. The sun, in hieroglyphics, being a type of Horus, which is of the same root as Rii, Ouro, Aur, gave probably the name of Auritse to the Egyptians, as the “ children of the sun.” The word Auritee has been referred to the “ Golden age,” of heathen mytho- logy, but the term aurum itself is derived from that universal root aur, the sun, which reverses the current derivation. II. The Demigods — or Mestraeans, may be explained hypotheti- cally, as referring to those pristine postdiluvian times, which em- brace the dark period from Noah to the accession of Menos : a period, according to my view, of some 500 years ; in the first century of which Mizraim may have colonized Egypt. The term Mestraean, viewed, as above stated, in its meaning of “ begotten of the sun,” again sends us back to the primitive aur. III. The Men, or Egyptians, commence their rule with Menes, the first Pharaoh, and continue through 31 successive dynasties, to the invasion of Alexander the Great, in B. C. 332. From this era, history and the monuments enable us to define the period of the Lagidi, or Ptolemies, down to 29 B. C. The hieroglyphics thence bring us down to Caracalla, the Roman Emperor, when this mode of writing ceased, about 215 after the Christian era, and when the race of Ham ceased to be politically recognizable. In regard to the reign of the gods, and the demigods, however, one point is very clearly established by Sir J. G. Wilkinson; which is, that the Egyptians never had the folly or impiety to trace their own origin to deities. On the contrary, they ridiculed the Greeks, for supposing themselves to be a heaven-descended race, in a right line of succession ; for the Egyptians were a practical people, and a sensible. When the priests showed to Herodotus a series of 345 images of men, who had successively filled the office of high priest ; as, at a former period, they had exhibited a similar set of portraits to Heca- taeus — they laughed at Hecatffius, who claimed a deity for his ICth ancestor ; and told Herodotus, that “ each was a Piromis, son of a Piromis.” Piromis being the Greek corruption of the Coptic Pi-romi, the man ; and the strict meaning of the sentence being “ a man, son of a man ;” we have herein an indisputable proof of Herodotus’s ignorance of the commonest words of the native language of a country, concerning which he wrote so largely, and so very learn- edly. His ignorance was natural enough, but his presumption may be dqyided by us, as much as his credulity was the sport of the humorous Egyptians. When, therefore, in a document, called by Syncellus “ the Old Egyptian Chronicle,” the rule of gods and demigods on earth, pre- cedes the reign of human monarchs ; we must make full allowance for the errors of Greek translators, rendering into their own tongue, and adapting to Hellenic comprehension, the lofty ideas, and mystic designations of the Egyptians. Nor must we accuse the dead, whose monuments present a mute refutation of Grecian fallacies, of en- tertaining fantasies, such as are handed down to us by Herodotus. Under the guise of mystic attributes, and through the medium of symbols, the veiled truths of which were not divulged to the “ impure foreigner,” the Egyptian gods and demigods, of the Old Chronicle, probably, ore nothing more than our patriarchal antediluvian and postdiluvian generations. Bigotry and fanaticism, among the early Christians, prevented their perceiving that every stigma cast on tho pure doctrines of primeval antiquity would detract from the au thority of Moses ; who, as before stated, was undoubtedly “ learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians.” I now proceed to lay before the reader, two tables of Egyptian history — one the Old Chronicle ; and the other compiled from Manetho by Rosellini and ChampolLion Figeac, v*ith a few addi- tions of my own. ANCIENT EGYPT. 49 EGYPTIAN DYNASTIES. THE OLD EGYPTIAN CHRONICLE. 1st. — R eign of the Gods — or Auritje — Antedii.uvian period ? Barharismus ? Years. To Hephaestus — Vulcan — Pthah, the Creator — is assigned no time, as he is apparent both by day and night, 00,000 Helios — the Sun — the son of Hephajstus — reigned three myriads of years, equivalent to 30,000 Cronus, and the other twelve Divinities reigned together, 3,984 Gods reigned — years, 33,984 2nd. — Reign of the Demi-Gods — or Mestrelans — Y ears. Postdiluvian period — Scythismus ? The eight kings — Demi-Gods — (or Mizraimites ?) reigned together, 217 3rd. — Reign of Men — or Egyptians — Ilcllenismus ? The 15 -generations (families, dynasties, or royal houses'?') comprised in the Cynic Cycle — or Sothic period — reigned, 443 The remaining 15 dynasties of kings — commen- cing with the 16th dynasty and ending with the 30th dynasty — reigned together, 1881 Egyptians reigned, 2324 Years, 36,525 These years 36,525 — end before Christ, 359. MANETHO’S EGYPTIAN CONSECUTIVE DYNASTIES.. ORDER OF THEIR ORIGIN. NUMBER OF NUMBER OF FOUND IN NAMES HIEKO- LENGTH op BEGAN BEFORE POSSIBLE MONUMENTAL MISCELLANEA. DYNASTIES. KINGS. GLYPHICS 1841. UP TO THEIR REIGNS. CHRIST. REDUCTION. PARALLELS. 1st. Thinite, 8 1 Years, 252 Years, 5867 B.C.2715? After Flood 439 2nd. Tanite, 9 ? ” 297 11 5615 [years 7 3rd. Memphite, 8 ? 197 11 5318 ■ Pyra’idsffcl ite 4th. Memphite, 8 4 11 448 11 5121 5th. Elephantinite, 9 * e > 11 248 11 4673 Tombs. 6th. Memphite, 6 11 203 11 4425 Copper Mines, Names unknown 7th. Memphite, 5 11 75 11 4222 Quarries, 8th. Memphite, 5 bo y. « a 2 2 11 100 11 4147 •Years 443 Relics and Papyri. Idem 9th. Ileliopolite, 4 O C J* s g a 11 100 11 4047 Great Idem 10th. Hcliopolite, 19 r- b .5d 11 185 11 3947 Number of Idem 11th. Theban, 17 _c : l> 59 11 3762 Unplaced kings. Idem 12th. Theban, 7 -C o 11 245 3703 11 Uncertain 13th. Theban, 60 = c J3 11 453 11 3417 »* Idem • 14th. Xoite, 76 ^ to © •= e 11 484 11 3004 11 Idem 15th. Theban, — ^o- 2 11 250 11 2520 ” [lis. Idem 16th. 17th. Theban, J Theban, 5 r \ 5 G 11 11 190 260 » 11 2272 2082 Obelisk of Heliopo- Karnac. Tablet of Abydos Abraham’s visit ) Hykshos, 18 Temples, Tombs, 18th. Theban, 17 11 348 11 1822 Palaces, Tablets, [1920 Moses B.C. 1491 19th. 20 th. Theban, Theban, 6 12 6 9 11 11 194 178 11 11 1473 1279 Papyri, Relics, is unknown in the time of Herodotus, but was invented in after times, and was adopted by the early Christian fathers. There is great con- fusion in the intervals between each Phoenix ; some reducing them to 340 years, others extending them to 1461 years. It seems, however, to have symbolized, in whole or in part, the Sothic Period, or great astronomical year of the Egyptians ; being found on Egyptian monu- ments, dating as far back as the commencement of the 18th Dyn., or B. C. 1800. In the Coptic Pheneh, meaning age or period, we trace the root of Phcenix, and its ealendrical utilities. According to Horus-Apollo, the Phcenix symbolized the soul of man — an expiring cycle of time — and also, the inundation of the Nile. We have the authority ofChaeremon and Porphyry for the antiquity of the word almanack in Greek, long prior to the Saracens ; and for the statement that almanacs are mentioned in the Books of Hermes. Some English and Arabic vocabulists assert, that almanac is an Arabic word !” I concede the article “ al,” or rather el, to be an Arabian prefix. Bnt I should be edified to learn, to what Arabic root they trace the word manac. It is probably of ancient Coptic origin ; and if ever used by Arab historians (for it is unknown in the Darig,) it is a compound, like the word almagcst — the Arabic, cl — the, and the Greek, megistos — greatest; used by Ptolemy in astronomy, and by the Grenada Moors in alchemy. Now, by the authority of Syncellus, in the table of the Old Chron- icle, the first dynasties embrace 443 years of the sothic period ; whence it follows, that the first king of the 1st Dyn., Menes, ascended the throne about the year 2782 Julian B.C. ; and it may bo inferred, that he was the first Pharaoh who pledged himself not to alter the calendar. The 36,525 years of time, which the Old Chronicle gives for the entire reign of gods, demigods, and Egyptians, divided by 1461, gives us exactly 25 sothic periods ; and instead of being taken by us literally, and therefore rejected by us as fabulous, must be regarded as a vast astronomical cycle, by which the Hierophants regulated their calendar; and their astronomical skill is nowhete more appa- rent than in their cycle of 25 years, for adjusting the lunar with the solar motions ; whereby they possessed a system more rigorously correct than the Julian method in similar reductions. The whole of this digression is merely to precede a few deductions, to enlighten us on the probable epoch of the accession of Menes ; a fundamental point in all subsequent Egyptian history ; and without deeming it absolutely necessary to continue in prefatory explanations, I present the several results. 1st — By the astronomical reduction of Herodotus, according to Professor Renwick, we obtain the accession of Me- nes about B. C. 2890 2nd — By Syncellus — Manetho agrees with general — (or Septuagint) chronology, if we cut off' 656 years before the flood, and 534 afterwards — the true period of Egyptian history, according to him, would place the accession of Menes — Renwick’s calculation, B.C. 2712 3rd — By Rosellini’s reduction of Syncellus, page 15, vol. 1st, Menes would fall about B. C. 2776 4th — By Champollion Figeac, page 267, the epoch of Menes would be — Freret’s calculation, B. C. 2782 5th — By Doct. Hales’ calculation, ” 24)2 6th — By my reduction of the “ Old Chronicle,” ” 2683 7th — By my reduction of “ Manetho,”’ ” 2715 I have before stated, that we could not define with precision the epoch of Menes within 500 years — but all differences considered, between the extreme of 2890 B. C. for remoteness, and 2412 B. C. for proximity, which added to Rosellini’s and Champollion’s esti- mates of the accession of the 16th dynasty - B. C. 2272 Addition, ------- 478 Would place Menes about the year - 2750 B.C.; which I am inclined to adopt, as within a hundred year's approxima- tion of the truth : thus affording abundance of interval, between the Flood and Menes on the one hand ; and possibly sufficient for the erection of the works now existing at Memphis — the pyramids — be tween Menes and the accession of the 16th Dyn., on the other. Perfectly aware of the extreme uncertainty of these calculations, I would observe, as an excuse for the digression, that the epoch of Menes is all-important in history — that I have endeavored to recon cile it with the Septuagint as nearly as possible within reason and probability — and that I lean rather in favor of an extension of the interval between Menes and our Saviour ; for which I could easily bring forward a mass of arguments and explanations, founded on facts ; among which are the vast number of “ unplaced kings” we possess, who must have lived between Menes and the 16th Dyn. I repeat, however, to the best of my present belief, the epoch of Menes taken at B. C. 2750, will reconcile monumental evidences with tho Scriptural chronology of the Septuagint version. It is, however, necessary for me to explain, why I hav» presumed to differ in chronology with so learned a hicrologist as Sir J. G 52 ANCIENT EGYPT. Wilkinson ; because, as his works are most familiar to my readers, acme might be struck with the discrepancy. In his “ Topography of Thebes” (London, 1835, page 506,) after \ preferring the list of Eratosthenes to that of Manetho, for his earlier series of kings, Sir J. G. W. says : “ I am aware, the era of Menes might be carried back to a much more remote period than the date I have assigned it ; but as we have as yet no authority further than the uncertain accounts of Manetho’s copyist, to enable us to fix the time and the number of reigns inter- vening between his accession and that of Apappus, I have not placed him earlier, for fear of interfering with the date of the deluge of Noah, which is 2348 B. C.” The lis f of Eratosthenes being now of less authority than Mane- tho, and it being impossible .o cramp and crowd Egyptian annals into Archbishop Usher’s limit of 2348 years, I would remark, that at the time of the construction of Sir J. G. W.’s table, I was at Cairo in gratifying relations with him, and therefore know that this table dates about 1832-33. The works from which I derive the basis of my discourse, have mostly been published in France and in Italy since 1832 : and Sir J. G. W.’s table is now behind the age, and the progress since made in Egyptian developments; while Col. Vyse’s researches at the pyramids have made the 4th Dyn. of Manetho loom like a meteor in the night of time. The chronology of Wilkinson is inconsistent with itself. lie takes the Deluge according to Usher, at - * - - B. C. 2348 and he is compelled to place Menes at least - - - ” 2201 as the lowest limit — leaving between the Flood and Me- nes an interval of years 147 at which time it is extremely doubtful, if the Caucasian children of Noah, had around them a sufficiency of population to impel them to quit Asia, and to colonize Egypt. But, on referring to page 41, 1st Vol. of his invaluable later work, on the “ Manners and Customs of the ancient Egyptians,” London, 1837, (uncontradicted in his second series of 1841) it will be seen that the learned author, on the author- ity of Josephus, (who says “ Menes lived upward of 1300 years be- fore Solomon,” which last king ascended the throne of Israel, B. C. 1015;) extends the date of Menes from 2201 B. C. of his former table to 2320 B. C., without any intimation that he, Sir J. G. W., re- cognizes a correspondent precession of the era of the Flood, which he still leaves at B. C. 2348. If, as before stated, 147 years are totally insufficient, as an interval between Noah and Menes, how much more so must be twenty-eight years ? These 28 years are altogether absurd, for Egyptian local events alone between the Flood and Menes ; still more so, when we reflect on the geographical distance from Mount Ararat to Lower Egypt, and on the necessary prior multiplication of the human race on the plains of Shinar. That one so erudite and critical as Sir J. G. Wilkinson, should have committed any inadvertency in such arrangement, is an impos- sibility, On the contrary, it displays a design ; which may perhaps be explained, by supposing, that amid the conflictions of 300 systems of chronology, on the epoch of the Deluge, the learned author may have deemed one view about as well founded as any other ; while, by placing so obvious an anachronism on the “ head and front” of his tables, he desired to show the absurdity of attempting to recon- cile Egyptian monumental annals with Archbishop Usher’s Deluge ; and I feel extremely obliged for the argument I am thus enabled to draw, in favor of my more extended hypothesis. Finally, whether we confine Egyptian history to the contracted limits of Usher’s chronology, and the Hebrew verity ; or take “in ex- tenso” the widest range legitimately admissible on the authority of the Septuagint version, it will be found, that the time-honored chron- icles of Egypt carry us back to the remotest era of early periods ; and even then display to us the wonderful and almost inconceivable evidences, of a government organized under the rule of one monarch ; of a mighty and numerous people skilled in the arts of war and peace ; in multifarious abstract and practical sciences ; with well framed laws, and the social lyibits of highly civilized life, wherein the female sex was .free, educated and honored ; of a priesthood possessing a religion, in which the Unity of the Godhead and his attributes in trinities or triads, with a belief in the immortality of the soul, a certainty of ultimate judgment, and a hope of a resurrec- tion, are discoverable ; concealed though they be by the mysticisms of awise but despotic hierarchy, and loaded by the vulgar castes and the uninitiated, with the impurities of the grossest superstition. It will then be seen, that, apart from those changes of style and fashion, which the conservative principles of the priesthood could not altogether prevent in tjie lapse of so many ages, the Caucasian inhabitants of the Nilotic valley were in possession of hieroglyphical writing, at the farthest point of time we can descry. And we shall find the Egyptian children of Ham, the Asiatic, as great and as learned, if not much more virtuous in those primeval days, as they were at the invasion of the Persians, in the year 525 B. C., when their monarchy had existed from 1500 to 2000 years. Of what nation, obliterated from the face of the earth at the pres- ent hour, or providentially surviving to defend its pretensions to prior existence, can the contemporary annals boast a similar antiquity ? To whom, but to the Egyptians, are we indebted for the origin of many of our most important arts, and sciences, and institutions? And why should prejudices and preconceived notions, gathered in our infancy we can scarcely tell how, and maintained by narrow, mindedness and ignorance, still prevent our recognizing in the pure blooded Caucasian inhabitants of early Egypt, the sources of many of those benefits, that we, who recognize in Noah a common ancestor, at present enjoy ? There remains still one final point, upon which it is necessary for me to dwell, before commencing the monarchical history of Egypt; and this refers to the long-prevailing, but erroneous opinion, that the kings or dynasties of Egypt were contemporaneous ; that is, that one king may have ruled over the Upper, while another may have reigned over the Lower country at the same moment ; than which, (however it may be deemed expedient thereby to reconcile the anti quity of Egypt with the short chronology) there is no more untenable doctrine, or one more unanimously rejected by the Champollions, by Rosellini, by Wilkinson, and by all who, as hieroglyphists, have examined the monuments and the country itself. The arguments that would remove all doubts, would probably be too long to com- mand attention ; but I crave indulgence while I define and establish my own position, lest I should be found hereafter behind the age. It is herein, therefore, maintained, that, with very few and con- jectural exceptions, (on which the arguments for, or against, are in each instance either equally balanced, or destructive of the contem- porary application,) the result of hieroglyphical researches during the whole period of history from Menes downward, overthrows such an hypothesis, as contemporaneousness. The only contemporary dynasty, by the best authorities recognized, is the rule of the Hyk. shos, or Scythian Shepherd-kings in Lower Egypt, during a period, probably of 260 years ; while the 17th Theban dynasty, of native Egyptian Pharaohs, reigned over Upper Egypt, till these last suc- ceeded in expelling the alien race. To this solitary instance of two contemporary dynasties, ruling in different parts of Egypt at the same moment, may be added that period of anarchy, which preceded Psamettichus of the 26th Saitic Dyn. ; wherein Herodotus places the rule of the Dodecarchia, or rule of 12 kings ; but this last case is extremely doubtful, and has derived no confirmation from the hieroglyphics. As we proceed, we shall touch in their places on points that confirm the above view, while we can confidently assert, that there were no contemporary Egyptian Pharaohs. The only correct view of the classification, by Manetho, of dynas- ties named Thinite, Tanite, Memphite, Elephantinite, Heliopolite, Diospolite, Xoite, Bubastite, Saitic, Mendesian, and Sebennite, is to consider them not territorial, but family distinctions ; not separate governments, but the localities, cities, or provinces, whence the reigning Pharaoh, or his ancestors were derived by birth, or were in name associated through some other unknown bond of connection. The monuments, and sacred and profane history, will be found to confirm and justify this straight-forward view of an often “ vexata qutestio.” We can afford to smile at the creation of an independent state and contemporaneous monarchy, on a miserable little rocky island, not more than twice the size of the New York Battery, and not so large as the Common at Boston, and allow Elephantine and its independ- ent and contemporary sovereignty to sleep with the fabled and fabu- lous Memnon — the vocal Statue — the negro features of the Sphinx — Cleopatra’s Needle — Pompey’s Pillar — the antiquity of the Zodiacs of Dendera and Esnb — the African or Ethiopian origin of the ancient Egyptians, and other odd fancies of an expiring age. CHAPTER SIXTH. In the previous portion of this discourse, I gave the calculations and arguments, whereby the accession to the throne of Menes, was considered by me, to have taken place within a century of the year 2750., B. C. To give an idea of the process adopted by the hieroglyphical school in re-constructing Egyptian history, no less than to establish the fact that the ancient Egyptians were Caucasian in race, and Asia- tic in origin, I will dwell rather longer on this monarch, his deeds and times, than at first sight may appear necessary, or has been generally thought requisite by my predscessors of the Champollion school. The fragments of Manetho give, as the 1st king of the 1st dynasty “ Menes, the Thinite ; who carried the arms of Egypt into foreign countries, and rendered his name illustrious. He died of a wound received from a hippopotamus, about the 62nd year of his reign.” Besides the authority of Manetho, we possess the testimony of other ancient authors, Herodotus, Eratosthenes, Diodorus, Josephus, the old Egyptian Chronicle of Castor, the Canon of Syncellus, all agreeing that Menes was the first of the kings of Egypt ; which is corrobo. rated by our finding his royal oval, in hieroglyphics, as the earliest an- cestor of Ramses 3rd — Sesostris — in the procession sculpturedon the walls of the Theban Palace, now known as the “ Ramsessium,” but formerly, and erroneously called, the Memnonium. See tablet, in my lecture room- This Succession was cut in th* ANCIENT EGYPT. 53 roitr 11 of Ramses — Sesostris, between the years 1565, B. C., and 1490, R C.: and us Mencs U.UJJJ Gfg£2Sg U Me r M or “ Menei,” is here the first ancestor of Sesostris, N we find the sculptures at once confirming history. Eratosthenes says, his name “Menes,” means “Dio- nios,” rendered “ Jovialis,” of or belonging to Jove. IE Jove is the Egyptian God, “ Amun,”and in Cop- tic, “ Menei” is an abreviation of “ Amun-ei,” sig- nifying, “ who walks with Amun.” Josephus tells us that Menes ruled “ more than 1300 years before Solomon,” who was born in 1032, B. C., To the above-mentioned genealogical procession may be added the celebrated chronological canon of the dynasties of Egypt, written on papy-us, in the hieratic character, composed in the 15th century, B. C.. and now existing in the Museum of Turin. This venerable relic is "in such a deplorable state of dilapidation, that but little can be made out, beyond a few simple facts, that excite at once curiosity and un- availing regrets. But the first page opens with these words : “ The king, Menei, exercised royal attributions years ’ By some ancient writers, Menes is stated to have been a Theban ; by others it is said that he was born at the city of Phis, near Aby- dos, whence his dynasty is termed 1 hinite. We are told he founded Thebes, which is likewise attributed to a later king, Busiris ; but the concurrent testimony of Herodotus and Josephus ascribes to the first king, Menes, the glory of founding Memphis ; which achievement i3 by Diodorus likewise attributed to another very early monarch, (though subsequent to Menes) Ucho- reus. There seems to be no reason why Menes should not have founded, or perhaps only extended, (?) either or both of these cities ; but it is particularly to be remarked, 1st. That Manetho speaks of Atuotiiis, son of Menes, building a palace at Memphis, whence we may legitimately infer, that the city was already in existence, and therefore was probably founded by his father; 2nd. That, as Josephus had access to copies of Manctho’s original history, of which we possess only fragments, and seeing that by his numerous quotations therefrom in his defence of the Jews against Apion, Josephus shows that he, and the world in his day, placed implicit confidence in the then indisputable authority of the learned Priest of Sebennitus ; we may infer, that when Josephus assigns to Menes the foundation of Memphis, upward “ of 1300 years before Solomon,” and “ many years prior to Abraham,” the Hebrew chron icier was not at variance with Manetho’s record of Egypto-anti- quarian lore ; while the view of relative chronology taken by Jose- phus could not have been contrary to the Jewish historical archives, such as they were in his time, previously to the corruption of the Hebrew Biblical text. Herodotus, likewise, in attributing to Menes the building of Mem- phis, adds, also, that Menes founded therein a“ Temple to Vulcan.” Now the Vulcan, or Hephaestus of the Greek mythology, who was degraded by them into a limping blacksmith, is only a Greek mis- conception and perversion of that beautiful Egyptian mythical idea, whereby Vulcan or “ Pthah” of the Egyptians, was but a form of or emanation from the Godhead, symbolizing the “ creative power” of the Almighty. We know that Memphis was the city of “Pthah,” who, from time immemorial was here peculiarly worshipped. Memphis is Biblically “ Noph.” A telDh milage on its site is termed Memf, or Menoph, thus confirming history, sacred and profane. In hiero- glyphics Memphis is known by several titles. The Abode of Good, land Menofre. " ~ S the Pyramid.” AAAAA (J) “The habitation of Pthih.” One form of the god Pthah was termed Pthah-Sokar-Osiris, and was peculiarly venerated at Memphis. This deity was often called only Sokaris, or rather “ Sokar,” whence the present name of the village, which lies on the Necropolis of Memphis, has been inge- niously traced, being now called “ Zacc&ra.” Pthah, or Vulcan, we know was worshipped in a magnificent tem- ple at Memphis, until Christianity destroyed the doctrine, and Ma- hommedanism obliterated the edifice, save a few scattered blocks that still mark its site amid the date groves of Metraheni. The frequent hieroglyphical references to this temple, existing in the time of Herodotus, though not in its ancient splendor, (as it had then been plundered by Cambyses,) sheds a confirmatory glimmer of light on the accuracy of the Greek historian in this instance ; because a hieroglyphical tablet in the quarries of “ Toora,” opposite Memphis, of the time of Amosis-Thetmose's, vanquisher of the Hykshos, and last of the 17th Dynasty, B. C. 1822, records that, he, “ Aahmes took good materials from these quarries to repair? restore? or build ? the temple of Pthah, at Memphis” — a proof that the temple of Pthah existed at Memphis, prior to B. C. 1822, or the reign of Amosis, PTIIAn-EI. Whence, even if we had no other evidence to bring forward, we may already draw satisfactory inferences that Herodotus was correct in his account of early Memphis — that Memphis was a city when Athothis, or Menes his father, founded therein a temple to Pthah — and that this temple of Pthah existed before the end of the 17th Dynasty, B. C. 1822. Again, Herodotus speaks of the “ turning off of the Nile into a new channel by Menes,” who raised a dike to prevent its overflow from flooding the city — a work corroborated by the topographical nature of the localities, and by the present aspect of the Nile, near the spot where the river was diked-off, about fourteen miles above the mounds of Metraheni, the site of Memphis : and a precaution still retained by the Fellahs of that district, to preserve their villages from inundation, as well as to control the irrigating utilities of the “ Sacred River.” This diking-off of the Ni'e is a process, which (as there is every reason to suppose it was performed by Menes) is a strong argument to show, that, in his day, the children of Ham had already arrived, not only at abundant population, which rendered necessary the found- ation of a metropolis, and the economical preservation of the allu- vial soil above Memphis (the finest tract of land in all Egypt,) but, that they had also arrived at considerable knowledge in hydraulics, as well as other branches of science. Moreover, as these were works not likely to be attempted without necessity, or without long previous experience of the habits of the river, it must be allowed they imply a long prior residence in Lower Egypt. History thus enables us to carry back the foundation of Memphis to the accession of the first king Menes ; and it is in her Necropolis or burial-ground, we find those monuments, which, in size, as in an- tiquity, exceed all others in the world, viz., the pyramids of Gheb- zeh, Abobsecr, Zacciira, and Dashobr, with some tombs, coeval with, if not antecedent to, the erection of the earliest ! We are therefore enabled to establish, 1st. Historically, and monumentally, that Menes or Menei, was tho first king of Egypt. 2nd. Historically and monumentally, that, being founded by Menes, Memphis is the oldest city. 3rd. Geographically, that Memphis is in Lower Egypt ; and thus, that the children of Ham, coming from Asia and spreading over the Nilotic valley, considered Lower Egypt the most eligible point (as it unquestionably is) for a metropolis — for great works — and made it the chief seat of primitive monarchial government. Upon the authority of Josephus, whose chronology is in accord, ancc with the Septuagint, and not with the corrupted Hebrew ver- sion (independently of the absolute necessity for placing the acces- sion of Menes as far back as possible, to make room for the kings who reigned after him,) we establish the foundation of Memphis by Me nes, and its existence as a Templed city ; protected by great artificial water-defences, at some period anterior to 1300 years before Solo- mon, or prior to 2320 years, B.C. ; and we can therefore with pro- priety contend, that the view herein taken of chronology, based on tho Septuagint version of the Bible, is neither extravagant, nor merely hypothetical ; because the interval of 28 years between the founda- tion of Memphis by Menes, and the Deluge, according to Archbishop Usher’s chronology, B. C. 2348, is wholly insufficient for the num- berless preparatory events that must have employed the human race, between the multiplication and progress of Noah’s family down tho Euphrates, till they separated at Shinar, and the foundation oi Mem- phis, in Egypt, by a Caucasian colony. By allowing, on the chro- nology of the Septuagint, an interval of about 400 to 500 years before wc seat Menes on the throne of Egypt-- somewhere about the year 2750, B. C. — we are not subjected to such absurd anachronisms and physical impossibilities. Menes, chief of the military caste, happily accomplished the revo- lution which substituted a civil government for the theocracy. He was the first invested with the title of Pharaoh (in Hebrew, Phrah) or king; and, from this new order of things was created a royal he- reditary government. It would appear, that Menes was occupied with foreign wars, though upon what nation we have no information. It may be presumed, that these military movements were chiefly di- rected to the protection of the frontiers of Egypt from the incursions of adjacent nomadic and barbarous tribes, by which Egypt was, and is still surrounded in every direction. To the south, there were the Berber and Negro races; to the west, the Lybians, along the whole length of the river from Nubia to the sea ; to the east, lay the Eastern Desert, probably occupied, as at present, by mixed races of Arabs and Berbers ; while the Isthmus of Suez required particular a ten- tion, as this line of frontier was exposed to constant incursions of Asiatic tribes, eager to obtain their share of the “ flesh pots of Egypt.” Of these defences we have abundant vestiges to this day, although we cannot say by what king, or at what time, they were erected. I have already spoken of Egypt, as a valley, between two high chains of hills— the Lybian and the Eastern ranges. The face? of these, especially along the eastern bank, are often quite perpendicu- lar ; so that they act as walls to keep the nomad from the cultivated ground ; but, at various distances, these are intersected by deep ra. vines, along which journeys are performed, and intercourse isrnain- tained between the Nile and the Red Sea. Now, there is not one of these ravines, but at its mouth, nearest the river, there are re- 54 ANCIENT EGYPT. mains of walls, that once blocked up the passage; and, from the ru- ins in the vicinity of some, we may conjecture these were forts, gates and military stations. Wherever, as you ascend the liver, you find the inclination of the hills, on the eastern side, such as would admit of communication between the cultivated soil and the desert, you will find traces thereon, more or less apparent, of a long brick wall, stretching from north to south, and terminating only where na- tural impediments render this wall unnecessary — taken up again a few miles beyond; and so on, all the way to Nubia. This wall is .ermed by the Arabs, Gisr-el-Agbbs, or the “Old Man’s Dike,” in memory of its antiquity. The subject of the relations of the desert-tribes with Egypt, from the earliest times to the present day, is one that has much interested me, and might be extended to long and curious exposition, that would remove many erroneous impressions concerning the “ Bbdawees” in the deserts adjacent to the Nile. It cannot be supposed that, by the construction of this wall, the Egyptians intended to cut off all intercourse with the desert ; on the contrary, this intercourse was to both parties essential ; for the nomad would starve if he could not obtain grain from the farmer ; while the latter, with the manufacturer, requires the camel’s hair, the long reeds for matting, and a number of productions, whose attainment requires the skill of the son of the desert, as much as grain that of the far- mer, or as useful manufactures that of the craftsman. The object of the walls was to bring the nomad under the control of a well-regulated police ; to prevent him from pasturing his flocks, without paying for the permission of the proprietor of the soil ; or from stealing the grain and forage he was thus compelled to purchase ; with an infinitude of other wise and excellent regulations, conducive to social good order, and agricultural economy ; but by no means de- structive of friendly intercourse between the Ishmaelite and the peasa-nt. Indeed, the Almighty’s hand is nowhere more apparent in adapting man to the nature of the soil on which he is to reside, than in peopling the deserts around Egypt with a hardy race, as use- ful in their vocation as the citizen, the farmer and the sailor. Euro, pean civilization will work no material changes in the habits of the “ Bhdawee.” But, though employed in wars, Menes distinguished his era by the arts of peace. He founded Memphis: it is said he built Thebes. He commenced, on a large scale, the diking and “canalization,” so essential to the prosperity of Egypt. He founded the great temple of Pthah; and introduced into social life those comforts and luxuries of civilization, which, notwithstanding the curse of Tnephachthus, conduce to the terrestrial happiness of man ; while by his protection of religion and the priesthood, he insured the education of the peo- ple, and the preservation of a religious system, that Christianity alone ufter a lapse of nearly 3000 years could overthrow. We cannot wonder, therefore, that the memory of so great a man should have been dear to his successors, or that the monuments should attest the veneration of a name handed down to us by all early writers. These chapters being confined to the exemplification of Egyptian History by the hieroglyphics, I refer to Manetho for the names of the kings of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd dynasties, who followed Menes on the Pharaonic throne ; because, as yet, it has been impossible to identify the names of any one of these in the hieroglyphics ; owing rather to uncouth changes, made through ignorance of transcribers, of the names left by Manetho, than to the absence of royal ovals, as I shall soon explain. We glean from Manetho, that during these three dynasties, pala- ces were built, pyramids were erected ; that Egypt was visited twice by the plague, whence the antiquity of this disease in Egypt may be inferred. In fact, it is an illusion to suppose that the same natural causes should not operate, in early times, to produce the same effects as at present : and it has been demonstrated by Clot Bey, that the plague is indigenous, not only to Egypt, but to the East in general, ulong the northern coast of Asia and Africa ; that its causes are un. known, but that its developments are spontaneous ; that it is an error to suppose that mummification (begun in primeval epochs and con- tinued above 3000 years down to the days of St. Augustine,) was adopted as a preventive (!) because, during the periods of mummifi- cation, we have abundance of sacred and profane history to prove the occasional desolating effects of the Oriental pestilence ; and finally, as these two occurrences of the plague are antecedent to Abraham, the pestilence with which the Almighty visited the Egyptians in the time of Moses, was not the first instance of the plague in Egypt, as we are well assured it was not by many hundreds the iast. We also learn, that women were, in the second dynasty, permitted to hold the impe- rial government; an institution that continued intact till the extinction of the Ptolemies in the far-famed Cleopatra ; as is attested all through this long line of centuries by hieroglyphical evidence. The Lybians, at that day, were tributary to Egypt; and we are in- formed, that an eclipse of the moon was observed. Works oil anat- omy and medicine were written by two kings of these dynasties. It may be inferred, that the use of the saw in cutting large stones, was discovered in this period — while all the arts and sciences of the ancients appear to have been in full development and use — but oth- erwise, these kings gained no celebrity; whence we may infer, that Egypt was peaceful, happy, and prosperous, during the dominion of unambitious kings. A long, but undefinable interval, from Menes to tne end of the 3rd Memphite dynasty, brings us to the 4th, and (to us) tlie most im- portant of all ; because recent discoveries have enabled us to verify history by extraordinary monumental confirniatioi.6. We are all well acquainted with the wonder of the world — the eternal pyramids, whose existence astounds ourc cdence — whose anti- quity has been a dream — whose epoch is a uystery. What monu- ments on earth have given rise to more fabies, speculations, errors, illusions and misconceptions ? The subject of the pyramids is so vast, as not to be condensible into this series of lectures; but those who feel curious to know the pos- itive height, length, breadth, areas, cubic contents, &c., &c. of each of these lofty monuments, are referred to the great work of Col. H. Vyse, who expended during the years 1837-38, many thousands of pounds, in excavations and other labors in these edifices. It is my intention to construct a table, which, at one view, shall give all re- quisite details ; and then it will afford me pleasure to devote a special lecture to the pyramids; but I am prevented, at present, from so doing, by the absence of the most important vol. of Col. Vyse’s work — the 3rd, which has not yet reached this country ; and although I am generally acquainted with the substance of its contents, hav- ing seen many of the calculations in manuscript, and witnessed the labors of Mr. Perring, on the spot, in 1839, it would be contrary to the principles I have laid down, (of not hazarding statistical asser- tions, without being able to produce competent authority,) were I now to enter into details. It will be conceded, that a person who, like myself, has resided for years in constant sight of these Mausolea ; who has spent at different intervals, many months in exploring them, and their vicinities — who has ascended the great pyramid a score of time:-, and entered fre. quently into all the chambers, passages, &c., of the others; has at least had an opportunity of gleaning some knowledge about them. Since therefore, with all these advantages, I postpone lecturing on the pyramids, till I possess the most important work ever published on the subject; my readers will appreciate the difficulty of the appre hended task, when even I, who know all that has been done, fear to mislead others by premature expositions. On every subject touched in these chapters or lectures, the latest and best information will be produced ; and I would rather encounter the charge of ignorance on the pyramids, than that of abusing the confidence with which my communications are so indulgently listened to.* But, if I abstain from statistical details on this head, there are some generalities, proceeding from recent discoveries of hieroglyphical names &c, in the pyramids, that are invaluable to history ; and these I will now consider. It is sufficient to sweep one’s eye along themap, suspended above me (a rough outline of which I present in this treatise) from Mem- phis to Meroe — a distance of 1500 miles — to perceive that there was a time (and that prolonged for unnumbered ages, during a remote period,) when pyramidal constructions were in vogue in the valley of the Nile; and that in Egypt, the Memphite pyramids were the sepulchres of kings, does not any longer admit of a doubt. At Memphis, on a line extending about 25 miles from the most northern to the most southern pyramid, we have scattered in clus- ters, near the villages Aboo-roo&sh, Gheezeh,Abobseer, Zaccdra, and Dashobr, about 25 pyramids, or pyramidal tombs of various con- struction, elevation and dimensions ; of which, some 18 may be termed large, and the rest small. They are all surrounded with count- less tombs, pits, excavations, passages, subterranean works and superficial structures — all exclusively dedicated to the dead — and, if millions of mummies have, in the last 1500 years, been removed and destroyed, there axe millions still unmolested in that burial ground, to attest tlie vast population of ancient Memphis. Along this line is the Necropolis of a city, that ceased to exist after flourishing for 3000 years. The pyramids of Ghebzeh are of all sizes, from the largest to the smallest. The largest, that of Shoopho, is Feet— l»eiuht. S$q. ft.— base. Cubic ft.— masonry. Tons— weight. 450-9 746 89,028,000 6,848,000 of good limestone ; cut into blocks, varying from 2 to 5 ft. square — from which estimate of limestone, however, must be deducted a large mass of granite blocks, used in lining the interior — while the amount of space occupied inside by chambers and passages, is only 56,000 cubic feet, or 7 ^ of the whole mass. The smallest of the 9 at Ghedzeh, is some 70 feet high, by a square base of about 102 feet. The remaining pyramids at the southward, those of Aboosefer, Zaccitra and Dashobr, may be roughly estimated — the smallest about 150, and the largest, about 350 feet high — two are of crude brick. There are pyramids at other places in Egypt. Two small ones at Lisht, about 20 miles beyond Dashobr ; and, about 20 miles further on, that of Meymoon — called “ the false pyramid” — two of crude brick, and the vestiges of two more of stone, on the site of Lake Mceris in the Fayobm — and one at El-Qenitn, above Esnd. The latter are all small. * Even since this lecture was delivered at Boston, letters from Egypt inform me that the Prussian scientific mission, under the enthusiastic Leipsius, hail, in December, mad* several valuable discoveries umong these stupendous ruins ; all confirmatory ot ties views herein set forth. As soon as the details arrive, my oral lectures will contain alt relative information. ANCIENT EGYPT. 55 In Ethiopia there are 80 pyramids at “ Meroe” — sandstone, 42 do. at“Noori,” “ 17 do. at Gebel-Birka', “ [square base.] Maximum. Minimum. 60 feet. 20 feet. 100 “ 20 “ 88 “ 23 “ 139 Pyramids above the Nile at lat. 18. The arch, both round and pointed, is coeval with the era of these last pyramids. For all that is hitherto known of the pyramids of Meroe, I refer .o that valuable work, “ Travels in Ethiopia, by Hoskins — London, 1835.” The facts of the author are indisputable ; but some of his deductions from those facts are often erroneous, especially those whereby he would prove the priority of Meroe. Without a special argument on the subject, it would be impossible to establish the fal- lacy of these deductions — but as the work of a gentleman, a hierolo- gist and a scholar, Mr. Hoskins’s book is full of merit. I shall touch on some of the deductions I draw from the same data, anon. It would be vain to detail all the nonsense, that, from time immemorial, has been written on the pyramids of Memphis, which, by some, have been considered antediluvian ; although two of the most ancient being built of sunburnt brick, could not have endured the waves of the Deluge for a single month. Others have ascribed their erection to giants or genii : they were said to inclose the impenetrable secrets of mystic demonomania, or to have been built for the mysteries of initiation. Again, they were supposed to have been erected for as- tronomical purposes. Then, it has been mathematically demonstrated, that they were built to “ square the circle they are said to have stood over reservoirs to purify the muddy waters of the inundation; to have served as the sepulchres of entire royal families, or for masses of population. In short, each speculation has exceeded its predecessor in absurdity, excepting when confined to the objects of ustronomy and sepulture. With respect to their having served astro- nomical purposes, (though no harm can proceed from such an hypo- thesis,) it is refuted, 1st. By their extraordinary variety and number ; and 2ud, in Ethiopia, by their fronts facing all points of the compass, from N.E. to S.E. 3rd. In Egypt, from the measurements made in 1839, by Mr. Perring, which demonstrate that the inclinations of the passages, as well as the relative position of each pyramid, vary so as to destroy all conformity to mathematical or astronomical purposes. These proofs against their astronomical utility, are independent of the voluminous evidences to be gleaned from history, and from a glance at the monuments themselves — their localities, and associations, which declare their sepulchral design. If, as Sir John Herschell observes, the inclined passage into the largest pyramid of Ghedzeh, (which could never, at the time of its building, have been pointed at the Polar star, that is, at a Ursae Minoris) was made at an angle to correspond to a Draconis ; this pyramid must have been built about the year B. C. 2123, which alone would suffice to upset Usher’s epoch of the Deluge, 2348 B. C. — because, 225 years would be too brief a period for the Caucasian children of Ham, to migrate from Asia into Egypt, there to acquire arts, sciences, and writing ; to erect first several pyramids, and then build the one which is now the largest. Their knowledge of astronomy must have been great in- deed, and the study of the heavens a primary object in life, to have caused them to conceive, and then to execute works (one of which consumed 6,848,000 tons of cut stone, brought 15 miles from the quarry,) the object of which would have been to point a passage 63 feet long, to such an insignificant little star as a draconis. And, why did they build some 25 pyramids ? or erect at least two after the construction of the largest? The greatest astronomer of the age, Sir John Herschell, after in- specting the tables, (accurately determined for the first time by Col. Vyse, and his cooperaiors in 1838) declares — Vyse, 2nd — 108: “No other astronomical relation can be drawn from the tables containing the angles and dimensions of the passages ; for although they all point within 5 degrees of the pole of the heavens, they differ too much and too irregularly to admit of any conclusions.” “ The exterior angles of the buildings are remarkably uniform ; but the angle 52° is not connected with any astronomical fact, and was probably adopted for architectural reasons.” The opinion of their astronomical utility may be set down as now exploded in Europe ; while, in Egypt, the idea causes a smile of surprise, that any one should have taken the trouble seriously to in- quire into the subject. I am very far from questioning the antiquity of astronomy, or doubting the knowledge of that science in Egypt : for Diodorus, i., 28, expressly says : “ It is indeed supposed, that the Chaldeans of Babylon, being an Egyptian colony, arrived at their celebrity in astrology, in consequence of what they derived from the priests of Egypt.” The Babylonish method of dividing the year was the same as the Egyptian, and can be traced positively back to B. C. 720 — but, although we know from Chron., ii., 31, 32, and Kings, ii., 20, 12, that, about the year 700 B. C., Babylonian astronomers visited Jerusalem ; yet, it is allowed by the best mathematicians, that the epoch of the Chaldean tables ascends to the year 2234, wnich is only 114 years after Usher s Deluge '. If the Chaldeans derived astronomy from Egypt, the fact would prove that this science was known at the time of Menes, if not befoic, ur.d confirm al! I have said of the antiquity of the sothic period. Astronomy was, without question, an auvanced science to the people, who could erect pyramids on the scale of those at Mem- phis ; but it does seem ridiculous and supererogatory, after the uses we know the Egyptians made of these edifices, to speculate upon the relations these kingly tombs may have had to the stars. They are all tombs, and nothing else. Kings were buried in them, and perhaps queens. In some (the pyramid of five steps, at Zacchra, for instance) other persons have also been buried besides the rnonarcli ; probably members of the royal family, or of the royal household. If much labor has been wasted in guessing at the objects of the pyramids, still more has been thrown away in crude fancies as to their epoch, or their builders. Poor Herodotus, and his copyist Dio- dorus, themselves misunderstanding the accounts received from the priests, have been the cause of the greatest misconception on the part of their successors. The Greeks, who were correct in the names, lost themselves completely in anachronisms, when they pretended to define the epoch. While, although the learned Calmet and other Hebraists and travellers, have traced their origin to Moses and Aaron, and have wept over the supposed aggravation of the labors of the Jews, employed as forced laborers in erecting some of these pyra- mids ; it is satisfactory to be able to deduce from the unerring hiero- glyphics, that every Memphite pyramid was erected at least four centuries before Abraham, and that the Hebrews had nothing to do with them, except to look at them from the opposite shore of the Nile. The erection of the pyramids at Memphis alone, w'ould take a longer time than the entire sojourn of the Jews in Egypt ; and even supposing it were proved that the Hebrews had assisted in the erection of some of those at Memphis, how did the Egyptians dispense with their services, or whom did they employ, in erecting those in the Fayoom ? or in Upper Egypt? or those one hundred and thirty-nine pyramids 1500 miles up the Nile, on the plains of Meroe, in Ethiopia ? The Jewish theory in connection with the pyramids is also ex ploded, and we now proceed to show that, as the whole of those of Memphis were built between Menes and the accession of the lGth dyn., in B. C. 2272, these monuments antedate the era of Moses by at least 800 to 1000 years. Our text-book, Manetho, informs us that Venephes, the third king from Menes (whom we may conjecture occupied the throne within a hundred years from that monarch,) erected the pyramids near Cn- chome, or Choe, or Cochoma. This shows, historically, the antiquity of pyramidal constructions. 1 would casually remark, that the Great Sphinx, whose mutilated features have given rise to so many discussions, although situated amid the pyramids of Ghedzeh, has nothing to do with the epoch of the pyramids ; for, as I shall show hereafter, that great work belongs to a much later period — to the 18th Theban dynasty, not earlier than B. C. 1800, or several centuries after the cessation of pyramidal con structions. In due course, we shall arrive at this subject. We pass over the 2nd and 3rd dynasties, and begin with the 4th Memphite dynasty of 8, or according to another reading, of 17 kings. MANETHO’S FOURTH DYNASTY of eight (or seventeen) Memphite kings of a different race. 1 — Soris reigned 29 years. 2 — Suphis reigned 63 years. He built the largest pyramid, which Herodotus says was constructed by Cheops. He was arrogant* toward the gods, and wrote the sacred book, which is regarded by the Egyptians as a work of great importance. 3 — Suphis reigned 66 years. 4 — Mcncheres “ 63 “ 5 — Rhatoeses “ 25 “ 6 — Bicheris “ 22 “ 7 — Sebercheres“ 7 “ 8 — Thampthis “ 9 “ Altogether, 284 years. The first king of this 4th dynasty is termed by Manetho, Sor s. In one of the innumerable ancient tombs that are in the Necropolis of Memphis (fragments of which are now in the British Museum,) the following name occurs ; the first of a succession of four kings, whose names, it will be seen in the sequel, correspond to the his- torical lists. This name reads, as it stands, Re-sh-o. By meta- thesis, we are allowed to transpose the disk of the sun from the top, where it was placed out oi respect to the deity, to the bottom, and then it reads Sh-o-re. The Greeks could not, by any combination of their alpha, bet, express the articulation sh; so they were obliged to write the name with an S, while the tcimination S is a Greek addition to euphonize those Eastern names they were pleased to term barbarian : so that Soris in Greek, was Shore in Egyptian, designating one and the same peison. * The obvious inconsistency in this passiee. proceeds Drobaldv from some error of transcription in Manetho s test. Heroaotus aiso speaas disparagingly of Cheops I advert to this point, to express my conviction, that in the construction of tins and ot all the other pyramids, there was neither cruelty to the laborers employed ; nor, beyond tit ■ n agnltude of the undertaking, is there any reason to deem the erection of these mu oleums to have been productive of inconvenience to the country, or contrary to the institution* of that ancient, though peculiar nation. 56 ANCIENT EGYPT. The meaning of Suo-Re is, “ Pharaoh dominator,” or the “ presiding 6un.” In the list of Eratosthenes, the 13th Theban king is Rauosis, translated by him arehicrator, or “chief of the mighty,” which cor- responds to the meaning of Shore ; now, if we read the name Shore, it corresponds in sound, in construction, and in signification, to Ma- netho’s Soris ; or, if we read it Reslio, it corresponds in sound, in construction, and in signification, to the Rauosis of Eratosthenes. In both historians, Shore or Reslio precedes the names of kings who immediately follow him in the hieroglyphical succession found in the tombs about the pyramids ; while, from the name having been found in it, there is every probability that he built the north pyramid of Abooseer. That which, however, is at this moment speculative, derives infinite corroboration from what follows ; as all the circum- stances that justify the antiquity of the one, attend on the position of the others. The second king, according to Manetho, of the 4th Memphite dynasty, was Suphis, who built the largest pyramid, which by Hero- dotus was said to have been constructed by Cheops. These are Manetho’s words. In the succession found, as said before, among the tombs at Memphis, the next king who follows is — Siioopho, whom the Greeks called Suphis the 1st. Eratosthenes gives as 1 5th Theban king, Saophis 1st. He translates Saophis by comatus, meaning “ many- haired.” Now, in Coptic, Shoo means many, and tho, hair. It was conjectured, fourteen years ago, that this cartouche must represent the name of the builder of the great pyramid ; having been found in so many places, and most numerously in the ancient tombs about the Memphite pyramids at Gheezeh, &c. We had the authority of Manetho, that his king, Suphis 1st, was the same as the Cheops of Herodotus, who built the great pyramid ; and, philologically, in meaning and in sound, we identified this car- touche with the Saophis of Eratosthenes; but it is curious to see the beautiful chain of connection that reconciles ail differences, and it will give a distinct idea of the analectical process by which hier- ologists demonstrate their theorems, to expound it. The sign in hieroglyphics, may be read in two ways — 1st, it is equiva§^\§$3 lent to the Coptic letter jtt — Slid — which is our SH ; 2nd. it is equivalent to the Coptic letter T Khei, — which, is our KH., hard and guttur al. The hiero- glyphical letter s therefore either Sh, or Kh. f”' The Greeks had not in their alphabet of 24 letters, the power of expressing the Sh of foreign languages, and were therefore obliged to transmute the sound as nearly, as to the car of the writer this urti- culation could be conveyed — that is, sometimes by — a S — Xi — as in — Xerxes, whose name in the arrowhead, or Cuneiform (ancient Persian) character, as well as in hieroglyphics, was“KHSHEERSH.” Or by a X — Sigma — as in Manetho’s Eoi^io Suphis. Or by a X — Chi — as in Herodotus’ Xioiroa, pronounced in Greek Hheeopos, but by us — Cheops. We are thus enabled etymologically to reduce, Suphis, Saophis, Cheops, to one and the same name, spelt differently, and thus recon- cile Manetho, Eratosthenes, and Herodotus. We now cut off the Greek termination of S, or is, with which they endeavored to soften down to a Grecian ear the rigidities of foreign names ; “ Like our harsh noi 'hern, whistling, grunting, guttural. Which we’re obliged to hiss and spit and sputter all.” The result of our reduction is to obtain in Greek, in Coptic, and in hieroglyphics, the name of Sooph, Shooph, or Khooph, as the name of the king who built the great pyramid — corroborated by Murtady, an Arab author— who says that in his day, tradition in Egypt still ascribed the erection of that pyramid to “ Soyoof.” Thus much was known up to 1837 — but the anti-Champollionists looked with disdain upon a science, which could not produce from the pyramid itself, confirmation of its unerring value ; and confidently declaring, that there were “no hieroglyphics in the pyramids,” (al- though all antiquity asserts the contrary,) they vauntingly challenged the hierologists to prove, that hieroglyphical writing was known at the date of the pyramids — these gentlemen, forsooth, having already decreed, that “ hieroglyphic writing was a subsequent invention,” and that letters were derived from the Hebrews, or from the Greeks, or, at least, from the Phoenicians. But some things were written before Moses wrote ; and some heroes lived before Agamemnon : Vixere fortes ante Agamemnon.— Horace. In the year 1837, the munificent Col. Howard Vyse set all doubts nt rest, by finding Shoopho (and his variation) in the quarrier’s marks, in the new chamber of the great pyramid, scored in red ochre in hieroglyphics on the rough stones ; and thus, by confirming history and the sculptures, he has immortalized his own labors, and silenced the cavillers. It will now be seen that my diffidence, when declining to enter copiouslv into so vast a subject as the pyramids, without possessing the 3rd vol. of Vyse’s work, is not uncalled for; suffice it at present to observe, that with the era of the great pyramid, (whenever that re- mote epoch was,) long before the year 2272, B.C. — long before Usher’s date of the Deluge 2348 B. C. — ages previous to Abraham — centu- ries prior to the Jews — and many generations anterior to the Hvk- shos ; every hieroglyphical legend, or genealogical table, as well as all Egyptian local circumstances will be found to correspond, and harmonize — and yet, in that day, Egypt was not a new country, or its inhabitants a nexo people A papyrus now in Europe, of the date of Shoopho, establishes the early use of written documents, and the antiquity of paper, made of the byblus. The tombs around the pyramids afford us abundance of sculptural $ and pictorial illustrafmn of manners and customs, and attest the height to which civilization had attained in his day. While, in one of them, a hieroglyphical legend* tells us, that this is “ the sepulchre of Eimei — great priest of the habitations of King Shoopho.” This is probably that of the architect, according to whose plans and direc- tions, the mighty edifice — near the foot of which he once reposed — the largest, best constructed, most ancient, and most durable of Mausolea in the world, was built ; and which, from 4000 to 5000 years after his decease, still stands an imperishable record of his skill. Shoopho’s name is also found in the Thebaid, as the date of a tomb at Chenoboscion. In the peninsula of Mount Sinai, his name and tablets show, that the copper mines of that Arabian district were worked for him. Above his name the titles “ pure King and sacred Priest” are in strict accordance with Asiatic institutions, wherein the chief generally combines in his own person the attributes of temporal and spiritual dominion. His royal golden signet has been discovered since I left Egypt, and is now in the collection of my friend Doct. Abbott, of Cairo. The sculptures of the Memphito Necropolis inform us, that Memphis once held a palace called “the abode of Shoopho.” If these facts be not sufficient — if it be still maintained, that Shoo, pho, who employed 100,000 men for 20 years, in erecting a monu- ment, for which 10 preceding years were requisite merely to prepare the materials, and the causeway whereon the stone was to be carried — a pyramid of limestone blocks, quarried on the eastern side of the Nile, while the edifice was raised some 20 mile3 off, on the western side of the river — the former base of which was once 7G4 feet each face — the original height 480 feet — containing 89,028,000 cubic feet of solid masonry, and 6,848,000 tons of stone — if Shoopho performed all these works, is it in common sense, I ask, to doubt his power, or that he ruled all over Egypt ? But if, rejecting all these evidences, and the testimony of Eratos- thenes that he was likewise a Theban king — the impracticability of his being contemporary with any other Egyptian king be not suffi- ciently proven ; and that Shoopho was merely a petty king of Mem- phis be still asserted, let me propound the following query : How is it, that the great pyramid is lined with the most beautiful and massive blocks of syenite — of red granite, not one particle of which exists 25 miles below the 1st Cataract of the Nile at Aswin, distant 640 miles up the river from the pyramid ? that blocks of this syenite are found in this pyramid’s chambers and passages of such dimensions and built into such portions of the masonry, that they must evidently have been placed there, before the upper limestone masonry was laid above the granite ? and, that the name of Shoopho, in hieroglyphics, is found in that central interior, written on the super- jacent limestone blocks ; where the latter layers must, in the order of building, have been placed after the granite had been covered up below ? There not being in its native state a speck of granite to be found in Egypt, 25 miles below the 1st Cataract, its existence in the pyramid distant 640 miles from the quarries, is a final proof, that Shoopho ruled from Memphis to Aswhn — from “ Migdol to the tower of Syene.” For my own part, I see no plausible doubts why his dominion may not have been, like that of his successors, much more extensive than over Egypt proper — especially toward Lybia and Nigritia. The 3rd King of the 4th Dynasty is — Suphis 2rd — 3d King of the 4th Memphite Dynasty — Manetho. Saophis 2nd, or Sensaophis+-16th King of Thebes — Eratosthenes ; corresponding to the Chephren, brother of Cheops, who, according to Herodotus and Diodorus, built a pyramid ; which, we may infer, was the second pyramid of Gheezeh, seeing that we know histori- cally and monumentally the builders of the first and third. We also know he washing both of Thebes and Memphis. Of this king Che- phren, nothing has yet been gleaned from the pyramid attributed to him — but, philological analogies can reduce all these names into one. I will not detain the reader with some doubts arising from hierogly- phical variations in one or two cartouches of these times ; although they are curious, and I can explain them, at least to my own satis- faction ; but pass on to say, that in the absence of positive pyramidal data, I feel inclined to adopt the following oval, as probably contain- ing the name of Chephren : * See L’Hotes letters— Paris, 1833. 1 t Seu-suuums is an error m Hour's Synrelius. ANCIENT EGYPT. Re Reshaph — Reshef — Reshoof or Rekhooph, or sh Shafre — Shephre — Shoophre or Khephre, ph now Shephre — corresponds to Chephre-n, Khephre “ “ K-tpri-v. Besides being found in the Necropolis of Memphis and in a genea- logical series, that places him as a Memphite king of the same epoch ns = Shoopho, this oval is always accompanied by titles, that contain, among other signs, that of a pyramid. But no doubt hangs around the name of the following monarch, and nothing can any longer render his identity with the builder of the 3rd pyramid, a subject of controversy : Manetho 4th King of “ Memphite Dynasty” — Mencheres, Eratosthenes — 17th King of Thebes — “ Heliodotus” — Moscheres, Diodorus — as commencer of a “third pyramid” — Mykerincs, Herodotus — a£ erector of a “ smaller pyramid” — Mykerinus. The fragment of the royal Mummy-Case (now in the British mu- seum) which the Arabs, on forcing a passage into the 3rd pyramid, (at the time of the Caliphate, COO Hegira, or about 650 years ago, according to Edrisi,) had thrown aside on a heap of rubbish, after destroying the mummy : presented to the researches of Col. Vyse, in 1837, The following oval as the glorious reward of his labors : MENKARE ; Re j men And thus again is history authenticated by i the monuments even in the meaning of Era- men | Ka tosthenes, who translates Mencheres by Helio- i dotus — for the oval of Menkare will bear the Ka j Re acceptation of “ offerings beloved by or dedi- cated to the sun.” The same arguments, even to the granite, will apply to Menkare that have £^biHd7ed Shoopho’s dominion all over Egypt. This oval is well known at the copper mines of Wadde-Magkra, and has been found in other places in the vicinity of Memphis. Out of eight kings, of the fourth Memphite Dynasty, whose names have been preserved by Manctho, and corroborated by other histo- rians, (three Pharaohs, who were connected with the building of the three’ largest pyramids of Gheezeh, being among them) the hiero. glyphics enable us to indicate, four with precision, and two with in- controvertible evidence, viz : Shore — S oris. Shoopho— Cheops, or Suphis 1st, found in the pyramid. Shephre — C hephren. ( j Q> Menkare — M encheres. Who twenty-five years ago, could have expected such wonderful confirmations of the unerring application of Champollion s discove- ries ? Who will now assert, that hieroglyphic writing was not known in the time of the pyramids ? Here for the present may rest our verification of ancient history, and our application of hieroglyphical tests in connection with the pyramids. There are many ovals of kings, (whom we term “ un- placed,” because we do not know where exactly to insert them in our chronological list) who belong to the time of Shoopho, as his predecessors or successors — some found at the Necropolis of Mem- phis— others elsewhere ; and, although we cannot identify them with historical names, or say which pyramid is the tomb of any of them, yet there seems every probability, arguing from that which has been done already, what may be eventually accomplished, that much new light will be thrown on them to add more confirmatory facts to the view herein taken. Those who have made a study of hieroglyphics, are perfectly certain that future discoveries can but confirm the past, and extend the present boundaries of our knowledge. In chronological order, and in number of kings, these “ unplaced Pharaohs,” go wonderfully to confirm Manetho. Besides finding the names of the builders of the pyramids of Gheezeh, it must be considered that there are, between large and small, some twenty-five pyramids and pyramidal tombs in the cemetery of Memphis. Sup- pose each of them to have contained the sepulchre of one monarch, (and all proofs confirm this view) the number of kings’ tombs, when we make allowance for some nionarchs who may not have thought it incumbent on themselves to erect such a mausoleum, strangely corroborates the number of sovereigns comprised in the early Mem- phite dynasties of Manetho ; for he gives about thirty-two kings, and here we find some twenty-five pyramidal resting places for them. It is recorded, that it took 30 years to build the largest — the tomb of Shoopho ; which is not at all an exaggerated view of the necessary time. There are about 10 others, none of which could well have been built in less than 20 years. The remainder may have occnpied from 3 to 10 years each. Then - 1 X 30 - - - 30 » . . 10 X 20 - - 200 ” . . 13 X say average 5 years, 65 295, or about 300 years, supposing they were built consecutively (and such must have been the method, since they are the sepulchres or consecutive kings,) for the actual time required merely for their erection. Now, suppos- ing that of Manetho’s 32 Memphite monarehs, only 20 erected pyramids, and allow the average of 22J yeafs as the mean length of reigns, or kingly generations, we obtain at once 450 years ; when, if we consider, that a few years may have intervened before each individual king decided on building a pyramid ; and that, in some cases, the tomb may have been finished before the monarch’s demise — for, in Egypt, people built their sepulchres during their own life, time — we shall find that between Menes and the 16th dynasty, 443 years are not too much time to allow for edifices, the mere building of which must have occupied some 300 years. Now, all these works had been completed, and pyramidal con- structions had ceased to be fashionable, in Egypt, long prior to the accession of the 16th dynasty, or B. C. 2272 ; and yet they were all built after Menes. When, therefore, we allow only 443 years’ in- terval for all the events between Menes and the 16th dynasty, it will be conceded that we are within the mark, possibly by several cen- turies ; but, in the absence of positive data, I prefer not to disturb the view of chronology herein taken — which places Menes about equidistant between the Flood on the Septuagint version, and the accession of the 16th dynasty. Yet, I will confess my inability to adopt this arrangement as a permanent one ; for if any adequate authority were to add 1000 years to the Septuagint, there are ma- terials to fill the space. As for reduction of my system to a narrower limit, it cannot be done, without abandoning facts, reason, logical deduction, and truth itself. To bring the case home : how many years has it taken to construct the “ Monument at Bunker Hill,” Boston; the “ Merchants’ Exchange,” or the “ Custom-House,” at New York? It may be objected, that unforeseen impediments re- tarded the progress of the work, in one or all of these instances. It may well be supposed, therefore, that similar delays took place in the construction of the 25 Memphite pyramids, which will equalize the comparison. In point of perfection of masonry, these American edifices are not superior to the work in the pyramids — while, in point of cubic feet of stone, if the materials of all these were put together, they would not construct the least of the largest ten pyramids in the Necropolis of Memphis ! We can thus form an estimate of the time it must have taken to erect them ; and may be prepared for the assertion that a period of 300 years is within the mark for the pyramidal works existing, at the present day, to attest the antiquity of Memphis ; the territorial dominion, and consequent power — and uncontemporaneousness — of her early Pharaohs ; and the wealth, the population and the wonderful progress, at that remote era, already made in all arts and sciences by the Egypto-Caucasians ; aa well as the imperious necessity for a more extended chronology than the Hebrew version. It may be remarked, that some pyramids at Memphis — those of Aboorooksh, Aboosebr, Zacckra, and Dashobr — appear to be much older than even the Great Pyramid of Shoopho. This circumstance corroborates Manetho, wherein he says, that Venephes, 4th king of 1st dynasty, “ raised pyramids at Cochome whereby we learn from history that pyramidal constructions were in use many generations before Suphis-Cheops, or Shoopho. Nor does it seem probable, that Shoopho would have erected such an enormous pile as the largest, if he had not wished to outdo all his predecessors. We know, that two pyramids — the second and third — were con. structed after that of Shoopho ; and if they did not equal his in gigantic dimensions, both of them hud peculiar merits of their own, to equalize the apparent difference, in the grandeur of the concep- tion, and the relative ,aoor oi execution — one having been coated with stucco, the other cased with gramte brought from Syene. Memphis is, therefore, historically and monumentally, the oldest city, and it lies in Lower Egypt. I will hereafter explain, why Thebes is historically coeval with, perhaps anterior to Memphis, though, monumentally speaking, it is inferior in antiquity. It would be tedious to proffer a special argument, whereby we can prove that, Tanis — the “ Tzolian" of Scripture, Pelusium, Tahapenes, Bubastis — “ Pibeseth” of Scripture, Heliopolis — “Beth-Shemmitn'’ and “On,” Buto, Taposiris, Sais, &c. &c., ably long prior to the foundation of a Memphis. All cities of Lower Egypt, are historically as ancient as Memphis; and that the Delta was studded with towns at the earliest epoch, prob- metropolis like that of I do not know whether the observation has ever been made by others, but it has often struck me, in my reflections on Egyptian history, as a singular fact; that, although Eratosthenes makes all his early kings Thebans, other authors, especially Manetho, invariably keep us in the lower country, and about Memphis, in the classifica- tion of ear'y monarehs. The superior antiquity of the names of placed and unplaced kings found in the lower country, and the un- controvertab'e prioritj of the monuments existing at Memphis, bear witness to the truth of the record.* Moreover, the oniy royal names we can perfectly identify in the respective catalogues of Manetho and Eratosthenes, after Menes — are Soris or R auosis, Suphis or * It is a striking fact, that the more ancient monuments of Egypt, instead of being found high up the river, uctually lie JVbrf/t— the primitive edifices being the pyramids of Jjuwer Egypt— the n ost ancient tombs and excavations being at Memphis at Wadee- Magara, and, generally speaking, a bout the Hep-ttnomide. I owe this remark to Samuel Birch, Esq., of the British Museum. 58 ANCIENT EGYPT. Saop/iis, 1st and 2nd, together with Meneheres or Moschercs, (all names of Pharaohs, which I have produced in hieroglyphics,) and these are every one of them placed by Manetho in his 4th Memphite dynasty, and by Eratosthenes in his Theban list, not later than the 17th monarch from Menes. Now, if the kings recognized in the copy of the archives of the Diospolitan priests as Theban sovereigns, are the same persons as those we find attributed by Manetho to Memphite families ; may we not draw a reasonable inference, that these, at least, ruled, like Me- nes. all over Egypt ? holding, as each of them evidently did, supreme power in loth of the great cities of the Nilotic valley. Cities, sepa- rated by a distance of 480 miles ; and when to embrace Egypt, throughout its entire length, and narrow breadth, under one undivided sway, it was necessary only to subjugate the 120 miles between Memphis and the sea, and the 138 miles between Thebes and the 1st Cataract of Syene. If they held, as monumentally and historic- ally we prove they did, Thebes and Memphis, what could prevent their holding the remainder 7 Indeed, setting aside indisputable monumental facts and limiting our regard to history alone, sacred history will permit us to infer, and profane history will allow us to assert, that the sceptre of Menes was held by each of his successors, alone and indivisible, down to the invasion of the Hykshos, several centuries after the days of the pyramids, to which we are confining our present inquiries : while, from Manetho, from the old Chronicle, and from Herodotus, we learn that the families, or monarehs, who successively held that sceptre, either were from Lower Egypt, or were, in some mode or other, therewith connected by buildings, or great works, though their sway stretched from the Mediterranean at least as far as the 1st Cataract. On reference to the subjoined table of Manetho’s dynasties, it will be seen that the first Dyn. was Thinite, or of This, near Abydos, whence sprung Menes, or Menei, and he built Memphis, the oldest city and the first metropolis of Egypt. The 2nd was Tanite. The 3rd, 4th, 6th, 7th and 8th, are all Memphite. I do not omit the introduction of the family from Elephantine, or the absurdity of lim- iting their suppositious sway to that ridiculous little rock, not so large or fertile as Governor’s Island, in the harbor of New York. If they were kings at all, they ruled over all Egypt ; and were termed Elcphantinite, merely, perhaps, because the first of this family hap- pened to be born there ; or from some other equally insignificant reason. The 9th and 10th are Heliopolite ; while it cannot escape attention, that of the few early events noted by Manetho, and (with exceptions, proceeding mainly from their erroneous classification of monarehs) by Herodotus, and Diodorus, the greater number of events make Lower and Middle Egypt the scene of their occurrence ! The importance of confining history to its legitimate place — to Lower Egypt, is evident: 1st. Because it was in Lower Egypt that the Caucasian children of Ham must have first settled, on their arrival from Asia. 2nd. Because the advocates of the theory, which would assert the African origin of the Egyptians, say they rely chiefly on history for their African, or Ethiopian predilections. 3rd. Because the same theorists* assume, that we must begin *1 have already stated, that Sir. J. Gardner Wilkinson's critical observations, during his long residence in Egypt ; and his comparisons between the present Egyptians and the ancient race, ns depicted on the monuments, have led him to assert the Asiatic ori- gin of the early inhabitants of the Nilotic valley. Tire learned hierologist, Samuel Birch, Esq., of the British museum, informed me in London that he hud arrived attire •ante conclusions; while to his suggestion am I indebted for the first idea, “that the most ancient Egyptian monuments lie JVorlA." The great naturalists, Blurnenbach and Cuvier, declared that all the mummies they bad opportunities of examining, pre- sented the Caucasian type. Monsieur Jomard, theemineut hydrographer and profound Orientalist, in a paper on Egyptian ethnology, appended to the 3rd volume of “ Men- gins Histoirede 1'Egypte,” Paris, 1839, sustains the Jlrabian (and consequently Asiatic and Caucasian) origin of the early Egyptians ; and his opinions are the more valuable, as he draws his conclusions independently of hieroglyphical discoveries. On the other hand, Protessor Rosellini, throughout his “ Monumenti" accepts and continues the doctrine, of the descent of civilization from Ethiopia, and the African origin of the Egyptians. Champollion Figeac, in his “ Egypte Aucienne,” Paris, 1810, p. 28, 34, 417, supports the same theory, which his illustrious brother set forth in the sketch of Egyp- tian history presented by him to Mohammed Ali, in 1829, (published in his letters from Egypt and Nubia,) wherein, he derives the ancient Egyptians, according to the Grecian authorities, from Ethiopia ; and considers them to belong to “ la Race Barabra the Berbers or Nubians. Deeming the original Barabra to have been an African race, ingrafted at the present day with Caucasian as well as Negro blood, I reject rAcir simili- tude to the monumental Egyptians in toto; and am fain to believe, that Champollion le Jeuue himself hnd either modified his previous hastily-formed opinion, or. at any rule, had not taken a decided stand on this important point, from the following extract of Ills eloquent nddress from the academic chair, delivered 10th May, 1831. " Grammaire Egyptiennc, p. xix.— C’est par Panalyse raisonnee de la langue des Plmraons, que Pethnogruphie decidera si la vieille population egyptienue fut d’origine Asiatique, on liien siellc descendit, avec le fleuve divinise, des plateaux de l'Afrique centrule. On ddcidera en meme temps si les Egyptiens n’appartenaient point k une nice d'stincte; car, il faut le declarer ici, (in which I entirely agree with him) centre I’opiuion commune, les Coetks de 1’Egypte inoderne. regardes comme les derniers rejetons des anciens Egyptienes, n’ont offert k mes yeux ni la couleur ni uucun des traits caracteristiques, duns les lineaments du visage ou dans les formes du corps, qui putcon- etater une aussi noble descendance." It may be added, that the linguistic desideratum looked for by Champollion, has, since his demise, been fully supplied by the profound paleographer. Dr. Leipsius, of Berlin, who has established the Asiatic affinities of the Coptic tonge, while the prospective journey of the Prussian Scientific Mission to Meroe, in the ensuing winter, will probably aet all Ethiopia questions at rest. The “Crania vEgyptiaca,” erected on a foundation hitherto unanticipated by any ethnological inquirer, and combining every view of the subject, will create a new era in the history of man, as honornble to its author, as importaut to the savan, and eminently advantageous to the scientific reputation of his aountry. with Africans nt the top of the Nile, and come downward with civilization, instead of commencing with Asiatics and white men nt the bottom, and carrying it up. I have not as yet touched on ethnography ; the effects of climate , and the antiquity of the different races of the human family ; but I shall come to those subjects, after establishing a chronological stand- ard, by defining the history of Egypt according to the hieroglyphics. At present, I intend merely to sketch the events connected with the Caucasian children of Ham, the Asiatic, on the first establishment of their Egyptian monarchy, and the foundation of their first and greatest metropolis in Lower Egypt. The African theories are based upon no critical examination of early history ; are founded on no Scriptural authority for early migra- tions ; are supported by no monumental evidence, or hieroglyphical data ; and cannot be borne out, or admitted, by practical common sense. For civilization, that never came northward out of benighted Africa, (but from the Deluge to the present moment has been carried but partially into it ; to sink into utter oblivion among the barbarous races whom Providence created to inhabit the Ethiopian and Nigri- tian territories of that vast continent) could not spring from Negroes, or from Berbers, and never did. ' So far then, as the record, scriptural, historical and monumental, will afford us an insight into the early progress of the human race in Egypt, (the most ancient of all civilized countries) we may safely assert, that history when analyzed by common sense ; when scruti. nized by the application of the experience bequeathed to us by our forefathers ; when subjected to a strictly impartial examination into, and comparison of the physical and mental capabilities of nations ; when distilled in the alembic of chronology ; and submitted to the touchstone of hieroglyphical tests, will not support that superan. nuated, but untenable doctrine, that civilization originated in Ethi- opia, and consequently among an African people, and was by them brought down the Nile to enlighten the less-polished, and therefore inferior, Caucasian children of Noah — the white Asiatics ; or that we, who trace back to Egypt the origin of every art and science known in antiquity, have to thank the sable Negro, or the dusky Berber, for the first gleams of knowledge and invention. We may therefore conclude with the observation, that if civiliza. tion, instead of going from North to South, came — contrary, as shown before, to the annals of the earliest historians, and all monu- mental facts — down the “ Sacred Nile” to illumine our darkness ; and if the Ethiopic origin of arts and sciences, with social, moral, and religious institutions, were in other respects possible ; these Afri- can theoretic conclusions would form a most astounding exception to the ordinations of Providence, and the organic laws of nature, otherwise so undeviating throughout all the generations of man’s history since the Flood. Having indicated the lowest boundary of our chronological limit for the pyramids of Memphis ; and shown that they could not well have been built at a later date than Usher’s era of the Deluge, B. C., 2348; I proceed to a few generalities on those 139 pyramids found at Gebel-Birkel, Noori, and Merawe, in Ethiopia. The largest of all these has a base of only 100 feet square, and the smallest not more than 20 ; so that in dimensions, they are inferior to the smallest of the Memphite pyramids. According to the opinion of Mr. Hoskins, they are all more ancient than those of Memphis ; but the reasons he adduces, are not by any means conclusive. I have examined the subject with a good deal of attention, and am of opinion that they may be coeval with those of Memphis, but probably in many instan. ces, are posterior. Many of these pyramids contain hieroglyphical tablets, and sculp- tures that are indisputably Egyptian in form, style, coloring, and sub. jects, whence we may derive two conclusions. One, that hierogly. phical writing was known and practised, at whatever period these pyramids were erected ; the other, that they were built by the same Caucasian race of men who erected those mightier edifices at Mem. phis. We are also assured, that in purpose they were identical with the sepulchral uses of those of Egypt, and contained, like these last, the tombs of monarehs or royal families. With regard to the epoch of the construction of the Ethiopian pyramids, we have as yet no data beyond the evidences of remote, though indefinable antiquity ; but that they were built by the same race of men,* who founded those at Memphis, is established beyond dispute, by Mr. Hoskins. This accurate draughtsman and faithful narrator has, with strict impartiality, furnished facts whence he would deduce — 1st. The priority of the Merod pyramids over those of Memphis — and secondly, that being built by the same people in both cases, he would establish the origin of civilization in Ethiopia, and its descent (down the Nile) into Egypt, where the descendants of these builders of Ethiopian pyramids erected all the monuments of every age, now existing below the first Cataract. With precisely the same facts, and grounding all my arguments on * pr. Morton, in ms cramoiogicai ooservatione, nas oeciarea *- tnat tne Austrm- Egyptian, or Meroite communities, were in great measure derived from the Indo-Arabian stock • thus pointing to a triple-Caucasian source for the origin of the Egyptians, when regarded as one people extending from Meroe to the Delta.” The arguments for this opinion, which is by me implicitly adopted, will be found in the “ Cronia iEgyptiaca,” and I need only at present mention, that this Indo-Arabian intermixture with the chil dren of Ham, can be readily accounted for. ANCIENT EGYPT. 59 the plates and descriptions of Mr. Hoskins, I arrive at results dia- metrically opposite. It is indeed sufficient to glance one’s eye at the plates of the sculp, tures from the Ethiopian pyramids, to see that there is nothing Afri- can in the character of the human faces ; and that, be they who they may, these people were not, and did not desire to be considered Afri- cans, whether of the Berber or the Negro branches. Whence, already we begin to infer, that the builders of these Ethiopian pyramids were not aborigines of that country, but of a race foreign to Africa, and generally speaking, at that remote period unmixed with African blood. Unless born in Ethiopia, they must have come originally from some other region. Who can they be ? Now it is but reasonable to claim, that if in arts, sciences, customs, religion, color and physiological conformation, these people of Meroe are the same people as the Egyptians, and we prove the Egyptians to have been Asiatic in origin — Caucasian in race, and white men in color : the people of Meroe must have been Asiatics, Caucasians and white men also. This was precisely the case, and for the Egyptian side of the question, I need not recapitulate the account of Mizraim’s migration into the valley of the Nile, but refer to Morton’s “Crania ACgyptiaca” for incontrovertible evidence. The question, in regard to the priority of erection between the pyra- mids of Meroe, and those of Memphis, merges into the still more interesting fact of their having been built by the same race of men, who were not Africans, but Caucasians. This will a / once explain the cause of the superiority of the inhab- itants of Meroe, over all African aborigines, and the reason why the Egyptians looked upon them as brethren and friends — never stigma- tizing them by the contemptuous title of “Gentiles,” or “impure foreigners,” as they designated Asiatic and European nations ; and never applying to the people of Meroe, the reproach of belonging to the “perverse race of Kush,” (not Cush, the son of Ham) by which name the Egyptians exclusively designated the Negro and the Berber races in hieroglyphics. Wc shall come to these facts in due course. This view can be sustained by the whole chain of monumental and other history. It will account for all the conflicting traditionary legends, that would make Meroe the parent of Egyptian civilization, or Ethiopia the cradle of the Egyptian people — will explain the inti- macy and alliance subsisting at every period between Egypt and Me. roe ; the parity in religion ; identity in usages and institutions ; similarity in language, writing, buildings, &c. I would therefore offer, as an improved hypothesis, that the chil- dren of Ham, on leaving Asia and settling in the valley of the Nile, colonized first Lower Egypt, and then all the alluvial soil from the Delta, to the confines of Nigritia, wherein they did not penetrate for permanent establishment, for the identical reason, that white men cannot do so at the present time — the climate ; which, in Central Africa, is mortiferous to the Caucasian. It does not change his skin, hair, facial angle, or his osteology; it kills him outright, if he crosses a cer- tain latitude. Of course, here and there, an exception may be instanced where white men have crossed the (to their race) deadly miasmata of Central Africa ; but these exceptions are so rare, that they fortify the rule. Witness the late Niger expedition ; witness the grave-yard that Africa has been to the most enterprising travellers ; witness the fruitless attempts of Mohammed Ali to send expeditions, but a few hundred miles beyond Khitrtoom. The Caucasian children of Ham proceeded up the Nile in a nat- ural course of migration and settlement, from Lower Egypt as far as Meroe — and probably there (although it would seem likely in later times) met Indo-Arabian Caucasians, with whom they mixed, and formed one people. All we can say of this epoch is, that these circumstances must have occurred before Menes ; before the pyramids of Memphis rose in Egypt ; before the pyramids of Meroe could have been built in Ethiopia. That civilization advanced northward from the Thebaid (which appears to have been the parental seat of the theocratic government) before Menei, is not improbable. That the Caucasians who settled at Meroe may have somewhat preceded in civilization their brethren in Egypt, is possible ; though, from monumental and other reasons, I deom it unlikely. But it does seem unnecessary, that the children of Ham, (the Caucasian,) the highest caste of that triple Caucasian stock, should have come from Asia into Egypt, and have directly ascended the Nile, leaving the most eligible provinces and heavenly climate behind them, and have proceeded 1600 miles to an almost barren spot, to Meroe, between the tropics, for the objects of study and improvement, and then have returned into Egypt to colonize that country, or in other words to civilize their own relations. How much more reasonable is it to attribute the rise of civilization to the people, occupying the best land under the pure skies of Egypt, or to suppose that its development was simultaneous among the same people, along the whole alluvial line from Lower Egypt to Meroe ? There are no positive data by which the antiquity of the pyramids of Meroe is shown to be more remote than that of Memphis ; and I am inclined to regard both as dating about the same period, when pyramidal constructions were preferred to all others, for the last habitation of the royal dignitaries of Egypt and Meroe. It may be conjectured, that if in Ethiopia these are tombs of individual kings, they continued there to erect pyramids long after this species of sepulchre was abandoned in Egypt ; because this would in some degree explain their number. They were all built, and were ancient, in the days of Tirhaka, B. C. 700. 139 pyramids, at 22$ years for a kingly generation, would be 3027$ years; which is incompatible with all scriptural chronology. I am, therefore, inclined to consider the pyramids of Meroe to be tombs of kings, queens and princes. We have no sure basis for calculating their antiquity, excepting tha* they belong to a period more ancient than 700 B. C. ; but we know, that whenever they were erected, it was by the same race whiclt built those of Memphis, the children of Ham — the Caucasian settlers in the Nilotic valley, and not by African aborigines of any race, or of any period. The most critical examination establishes for the pyramids of Egypt, and for Shoopho, builder of the largest, an anti- quity that cannot certainly be later than B.C. 2348 — though probably dating some centuries earlier; but that they were erected by Cauca. sians is indisputable. That the pyramids of Meroe belong to the same epoch is probable, and that they were likewise built by Cauca- sians is positive. If the pyramids of Meroe are older than those of Memphis, their epoch must necessarily surpass the Septuagint era of the Flood, if not that of the Creation. If, from a rigid examination of their present appearance, the priority of those at Meroe is proved, (as Mr. Hoskins considers,) and this aged appearance cannot be explained by the effects of tropical rains and solar heat, acting with the hand of the spoiler on a friable mate, rial like a soft sandstone ; when we reflect how little, in an Egyptian climate, time affects the appearance of monuments ; and then, (though erroneously,) recognize in Ethiopia a better climate than that of Egypt — if, I say, we consider that notwithstanding so long a period, (above 4000 years,) as we know the Memphite pyramids to have stood — time has had such a trifling effect on their massive structures ; and we are to allow a still slighter effect to be produced by time on those edifices at Meroe — why, we must carry the pyramids of Meroe beyond all chronological, and measure their antiquity by geological periods ; 1st, as regards the epoch of the building of these Meroe pyramids ; which is one fact ; and 2nd, as concerns the national traits of the builders, who were not Africans, but Asiatics, the utter destruction of all biblical chronology by this process would be another. Now, “ things which are equal to the same are equal to one another.” If they are anterior to Shoopho’s pyramid in Egypt, then Meroe must have been occupied in the earliest ages — many centuries before B. C. 2348 — by Caucasians, who must have migrated up the valley of the Nile, and have been settled many ages at Meroe before they erected one pyramid. If posterior to Shoopho’s pyramid, Meroe was a colony of Egypto-Caucasians, at any intervening period prior to the 16th dynasty, B.C. 2272 — for we know from positive con. quests of Egyptian Pharaohs in Nigritia and Ethiopia, that Meroe was an Egyptian province from about that time, down to a few years prior to B. C. 700 — say for a thousand years. But, if each of these pyramids of Ethiopia, like those of Memphis, be the sepulchre of a king, and if all of these Meroe edifices, (ac- cording to Mr. Hoskins) were erected before Shoophos’ time, as there are 139 pyramids in Ethiopia, we should have 139 generations of Caucasian kings at Meroe before the pyramids of Memphis were thought of. Lastly, if the advocates qf the African origin of the Egyptians cling to the superior antiquity of the pyramids at Meroe, as a proof of the origin of civilization in Ethiopia, and its consequent descent into Egypt, they are easily placed in a series of dilemmas. If they deny all Caucasian introduction at Meroe, in the hope of vindicating the ancient mental and physical capabilities of Negro or Berber races ; as I have proved the immense and almost biblically-irrecon- cilable antiquity of the Memphite pyramids, the advocates of the African origin of civilization must reject Scripture altogether, both for chronology and primitive migrations. If, on the other hand, they al ow, that, according to the Bible, Ham was the parent of the Egyp- tians, as we prove these Egyptians to have been pure-blooded white men, they must allow that civilization, proceeding from the Cauca- sians, took its rise in Egypt; and that Ethiopian civilization is a con. sequence; while, in no case, can they make it appear that the African races above Egypt were one iota more civilized in ancient times titan at the present day, for the civilization of Meroe originated with the Caucasians, and expired on the extinction, or on the deteriorating amalgamation, of their high-caste race. Such are the results of my reflections on the subject of the pyra. mids. They are not rashly advanced ; nor devoid of infinite corro- boration. They might be greatly extended, and a variety of inte- resting comparisons might be instituted between the pyramids of Ethiopia and Egypt, and those found on the Euphrates by Colonei Chesney, that one supposed to be the ruins of the tower of Babel, and those in Central America. My province, however, is solely Egyptian history ; and I will con- fidently assert, tnat any one who will read and study the works of the hieroglyphical school — the volumes of the Champollions, of Ro. sellini, and of Wilkinson — who will weigh the demonstrations in Morton’s “Crania ASgyptiaca,” and who, to remove the last atom* of scepticism, will pay a visit to Egypt’s time-honored monuments, and verify for himself the truth of the descriptions given by the hiero- S ANCIENT EGYPT. bO logists — any one. 1 repeat, who will do all this, (which I have done) and then deny these evidences, would, I really believe, dispute the truth of Euclid’s axiom, and maintain that “ a straight line is not the shortest distance from one given point to another.” I 4> £ C - n S ill " =3 o EcJ £ Older of the Kings in their respective Dynasties. Names of the Kings ac- cording to the original Monuments. Names of the Kings ac' cording to Ancient Writers. Years reigned by each King. Years before Christ. 1 2 3 4 5 B. C. 1 I. \ 2272 2 II. >140 3 III. Aian. ....... ) 2132 4 IV. OSORTASEN I. Amesses, Amosis. 44 2186 5 V. A. MENEM HE I. Timaus, Concharis. 6 2082 The entire Dynasty reigned — years 190 XVII. DYNASTY OF SIX SHEPHERD KINGS, Or Hylcs/ios in Lower Egypt. 1 2 3 4 5 B. C. I. Salatis. 19 II. B. Anon ? 44 III. Apachnas. 36M7 IV. Apophis. 61 V. Ianias. 50 I VI. Aseth. 49 2 The entire Dynasty reigned — years 259 ” 10 LEGITIMATE XVII. DYNASTY OF SIX THEBAN KINGS, Who ruled over the Upper Provinces ofEgypt, contemporarily with the Hi'/cshvs, who possessed the Lower. 1 2 3 4 5 B. C. 6 I. Amenemhe II.* 28 2082 7 II. OSORTASEN II. 8 III. OSORTASEN III. 14 9 IV. Amenemhe III. 44 10 V. “ Sol vocatus in justi- tia.” 11 VI. Aahmes, Thotlimosis. Misphragmuthosis. 22 1822 The entire Dynasty reigned — years 260 THE XVIIIth DYNASTY OF 17 THEBAN KINGS, Occupied the Pharaonic throne during the most brilliant and impor tant period of Egyptian history. The reestablishment of supreme power on the expulsion of the Hykshos ; the erection of the most magnificent edifices; the conquests in Africa far into Nigritia, in Asia Minor to Cholcis on the Euxine, and through Central Asia into Hindostan ; with the sojourn and Exodus of the Israelites, combine to render this portion of the page of Nilotic history teeming with interest. Four parallel hieroglyphical lists exist to confirm and cor- rect the fragments of Manetho, viz.: the Tablet of Ahydos, the Pro- cession of the Samsessium, the Procession of Medeenet-Iiaboo, and the Tomb of Gurnah. 1 2 3 4 5 B. C. 12 I. Amunoph I. Amosis, Thetmosis. 26M4 1822 13 II. Thothmes I. Chebron. 13 1796 14 III. Thothmes II. Amenophis. 20 1783 15 IV. Amense, queen, Amenses. 1 16 17 Thothmes III. Amenemhe IV. ) successive hus. 1 > bands of queen j S Amense. J 21 9 1762 18 V. Thothmes IV. + Mephres, Mceris. 12 9 1740 19 VI. Amunoph II. Mephrathutmosis. Tmosis. 25 10 1727 20 VII. Thothmes V. 9 8 1702 21 VIII. Amunoph III. Amenophis, Memnon 30 10 1692 22 IX. H6r, Ilorus. 36 5 1661 23 X. Tmauiiot, queen, Achenkeres. 12 1 1625 24 XI. Ramses I. Rathotis, Athoris. 9 1613 25 XII. Menephtiia I. two Akencheres. 24 8 1604 26 XIII. Ramses II. Armais, Armesses. C Ramses, Sesos- 1 J4 1579 27 XIV. Ramses III. J tris, Sesoosis, > ( Osymandias. ) 66 2 1565 1499 28 XV. Menephtiia II. Armessis, Miammun. 3 29 XVI. Menephtha III. Siphthah and Amenophis. ) 19 6 1496 30 Taosra. ; 1476 31 XVII. Remerri, Uerri. 2 5 The entire Dynasty reigned — years 348 XIX. DYNASTY OF SIX THEBAN KINGS. 1 2 3 4 5 B. C. 32 I. Ramses IV. Sethos- ASgyptus. 55 1474 33 II. Ramses V. Rapsaches, Rampses. 34 III. Ramses VI. Ammenephthes. 35 IV. Ramses VII. Rameses. 36 V. Ramses VIII. Ammenemes. [teus. 37 VI. Ramses IX. Thuoris, Polibius, Pro- 1280 The entire Dynasty reigned — years 194 * The objection to Roskllini’s and Champollion Fiokac’s arrangement of the Shepherd Kings, propounded by the erudite Sir J. G. Wilkinson (in “Manners and Customs ” vol.lst. page 45) which is bused on the “ Tnhlet of Victories” oHlns king, brought by Mr. Burton from Wndee Gasobs, does not appear to be conclusive: for apart from the reading of the name of Fount, as the territorial designation ol this con- quered nation, in which I cannot agree ; there is not only no absolute necessity to con- sider these Pount to be a tribe at that moment inhabiting Asia : hut, associated as they are in Sir J G Wilkinson’s copy of the procession of nations tributary to Tliotines4th (W.— ■ vol.l, pi. 62. fig. 5, and pi. IV., 1st line) no less than in Mr. Hoskins’s colored coy. of the same subject, with tribes and productions exclusively African, they ore evident.y a Caucasian family settled in some part of northeastern Africa. 1 hey may be Upper Lyhians, especially if their name will bear the reading of Pone -t-Kah.0) Nor do Ro- sellini orClmmpollion refer to the objection ; perhaps, however, in consequence ot tha absence oftliis entire subject in the French and Tuscan works. t In a preceding chapter, I explained, that this arrangement is liable to modification if the tablet referred to he of the 42nd year of Thothmes 4th Morris. ANCIENT EGYPT. 65 XX. DYNASTY OF TWELVE THEBAN KINGS. 1 2 3 4 5 B. C. "38 i. Ramses X. at least. 4 1280 39 ii. Ramses XL 40 hi. Ramses XII. 41 IV. Amenemes . 42 V. Ramses XIII. 43 VI. Ramses XIV. at least. 33 VI. VIII. IX. 44 X. Ramses XV. 45 XI. Amensi-Hrai.H6r. • • > • • t 46 XII. Phisham. 1102 The entire Dynasty reigned — years 178 XXI. DYNASTY OF SEVEN TANITE KINGS. 1 2 3 4 5 B. C. 47 I. Manduftep ? Smendis. 26 1102 48 II. Aasen ?* Psusennes I. 46 1076 III. Nophercheres. 4 1030 IV. Amenophthis. 9 1026 V. Osorchor. 6 1017 VI. Psinaches. 9 1011 VII. Psusennes II. 30 1002 The entire Dynasty reigned — years 130 XXII. DYNASTY OF NINE BUBASTITE KINGS. 1 2 3 4 5 B. C. 49 1 . Shesiionk I. Shishak, Sesonchis 21 972 50 II. OSORKON I. Osoroth, Osorthon. 15 951 51 III. SllESHONK II. . . . • • . 29 936 52 IV. OSORKON II 53 V. SllESHONK III. 54 VI. Takelloth I. Takellothis. 25 55 VII. OsORKON III. 56 VIII. Takellotii II. 57 IX. Osorkon IV. The entire Dynasty reigned — years 120 XXIII. DYNASTY OF FOUR TANITE KINGS. l 2 3 4 5 B. C. I. Petubastes. 40 852 II. Osorcho. 8 812 III. Psammus. 10 804 IV. Zet. 31 794 The entire Dynasty reigned — years 89 XXIV. DYNASTY OF ONE SAITIC KING. B. C Bonchoris,Bocchoris,| 44 | 761 XXV. DYNASTY OF THREE ETHIOPIAN KINGS. The entire Dynasty reigned — years 44 XXVI. DYNASTY OF NINE SAITIC KINGS. 1 2 3 4 5 B. C. 66 I. Kambeth. Cambyses. 3 525 11. The Magians. M. 7 522 67 III. Ntakiush. Darius, Hytaspes. 36 68 IV. Khsheersha. Xerxes, I. 21 485 69 V. Artksheersha. Artaxerxes, Longi- 40 464 manus. VI. Xerxes, II. 2 424 VII. Sogdianus. 7 VIII. Darius.Nothus. 19 * I consider Manduftep, and Aasen to bo “unplaced kings", belonging to Dynasties ►nor to the 16 th. 1 2 3 4 5 B.C. 70 I. Hor,-nasht-Hbai Amyirtheus 6 404 XXIX. DYNASTY OF FIVE MENDESIAN KINGS. 1 2 3 4 5 B.C. 71 I. Nophrophth. Nepherites. 6 398 72 II. Haxor. Achoris. 13 392 73 III. Psimaut. Psammuthis. 1 379 74 IV. Naifnui ? Anapherites. M. 4 V. Muthin. 1 378 XXVII. DYNASTY OF EIGHT PERSIAN KINGS. The entire Dynasty reigned — years 120 4 XXVIII. DYNASTY OF ONE SAITIC KING. The entire Dynasty reigned — years 21 4 XXX. DYNASTY OF THREE SEBENNITIC KINGS. 75 I. II III Nashtanebf. Nectanebo I. Theos Taciios. Nectanebo II. The entire Dynasty reigned, years, B.C. 377 359 357 38 XXXI. DYNASTY OF THREE PERSIAN KINGS. B. C ~339 337 I Artaxerxes, Ochus. 12 II Arses, Arsos. 3? Ill Darius III.Codornanus|3 ? | The entire Dynasty reigned — years 8 7 332 Conquest of Egypt by Alexander the Great. B. C. 332. List of the Ptolemaic Kings of Egypt, successors to Alexander the Great, whose names have been inscribed in Hieroglyphics on Egyptian monuments. No. 1 2 | 3 4 5 B.C. 57 I.j SlIABAK. Sabbacon, Sabnco. 12 719 58 II.' Shabatok Sevechus, Sethon, Sua 12 707 59 III.| Tahraka. Tarakus, Tarhaka. 20 695 1 2 3 4 5 B. C. I. Stephinates. 7 675 II. Nerepsus. 6 668 111. Nechao, 1 8 662 60 IV. PSAMETIK I. Psaim™ etichus. 45 654 61 V. Neko II. Netno. 6 609 62 VI. Psametik II. Psammuthis, Psan- 15 603 mus. 63 VII. Hophra Remesto. Vaphres, Apries, Ho - 19 588 phra. 64 VIII. Aaiimes. Amosis, Amasis. 44 569 65 X 1 Psametk III. Psammenitus. M. 6 The entire Dynasty reigned — years, 150 6 II. III. IV. V VI VII VIII IX XI. XII. NAMES OF PTOLEMIES. Philip Arrid^-js, brother of Alexander, Alexander, son of Alexander, Ptolemy, son of Lagus, Soter, Berenice, his 4th wife, reckoned in Ptolemy’s reign, Ptolemy Philadelphds, his son, Arsinoe, daughter of Lysimnchus, Arsinoe, widow of Lysimachus, Ptolemy-Evergetes I Berenice, of Cyrene, Ptolemy-Philopator, Arsinoe, his sister, Ptolemy-Epiphanes, Cleopatra, of Syria, Ptolemy-Philometor, Cleopatra, his sister, Ptolemy-Evergetes II. Physcon, Cach- ergetes. Cleopatra, widow of Philometor, Cleopatra, Cocce, Ptolemy Soter II, Lathyrus, Ptolemy Alexander I, Parisactus, Berenice or Cleopatra, Ins daughter, Ptolemy Alexander II., Ptolemy — New Dionisius, Aulctes, Berenice, his daughter, again PTOLEMY-yln/etes, Cleopatra, daughter of Auletes, Cleopatra, and her son C.*;sarion, The House of Lagus reigned years Years of each Reign. Years before Christ. 7 12 20 39 38 25 17 24 35 29 18 18 8 1G 2 3 8 14 323 316 304 284 246 221 204 180 146 117 81 73 57 55 49 44 294 And the Ptolemaic dynasty ceased — years B. C. 30, when Egyp* became a province of the Roman Empire. 63 ANCIENT EGYPT. Names of Roman Emperors found in hieroglyphics on the monu- ments of Egypt. I. Emperor Cajsar Augustus, B. C. 27. A. D, 11 . K Tiberius Cjesar, 14 III. Caius — Caligula — 36 IV. it Tiberius Claudius Cjbsak Augustus Germanicus, 40 V. 61 Nero Claudius Cjesar Augustus Germanicus, 54 VI. (( Marcus Otiio Caesar Augustus, VII. (6 Cjesar Vespasian Augustus, 68 VIII. «< Titus Caesar Vespasian Augustus, 78 IX. (C Cjesar Domitian Augustus, 81 X. 46 Ca-.sar Nerva Trajan Augustus, 97 XI. it Cjesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus, 116 XII. it Cjesar Titus Elius Adrian Antoninus Augustus Pius, 137 xin. t% Aurelius Antoninus Augustus, 161 XIV. a Lucius Verus Cjesar, XV. a Commoeus, 180 XVI. « Cjesar Severus Augustus, 194 XVII. a Cjesar Geta Augustus, XVIII. " Cjesar Antoninus Augustus, (Caracalla,) 211 Note. Of the Roman Emperors, who ruled between Augustus and Cara, calls, the only names unfound in hieroglyphics, are Galba, Vitellius and Nerva. Thus from an indefinite period, prior to the year B. C. 2272, down to about 215 years after the Christian era, the hieroglyphical char- acter is proved to have been in use ; while, from the year 2272, B. C., modem hierology has determined the chronological series of Egyptian monarchs, by the translation of hieroglyphical annals. The Romans held Egypt from the 27th year B. C. till 395 A. D. ; when the sons of Theodosius the Great divided the empire ; and Egypt lingered under the sovereignty of the Eastern Emperors ; till, conquered by Aiuner-ebn-el-As, the Valley of the Nile became a province of Omar’s Saracenic Caliphate, in A. D. 540. In the year A. D. 1517 — Hegira 923 — Egypt was overrun by the Ottoman hordes of Sooltin Selefem, and has ever since been the spoil of the Turk : but, in the prophetic “ Books of Hermes” it is written, “ Et inhabitabit ACgyptum Scythus, aut Indus, aut aliqma tali*.” END or ANCIENT EGYPT. ERRATA. Page 28. 2nd Column, 14 lines from top, for to the above, read with the above. <1 30. 1st. 44 18 “ “ “ “ bring to this hole, read bring it to this hole. •4 30. 1st. 46 4 « “ bottom for, steamboats, under, read steamboats, that under. 4 31. 2nd. 64 15 “ “ “ “ as well, read as well as 4 42. 2nd. 44 11 “ “ “ “ with, read without. 44 43. lsi. 46 38 “ “ top “ it, read they. A gentleman, erudite in Hebrew and other Oriental languages, has kindly suggested the following emendations to the Author. Note, page 31 — that the name of Moses — Moshih — being derived from the Hebrew root “ to draw out,” has no reference to the root “ to anoint.” Page 32 — that the Hebrew root Aur does not mean the Sun, bu light, and Ur, or Oor, signifies flame, splendor; that Urim and Thummim, are not duals but plurals, and should be rendered “ splendors and perfections.” Page 42 — that the name of the Thebaid — Patheos — is not derivable from the rootPATHAR, to interpret; but probably represente the Coptic Pethouris, Terra Australis, the Southern land. Page 43 — that the word Matz-za, unleavened bread, is derived from the root to squeeze, to compress. Not to enter into an argument, I refer the optical reader to Portal, “ Les Syjnboles des Egyptiene compart tt ceux des Hebreus ' Paris 1840 — and Dr. Dams on the Hebrew Alphabet. London, 1835. * ANCIENT EGYPT. 67 COPIES OF TESTIMONIALS, AND EXTRACTS OF CORRESPOND ENCE. To George R. Gliddon, Esq. Boston, February, 4, 1843. Sir , — Having attended your course of thirteen Lectures (some of us the whole, and others, parts of the course,) delivered in this city, on “ Eari.v Egyptian History, Archaeology, and other sub- jects CONNECTED WITH HlEROGLYPHICAL LITERATURE,” We take this occasion to express the high satisfaction we ha ve experienced — in ccmmon with your other auditors — in following you through the ir.ts’tsting developments made of your noble and inexhaustible sub- ject. It need not be remarked, that, until the present age, the extraor- dinary history and antiquities of that ever memorable country, in its earliest periods, have been, comparatively speaking, a tissue of fa- bles ; and, almost literally, enveloped in that impenetrable darkness, ■which has long been associated witli the name of that people in a familiar proverb ; for, although the Egyptians from the earliest ages, like other nations, had recorded their great public events on their public monuments, which are still extant, yet all knowledge of the sanguageef those monuments — the Hieroglyphic ai. Language of Egypt, — had long been lost to the world, and has but recently been recovered by the profound researches, which were instituted in Eng- land by Young — alike eminent in Science and Literature — and, in France, successfully prosecuted to their full development by Cham- pollion ; a result, which will shed a lustre upon the literary fame of the present age, of no lass brilliancy than the most celebrated dis- coveries made in any of the fields of science. We cannot, therefore, permit the present occasion to pass, without testifying our gratification at having bad this opportunity of hearing the first course of Lectures, delivered in this country, upon the re- sults of those profound and interesting researches. These results ehed new light upon the ea.rly history of man, by unfolding to our view, in addition to the knowledge we before possessed from the Scriptures, the authentic records of a great nation, and of a more remote epoch, than the earliest records of any people which the learned have hitherto made a subject of thorough and exact investi- gation. The impulse now given to these studies, will, we have no doubt, stimulate many of our intelligent and persevering scholars, to emulate their illustrious European predecessors in this department of knowledge ; and, while they extend their own fame, to add to the reputation of their country. With our cordial wishes for your success in making known, in other parts of the United States, the valuable and interesting results of Egyptian researches, and with the assurances of our personal regard, We are, Sir, Y'oui obedient servants, Jno. Bickering, John Davis, Win. Jenks, Charles P. Curtis, S. K. Lothrop, Asa Eaton, Jas. Savage, I. P. Davis, Charles Sumner, F. C. Gray, Jos. W. Ingraham, Alex. Young, G. S. Hillard, Geo. Hayward, Charles Lowell. Philadelphia, March 20th, 1844. To George R. Gliddon, Esq. Dear Sir , — As members of your recent class in this city, we can- not deny ourselves the gratification of returning you our warmest thanks for the pleasure and profit derived from your discourses. We presume, however, that a just appreciation of the importance of your theme, will prove far more agreeable to your feelings, than even the richly-merited acknowledgment due to the unvarying urbanity and kindness of manner, whicli distinguished your personal intercourse with your hearers. Permit us, then, to thank you most sincerely — rather as citizens of rii extensive community than as mere individuals — for the efforts you have made to arouse the attention of the American public to the deeply interesting- subject of Egyptian Archaeology. To paraphrase a familiar Eastern ejaculation, “ There is no Truth hut Truth ," — and it is equally true, that scepticism is deprived of all its weapons when truth appears, divested of the errors, witli which it has been veiled through honest misconceptions. As Christians, we feel that the public is deeply indebted to you, for assuming the critical post of a pioneer, in the task of rendering popular the constantly accumulating facts by which Egyptian hiero- glyphic history corroborates the record of the sacred writers, and casts bright sunshine upon ages, institutions, men and motives, hith- erto but vaguely traced in the dim, deceptive moonlight of Grecian and Roman philosophy. As men, we have listened with high interest to your expose of the state of learning and the arts, among a people antedating all other extant history, and the pure, though seemingly enigmatical moral- ity, which vindicates the dignity of human nature, even in its in- fancy. We will not pause to make a single con ment upon the thousand interesting questions in statesmanship and public polity — in the in- fluence oi governmental systems upon the destiny of nations — which start up in the minds ot your hearers, as you proceed, apparently without effort or intention ot y o u r own, and render every lecture the subject of enduring thought. These things are far too grand and vast for mere epistolary no* tice; and we will, therefoie, close with the assurance, that public considerations, not less than private gratification, induce us most heartily to wish you a prosperous career elsewhere, and a speeBy re- turn to Philadelphia, wheie we trust the intelligence and virtue of the community will ever be ready to welcome you. We are, veiy respectfully, James Mease, Henry W. Ducachet, Peter Vanpelt, C. G. Childs, David S. Brown, J. Fisher Learning, A. D. Chaloner, A. D. Gillette, Joseph Montgomery, Charles Rvan, Thomas Ryan, John S. Miller, B. Henry, Josiah Randall, Samuel Jackson, S. E. Smith, R. D. Wood, Lawrence Lewis, Richard C. Taylor, John J. Smith, Jr., Isaiah Hacker, William Peter, John G. Watmough, Thomas Gilpin, A. M. Prevost, Thomas Firth, William Morrison, J. S. Phillips, George W. Aspinwall, G . Emerson, Gavin Watson, Robert Kilvington, James Arrott, Colin Arrott, Joseph Lea, Jr., B. H. Coates, R. M. Lewis, Judah Dobson, W. J. Walter, H. B. Wallace, Thomas T. Lea, Thomas Sergeant, M. D. Lewis, S. W. Roberts, William Ashbridge, William S. Vaux, Richard Randolph, Samuel George Morton, Charles F. Becke, George Zantzingor, Edward King, William Zantzinger, W. A. Dobbyn, Joseph S. Lyon, Leonard R. Koecker, J. H. Markland, John T. Sharpless, Reynell Coates. EXTRACTS OF CORRESPONDENCE. Perring, London, 1st Sept., 1843. “ Some few days ago, on the table of IL E. the Chevalier Bun- sen, 1 met with your Lectures, and confess with some little surprise at your new vocation. I immediately sent down to Wiley & Put- nam's, and was fortunate enough to obtain a copy, which 1 have gone over ; and as it contains your address, I cannot withhold my humble tribute of applause. It is the first attempt, that I am aware of, to popularize the subject of hieroglvphical literature and history in all its details and branches; and the thoroughly masterly manner in which you have executed your task, (con amore) will be appre- ciated by all, and yet more especially by those who have labored in the same field. — for the mass of valuable information brought to- gether from a thousand discordant sources, is truly astonishing.” “ I have recommended your work to several friends, who wish to know a little truth on Ancient Egypt and its Archaeology; and shall advise all who visit that country to make it their study on the voyage,” &c. Madden,* London, 10th Nov., 1843. “I am very much pleased with the work, (Ancient Egypt,) for ,t conveys in a simple and eloquent style, information which is not to he procured in any other way. It gave me great pleasure to find that tire American public appreciated your exertions,” &c. Harris, Alexandria, 25th Nov., 1843. “Our friend Mr. A. Tod.f presented me with your ‘Ancient Egypt; her Monuments, Hieroglyphics, &c.,’ and 1 thought you would not be displeased to receive my congratulations on the fruit of your industry and application, which must have been very great to have produced a work of so much merit. I have no doubt you will make yourself a name, if you pursue the path you have marked out for yourself 1 sincerely wish you success,” &c., Bono mi, Pyramids of Gheezeh, 17th Jan’ry., 1844. “ We are all very much pleased with the efforts you have been making in the cause. It is, indeed, highly creditable to you to nave produced such a complete and highly interesting volume on the sub- ject. I do not know any treatise on the subject that is likely to ad- vance the study of Egypt so much as yours. Yfou have shown the process by which what knowledge we have has been acquired ; and on what clear and solid foundation it rests. You have carried youf "Madden & Co. — Oriental Publishers. \ Consul for the U. S. in Egypt. «8 ANCIENT EGYPT. reader to the very margin of our knowledge ; having shown him in the course several alleys and branches of the great Labyrinth that are still unexplored, and stimulated him to pursue the study by pi- quant suggestions. In short, your book has done more to render the •ubject popular, than any work in existence,” &c. Lcriius, Kartoum, le 29 Mars, 1844. (Junction of the VVhite and Blue Nilo.) " Monsieur et Collogue, M Je me hate de vous accuser reception du bulletin* de la Socidte des Sciences Naturelles de Philadelphie, que vous avez bien voulu m’ envoyer par l’entremise de Monsieur votre pere Je vois par cela que cette honorable Societe m’ a fait l’honneur de mettre mon nom parmi ses membres correspondants. Bien sensible a cette distinction, que je ne saurais expliquer que par l’interet bien vif que vous prcn- nez aux memes etudes auxquelles je me suis livre de preference, et dont vous etes le reprosentant aussi zele que savant dans le nouveau Monde, je vous prie de vouloir presenter mes humbles remerciemens a. ^honorable Societe, et d’ agreer en meme temps l’expression de ma reconnaisance envers vous meme, qui avez bien voulu transferer l’interet pour les etudes Egyptiennes sur celui qui voudrait les fairo avancer autant qu’il est en son pouvoir.” “J’ai vu par la meme feuille que vous avez fait un rapport a la Societe eur notre Expedition scientifique. Je vous remercie pour l’interet quo voua y portez,” &c. Lkpsius, Island of Philce, 15th Sept., 1844. “ J’ai lu avec le plus grand interet les sept, premiers chapitres de ▼otre cours sur l’ancienne Egypte, et je suis convaincu que vous avez gagne un applause general et merite de tous ceux qui ont eu l’avan- tage de pouvoir suivre votre cours. J’espere vivement que vous trouverez le temps pour continuer vos utiles recherches dans ce genre d’etudes ; qui, malgre la riche moisson qu’ elles promettent, ont pourtant trouve jusqu’ a present beaucoup plus d’amateurs que de travailleurs serieux, faute, il est vrai, en grande partie, de la difficulty a rcmonter aux vraies sources de cette science,” &c. Walsh,* Paris, May 7th, 1844. “ Monsieur J omard, of the Royal Library, the highest authority on Egyptian topics” — “ rejoices in the recovery of Mr. Gliddon’s work, which he accidentally left in Italy in the autumn, and means read attentively without delay .” — National Intelligencer. Wash- ington, 20th June, 1844. •Vide Proceedings of the Academy ef Natural S'.ences, July and August, 1843. •tJ. 9 Consul, Paris. Birch, British Museum, London, 12th May, 1844. “ 1 have read with much pleasure your interesting Lectures os Egyptian Antiquities, in the United States, which ought to have the effect of awakening the public attention there to the researches go- ing on in the Old World. They have been very popular here, as I dare say your publishers (Madden & Co.) can inform you ; and de- servedly so, since they place the matter in a clear and distinct point of view in all its bearings,” &c. Lane, Cairo, 15th July, 1844. “ I congratulate you most sincerely on the success which has at- tended you in America, and join with many others in thanking you for much very valuable information,” &c. Fresnel,* Juddah, {Arabia,) 4th Aug., 1844. “ I am indebted to your “ Ancient Egypt” for the little positive knowledge I now possess on the subject which you have treated with so much perspicuity, “ verve,” ana “ disinvoltura.” .... “ I must now acknowledge, that you have given me a real treat in nay desert, and have inspired me with a lively interest for a branch ot science, which 1 had neglected for no other reason, than that it was not my own branch, my own department ; and “ qu’ a moins d’etre de for, (which, you know, is not my case,) on ne peut pas suffire a tout ” Go on, my dear Sir, and “ agreez mes sinceres felicitations,” &c. Extracts from the Correspondence of my Father, A'w late John Gliddon, U. S. Consul for Egypt. “ Cairo, 12th October, 1843. — “ The book n characterized here as learned, modest, and most useful.” 18th November — “Among the Elite of Cairo you have passed the ordeal. Your work is con- sidered a most opportune compendium, and a most acceptable vade- mecum.'" 14th February, 1844. — “ Soon afterwards 1 exchanged visits with Sir J. G. Wilkinson, and you will be gratified to hear, that he confirmed all that had reached me from Judge Jay and Mr. Harris concerning your labors ; and when I took leave, he expressly charged me with his congratulations and kind regards.” . . . . . . “ Messrs. Wilkinson, Briggs, Walne, Bonomi, Lane, Traill, Lieder, &c., indicate your work to all travellers in search of hieroglyphical information, and the consequence is, that our ‘ Chapters' are taken off the table of the ‘ Egyptian Society,’ M it were, by the dozen,” &c. George R. Gliddon. Baltimore, 15th March, 1845. •French Consul at Juddah — Red Sea. NEW SERIES OF ARCH/EOLOGICAL LECTURES ON ANCIENT EGYPT, ILLUSTRATED BY COPIOUS AND SPLENDID PICTORIAL DIAGRAMS, AND GENUINE ANTIQUITIES, COMPRISING THE LATEST HIEROGLYPHICAL, AND COGNATE MONUMENTAL DISCOVERIES, BY GEORGE R. GLIDDON, Member of the “Egyptian Society” of Cairo — Corresponding Member of the “United States Naval Lyceum,” Brooklyn, New York — Correspondent of the “Academy of Natural Sciences,” Phila- delphia — Corresponding Member of the “National Institute,” Washington — Member of the “ American Oriental Society,” Boston — Honorary Member of the “ His- torical Society of Pennsylvania” — Cqrresponding Member of the “ Syro- Egyptian Society” of London — Corresponding Member of the “Societe Orientale de France” — Corresponding Mem- ber of the “ Institute of Archeological Correspondence of Rome,” AUTHOR OF “A Memoir on the Cotton of Egypt” — “An Appeal to the Antiquaries of Europe on the destruction of the Monuments of Egypt,” London, 1841 — “A Series of Chapters on Early Egyptian History, Archeology, and other subjects connected with Hieroglyphical Literature,” New York, 1843, AND FORMERLY UNITED STATES CONSUL FOR CAIRO, IN EGYPT. «• Plurimas terras peragravi , disjunctissima quceque lustrans; coeli solique genera plurima vidi , eruditos homines permultos audivi; JEgypliorum , qui Harpedonapte {a^mbovattrai — Clem. Alex. Strom. I. »*ynan — |1N — nmn=HRPD— AUN— HPTE=“ Colui che largisce la veritu della luce;" i. e. the Illumi- nati — Michelangelo Land , Paris, 1846.) nominantur, apud hos autem postremo multos per annos pert - grinatus sum." Democriti Abderite Operum fragments— p. 228. Ed. Mullachius, Berlin, 1843. Philadelphia, October, 1846. In announcing his return to Philadelphia, after a twelvemonth’s sojourn in Europe, with the intention of resuming his Lectureship throughout the United States, Mr. Gliddon begs leave to preface his new Courses with the following remarks : Four winter* have elapsed since the writer, whose twenty-three year’s residence in the Valley of the Nile naturally led him to take interest in the progress of local researches, commenced (at Boston, 1842-3,) in the novel form of illustrated and popular Lectures, the exposition of those discoveries in hieroglyphical literature, consequent upon the memorable French and English Expeditions to Egypt in 1798 — 1802, which, impressed by Napoleon’s genius, and fore- shadowed in the noble folios “ Description de I’Egypte,” have called forth in this second quarter of the XIXth century the lavish expen- ditures of enlightened Governments, Societies, and individuals, the enthusiastic investigation of the most illustrious Savans of the age, and the intellectual admiration of all civilized communities, i The experiment attempted by the writer, that of popularizing, through direct and oral address, independently of the patronage or aid of Governments or Academies, to the comprehension of the edu- cated masses, themes so fraught with interest to the past history and future development of humanity, does not appear to have been tried, in any country, since the Olympic era of the Halicamassinn. To this day the oral exposition of hierogrammatical science is confined in Europe to regal collegiate precincts ; and it is at Paris, Florence, and Berlin alone where the student or general hearer has hitherto gathered Egyptian instruction from the incomparable discourses of a Chaw- polliox le Jbune, a Rosellini, a Letronne, a Raoul-Rochitt*, or a Richard Lepsius. In England, to this very hour, there are no public lectures whatever on Egyptian Archaeology : and the fact that many thousands of America’s citizens have spontaneously attended 2 Discourses upon Hieroglyphics, in some European circles is yet un- believed, in others it is a topic of mingled wonder and applause.* It was upon the diffusion of education among the people of the United States and their thirst for knowledge, fostered by Institutional freedom in this vast Republic, that the writer, stimulated by the advice and the effective aid of a few personal friends, among whom the name of Richaiid K. Haight, f of New York, must always stand preeminent, grounded his hopes and calculations ; nor, whilst he merely claimed to be the popular expositor of the profound researches of others, without the slightest pretension to aught but as much fidelity of narrative as lay within the compass of his reach or abili- ties, has he ever doubted, that the inquiring intelligence of the New World would be found fully equal to the appreciation of discoveries that for half a century have constituted the unceasing study, the in- creasing attention, and the herculean labors of the greatest men and nations of the Old. Such was the wri er’s conception when he lauded in America in January, 1842. Three successive winters, 1842-3, 1843-4,1844-5, of practical experience have demonstrated, that, so far as the broad principle of American intellectual cultivation be concerned, he has not in his anticipations been mistaken. His Lectures upon Egyptian Hierology have been consecutively listened to by audiences embracing many thousands of the population, from Portsmouth, N. H., to Sa- vannah, Goo., including repeatedly the larger Atlantic Cities, Boston, New York, Brooklyn, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, Rich- mond and Charleston ; while, at Boston, his course of 12 Lectures on Egyptian Archaeology, repeated, before the “ Lowell Institute” in 1843-4, was attended by above five thousand persons. The sale, in less than three years, of 18,000 copies of the Chapters, presented gratuitously by the Author to the American Public, and the una- bated demand for new impressions of this Introduction to the study of Hieroglyphics,}: are sterling facts in proof of the popular desire manifested by the public of the United States, to become familiar with those splendid results and triumphant discoveries that insure immortality to the School founded by Champollion. Taking our departure from the “ Precis du Systeme Hierogly- phique des Anciens Egyptiens,” put forth by Champollion le Jeune, at Paris in 1824, we can now realize, after the toils of twenty- two years, the resuscitation, from the tomb of fifteen centuries, of the language of the long-buried denizens of Egypt, and witness in the year 1846 the facile translation, by living French, English, German, and Italian Hierologists, of any and all monumental legends, Paint- ings, Sculptures and Papyri, scattered along the “ Sacred River,” from the shores of the Mediterranean to the confluence of the White and Blue Niles beyond the far-famed, if modern Meroe, on the torrid confines of Nigritia. And beholding, as we now do with our own eyes, the progressive reconstruction of the time-honored edifice of Pharaonic antiquity, from autochthonous records with the events themselves coetaneous, our minds have awakened to the comprehen- sion of the reason why the advancement of a given country in Egyptian learning has become, as it were, the standard measure of its literary reputation in archaeological and cognate sciences. Spurred to emulation, under the penalty of being distanced in the race, by the glorious example of France, the Governments of Tus- cany, Prussia and England, and many of the less affluent states of Italy and Germany, have latterly been sending Commission after Commission to explore and re-explore the venerable Ruins of “ Afitzraim ,” or are collecting and depositing under the ffigis of Euro- pean security, in gigantic national Museums, the hoary vestiges of primeval Nilotic civilization. Lkp-ius and the Prussians have but just returned from Egypt and Ethiopia, laden with treasures gathered du- ring three years of unequalled and most successful laboriousness — and yet, Piiisse, chief of a new Scientific Mission, is on the point of re- turning from Paris to the same inexhaustible regions, in order that French science may still maintain its preeminence in the march of hieroglyphical discovery. Paris, London, Berlin, St. Petersburgh, Leyden, Amsterdam, Stock holm, Copenhagen, Munich, Vienna, Turin, Milan, Florence, Rome, and Naples, independently of minor cities and of countless private cabinets in Europe and Egypt, boa6t at the present day of Egyptian antiquarian possessions, to obtain and to preserve some of which mil- lions of dollars have been expended, and each city rejoices in tho noble rivalry of its respective hieroglyphical students to decipher and expound fragments, whose no-longer recondite meaning serves to illumine every department of human knowledge. “As regards those eminent men who have won a brilliant place in the career of Egyptian studies, it is out of the question here to analyze their books ; it suffices that it should be known that all have marched boldly along the road opened by Champollion, and that the science which owed its first illustration to Young, to the Champollions, to the Humboldts, to Salvolini, to Rosellini, to Nestor L’hote, and of which the reality has been proclaimed without reservation by Sylvestre de Sacy and by Arago, counts at this day as adepts fervent and convinced men* such as Messrs. Letronne, Ampere, Biot, Merimee, Prisse, E. Burnouf, Lepsius, Bunsen, Peyron, Gazzera.Baruechi, ****•», Leemans,” Pauthier, Lanci, Birch, Wilkinson, Harris, Cullimore’ Sharpe, Hincks, Osburn, Bonomi, &c., &c. “ The friends and the enemies of Champollion’s system are now well known.”| “ Tant pis pour qui ne se rangera pas avec ces hommes celebres du cote de l’evidence et de la justice.”} The specification of the works, national and individual, published and forthcoming from the press of Europe on Hierological Literature, Chronology, History, ArU, Sciences, and Philosophy, would alone’ swe ll a quarto volume, as may be inferred from the subjoined list of Authors, whose researches have been consulted in the preparation of Mr. Gliddon’s Lectures, and whose works are to be found, on this side of the water, in the private library of Mr. Haight at New York, to the munificence and friendship of whom the writer owes the advantage of access to this unique archaeological collection. And yet, withal, if in transatlantic America, space, time, and the nature of things, have hitherto precluded similar pecuniary efforts to keep pace with the antiquarian ambition of European communities, it is a fact, as remarkable in itself as easy of demonstration, that there is a more widely-diffused and general knowledge of the progress of Egyp- tian discovery, and a more popular desire manifested to possess correct ideas upon the results of Egyptological inquiry, than in many parts of Europe, where the public mind still lies torpid in the very midst of the discoveries and the discoverers: and it was to quality him- self for the better development ot these subjects, in the endeavor to do justice to this growing desire, that the writer, suspending his Lectures during the last winter, proceeded to Europe to collect, by personal application at the fountain sources of Paris and London, the most authentic materials, and the latest hieroglyphical discoveries. During five month’s residence at the French metropolis with Mn. Haight, whose intimacy with many of the most distinguished Savans and Societies of France afforded to the writer an infinitude of plea- surable advantages; availing himself of the influential kindness of his accomplished friend Mr. Robert Walsh, U. States Consul, to whom he is indebted for manifold facilities ; and happy in the auspicious rencontre with his old Cairo-colleagues and Eastern fellow-travel- lers, Prisse, § the rescuer (from otherwise inevitable perdition had it remained at Thebes) of the “Ancestral Hall of Karnac,” Fresnel ,1 the decipherer of the Himyaritic Inscriptions of Southern Arabia, and Botta, 1 the resuscitator of time-interred Nineveh, who took pleasure in explaining their several discoveries, and in introducing him to their respective scientific friends,, the writer has enjoyed from the liberal and frank complaisance of the Savans of France so many favours, that in his present inability to express to each his grateful obligations, he must content himself by italicizing among the following authorities quoted in his lectures, the names of those to whose personal kindness he is most indebted, as well in London as at Paris. Abeken, Ampere, Barucchi, Biot, Birch, Biickh, Bonomi, Botta, Boudin, Bunsen, Burton, Cahen, Cailleaud, Champollion - Figeac, Cherubini, Cottrell , Cullimore, D' Avczac, D’ Eichthal, Dc Saulcy, Felix, Flandin , Fresnel, Gazzera, Goury, Hamilton, Harris, Hengstenberg, Henry, Hincks, Hodgson, Horeau , Hoskins, Jomard, Jones, Lanci, Lane, Leemans, Lenormant, Lcpsius , Lcsueur, Letronne, L : Hote, Linant, Matter, Migliarini, Morton, Munke, Osburn, Parthey, Pauthier, Perring, Pettigrew, Peyron, Portal, Prichard, Prisse, Prudhoe, Quatremere, Raoul-Rochette, Rosellini, Salt, Salvolini, Schwarze, Sharpe, Tattam, Taylor, Ungarelli, Vcncl, Vyse, Wilkinson, Young, &c. &c. &c. A constant attendant during the winter at the invaluable “ Cours d’Archeologie Egyptienne” of Letronne at the College de France, and of Raoul-Rochette at the Bibliotheque Royale, and a frequent ♦Vide — Revue rfc* Deux mondes , June 15, 1846 ; De Satjlcy, “ De 1’Etude des Hieroglyphes — and August 1, 1816, Ampere, “ Rrcherches en Egjpte et en Nubie.” Conferre likewise. Southern Literary Messenger, Richmond, Virginia, July, 1815, — “ A Sketch of the progress of Archeological Science in America;” and the Reports aud Notices of Mr. Gliddon’s Lectures in the Ame- rican Press for the last four years, particularly in the Boston Transcript , Phi- ladelphia Ledger , and Baltimoie Sun. t See De Saulcifs article above quoted — page 989. Gliddon’s Chapters , New York, 1843; Morton’s Crania JEgyptiact l, Philadelphia, 1844; and Jar- vis’ Introduction to the History of the Chur ch, New York, 1845. }The present Proprietors of ‘‘Ancient Egypt, her Monuments , Hierogly • phlcs, History and Archdeols^y, }} arc Taylor 8c Co., No. 2, Astor House, r*ew York— Price 25cts. ♦Aside from heartfelt gratitude for kindnesses innumerable with which du* ring the last four years, this amiable and erudite gentleman honored the Wri- ter, justice to the illustrious departed demands, that the revered name of an American Suvan, the late John Pickering of Boston, should not*be omitted in designating the earliest and most qualified appreciators of the deeds of Young and Champollion. See, besides many anterior papers, “Journo! of the American Oriental Society” — No. 1, Boston, 1843. Nor, among living occidental students who are successfully applying hieroglyphical discoveries to the enlargement of science, must we forget Messrs. Samuel George Morton of Philadelphia, Coiien and McCulloh of Baltimore, Hodgson of Savannah, Charles Picker ING of Boston, and Nott of Mobile. t De Saulcy, the decipherer of the Phcenician Monument of Thr/gga, and <>. the Egyptian Demotic Texts — Revue des deux mondes, June, 1846- p.’ 383. t Ampere— ut supra— p. 392. $ Conferre Revue Archtologique — Paris, Avril, 1845; fl “ Journal Asiatique — Paris. 1846. ..5, *' Lettres de M. Botta stir ses D6couvcrtcs d Khorsabad, pre* de Ninive D^ns, 1845. M. Botta is the son of the celebrated Italian author vi “Stona dell’ Independeaza dell’ America.” 3 ■visiter of the several Museums and Libraries that adorn the “World’s centre of science,” the writer has received instruction on subjects that heretofore lay beyond his attainment, and which he will endeavour to embody in his future American discourses. The summer of his absence was spent in studies in London, where, guided by the generous and inestimable counsel of Birch, the English hierologist “par excellence,” the writer prepared those essays with which he pro- poses to commence his present Courses in this country; whilst the encouraging countenance of H. E. Ohev. Bunsen, who graciously permitted his perusal of the English MS. translation of the “iE gyp- tens stelle in der Weltgeschichte,” forthcoming from the accomplished pen of Mn. Cottrell ; and more than all, the personal rencontre with Un. Lepsius, fresh from the regions of his stupendous Nilotic discove- ries, are episodes in the writer’s wanderings as grateful to his indivi- dual feelings, as of durable value to the accuracy of the scientific facts that will be promulgated through his public lectures. To sum up in a few words. He has had free access in London and Paris to MSS., documents, books and portfolios, and has received verbal and epistolary communication of various archaeological mate- rials, many far in advance of European publication, and of some that will not be forthcoming ritr years. He has brought with him the most recent works, plates, &c., bearing upon Egyptology — more than half of which have not before been introduced into the United States. He has established relations with London, Paris and Berlin, that will insure him the most rapid intimation of all future Egyptian “Nouveautes Archeologiques,” while by correspon- dence with the several students of hierology throughout Egypt ar.d Europe, he is promised permanent support and prompt communi- cation of the freshest intelligence. Through the considerate friend- ship of the learned hierologist, Mn. A. C. Harris, of Alexandria, he already possesses the nucleus of such a collection of Egyptian Antiquities as will serve to illustrate his oral Lectures with genuine specimens of Ancient Art. Part of this collection, bearing chiefly upon the mummification and funereal ceremonies of Egypt, has already arrived, and the remainder is in process of collection and shipment to the United States. These curious Telics will lend a more popular interest to the discourses which he contemplates deliver- ing in the larger cities of the United States, and the following sum- mary catalogue will afford an idea of the number, variety, and cost- liness of tho Pictorial Illustrations that will embellish the writer’s Lecture-rooms, and elucidate each question as it occurs — BRILLIANTLY COLORED, AND COVERING MANY THOUSAND SQUARE FEET OF SURFACE. Hievoglyphical, Hieratic, Enchorial, Greek and Roman Texts, Tablets, Steles, Inscriptions, &c., from the Sculptures, Paintings and Papyri, including the Rosetta Stone, the Funereal Ritual, the Turin Genealogical Papyrus, the Tablet of Abydns, the Anceslru. Chamber of Karnac, the Zodiac of Dendera, and all important historical documents of the Egyptians from the earliest times to the Christian era. A complete series of all the Pyramids, aud pyramidal monuments of Memphis, &c. Panoramic views of the Temples, Palaces, and remarkable Tombs, in Egypt and Nubia — Tableaux embracing the entire series of documents and paintings illustrating the arts, sciences, manners, customs and civilization of the Ancient Egyptians — Plates illustrative of the art of embalmment, human and animal, Sarcophagi, Mummies, funeral cerements, ornaments, and doctrinal features of Nilotic Sepulture — besides genuine specimens of a great variety of the Antiquarian Relics themselves — Fac-simile copies of themost splendid Tableaux found in the Temples and Tombs along the Nile — Portraits of the Pharaohs in their chariots, and royal robes— Queens of Egypt in their varied and elegant costumes — Likenesses of 48 Sovereigns of Egypt, from Amunoph the 1st, about B. C. 1800, down to the Ptolemies, and ending with Cleopatra, B. C. 29, taken from the Sculptures — Priests and Priestesses offering to all the Deities of Egyptian Mythology Battle scenes on the Monuments of every epoch— Egyptian, Asiatic and African Ethnology, elucidating the conquests, maritime and caravan intercourse, commerce and political relations of the Egyptians with Nigritia, Abyssinia, Libya, Canaan, Palestine, Phoenicia, Syria, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Asia Minor, Persia, Central Asia, &c. &c. — Crania jEgyptiaca — Negros and other African families, of every epoch — Scenes supposed to relate to the Hebrew captivity, &c. — Processions of Foreign Nations tributary to the Pharaohs Plans, geographical maps, topographical charts and paintings, exhibiting the Country and the Architecture of Egypt. In short, Diagrams of every kind, illustrating every variety of Egyptian subjects, during a period of human history far exceeding 3000 years, and terminating with the Romans in the Hid century A. D. — Tothese will be added each and every newly-discovered subject of interest as it presents itself in future explorations; together with all the most valuable hierogrammatical Books which are or may be published in elucidation of the philology, &c. &c., of Egypt, so that in no department of Egyptian science will the critical or cursory attendant on Air. Gliddon’s Lectures find any desideratum wanting. For the subjects chosen as the themes of the writer’s future discourses, | and for relative specifications of time, place, terms, &c. reference is made lo the Daily Papers, no less than to the Programmes, which will announce with all details, in each city, the several Courses of Egyptian archeological lectures Mr. Gliddon is preparing to deliver in due order and season. And finally, Mr. Gliddon must ever refer the curious who desire more critical information on Egyptian literature than can be embo- died in desultory and popular lectures, to the little pamphlet, “ An- cient Egypt,” (with the sale of which the author, having presented it to the public, never had any pecuniary connexion,) wherein, for the insignificant cost of 25 cents, the general reader can glean the history of hieroglvphical studies, together with the works to be con- sulted, up to the close of 1842. Since that year, as Mr. Gliddon will explain in his oral lectures, discovery has been proceeding with giant strides. During the last four years the aspect of primeval his- tory, owing mainly to Lepsius, has undergone great changes. The advance made in monumental Chronology, has superseded much, and has greatly extended portions of those views of antiquity here- tofore followed by the Champollion-School, based upon the arrange- ment of Rosellini for dates prior to the commencement of the 18th Dyn.of Diospolitans, taken by modem hierologists at the 16th to 18th centuries before our Christian era. These points have formed the critical study of the writer, and their consideration will not be omitted in his contemplated lectures, which will be found to keep pace with the continual development of hicroglyphical researches. The era of Menes, the first Pharaoh of Egypt, that in Mr. Gliddon’s Chapters of 1842, was estimated approximately at B. C. 2750, a date which the writer’s subsequent lectures on the Pyramids showed to be no longer tenable, has receded into the gloom of primordial time : nor until Lepsics publishes at Berlin in the ensuing winter the results of his discoveries fin Das Buell der Hilgyptischen Konige, cine chronologische Zusammenstellung aller Namen der HJgyptisehen Konige und ihrer Verwandtschaft, von der Gotterdynastie und Menes an bis Caracalla,) is it possible to do more than treat in gene- ral terms of the remote epochs of the first XII Dynastic* of Manetho (See Table of Dynasties, Chapters, p. 49.) This important question of the Manethonian Dynasties was made the subject of a Concours by the “Academie dcs Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.”* Monsieur Lesuf/ur in the present summer has had the distinguished honor ol winning the prize, but as his work had not appeared last August, the writer is enabled only to mention that M. L. informed him ver- bally that his results for the era of Menes reach the 58th cen- tury B. C. ■Similar erudite opinions on the involved question of the first Egyptian Pharaoh have long been familiar to the readers of Cham- pollion-Figeac, Lexormant, and other continental hierologists. The following new works of the day point out the pending state of hierological inquiry into the primeval ages of humanity, viz : Date of Menes. Bockh — Berlin, 1845,” — Manetho und die Hundssternperiode,” Henry — Paris, 1846, — L’Egypte Pharaonique,” Barucchi, — Turin, 1845, — “Discorsi critici sopra la Chronologia Egizia,” Bunsen, — Hamburg, 1845, — “ iEgyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte,” Years B. C. 5702 “ “ 5303 “ “ 4890 “ “ 3643 • “ paire 1’ examen critique de la succession del dynasties 6gyptlennes, d’ aprds les (elites historiques et lee monmnens nationaux.”— Paris, lf44 4 ' The discussion of the relative nature and claims of the above and other works is reserved for the proposed Lectures, with the sole re- mark, that while he will adopt for common chronological purposes the minimum system of Chev. Bunsen, the writer is aware, owing to the hints generously supplied him by Dr. Lepsius, that the extra- ordinary facts and unexpected discoveries resulting from the recent Prussian explorations around the Pyramids of Memphis (effected by Dr. Lepsius since Chev. Bunsen’s “ Egypt’s place in the World’s History,” went to press,) will carry the age of Mf.nes some centuries beyond B. C. 3643, backed by the incontrovertible testimony of the Pyramidal monuments. Awaiting, in common with the universal public, the forthcoming historical revelations of the Prussian Scientific Mission, the critical investigations of Mr. Birch in England, and the future discoveries of M. Prisse in Egypt, the writer takes this opportunity to an- nounce for publication, next year, the following work, wherein the whole of these Egyptian data, being the most authentic and ancient portion of the history of Thirty-Three Nations, from China to Iceland inclusive, will receive embodiment : CHKONOS. OUTLINE OF A GRAND CHRONOLOGICAL ATLAS, PRESENTING THE PARALLEL HISTORIES OF THE EAST AND THE WEST, OR A SYNOPTICAL AND SYNCHRONOUS TABULATION OF ORIENTAL and OCCIDENTAL EVENTS, FROM THE EARLIEST HIES TO THE DEATH OF NAPOLEON. (Based upon the latest Geological, Geographical, Ethnological, Archaeological, Monumental, Biblical, and other researches, and covering above 400 Pages, folio. OFFERED TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, BY HENRY YENEL, (CITIZEN OF SWITZERLAND,) AS A TRIBUTE OF ADMIRATION AND RESPECT. Translated from the Author’s original and unpublished French Manuscript, and Edited, with annotations, by GEORGE R. GLIDDON •*++++*00000000 f Prospet iuses with all explanatory details will be issued as soon as the arrangements for publication are adequately matured.