=, = = srs οὐ ποῖ Ee i i} VECTOR) Witt ΠΤ ΜΝ ΡΥ ὙΠ ΙΓ μι OF THE — | | | πο δ 1081 Seminary, a PRINCETON, N. J. Shelf Book: THE fe URCH OF CHRIST, IN ITS IDEA, ATTRIBUTES, AND MINISTRY: WITH A PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE CONTROVERSY ON THE SUBJECT BETWEEN ROMANISTS AND PROTESTANTS. a BY EDWARD ARTHUR* LITTON , M. A. PERPETUAL CURATE OF STOCKTON HEATH, CHESHIRE, AND LATE FELLOW OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD. Pirst American Cdition. REVISED BY THE AUTHOR. PUBLISHED BY A LAY MEMBER OF THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH. PHILADELPHIA: SMITH & ENGLISH, 36 NORTH SIXTH ST. NEW YORK: ANSON ἢ. F. RANDOLPH, 6883 BROADWAY. 1856. AUTHOR’S PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. Iv having been thought desirable to reprint the following work in America, the Author has availed himself of the opportunity of introducing some alterations and corrections which he trusts will render it more generally useful. Such a revision, however, as he could have wished to bestow upon it, was out of the ques- tion, partly, from want of leisure at the present moment, and partly, because more than half of the work was in type before the intention of re-issuing it was communicated to him. He is sensi- ble, therefore, that even now, the work labors under many imper- fections, particularly a want of compression in some parts, and a crudeness of statement in others, which, had more time been at his command, he might have hoped to remove, and as it is, he commends it to the candor of the Christian public. The principal alteration has been the omission of some obser- vations, in the chapter on the sacraments, on infant baptism, or rather on the amount of direct Scripture evidence for the exist- ence of pcedo-baptism in the first age of the Church; and of some others, on the place which circumcision held in the ancient economy, and its consequent relations to baptism under the new. On the latter point, the Author’s opinions have undergone a change, and as regards the former, if he still thinks that certain passages have been unduly pressed to deliver a testimony in favor, not of the lawfulness, but, of the Apostolic institution, of infant baptism, he is sincerely desirous of avoiding discussions likely to lead to controversy among those who, in the main, agree with the principles set forth in the work. The conclusions there- fore to be drawn from the normal case of Scripture, viz: adult baptism, are simply stated; and it is left to the reader, if he bea lil iv PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. poedo-baptist, to adjust them to the normal practice of his church. That they can be satisfactorily adjusted to this exceptional case is the Author’s full conviction; but to state the argument fully would require some space, and an imperfect statement might lead to misapprehension. If on the important subject discussed the work should be found in any instance to have promoted sound Scriptural and Protestant views, the Author’s object in sending it forth will have been fully attained. OxrorD, March 14, 1856. 8. Douglas Wyeth, Agt., Stereotyper, No. 7 Pear St., Phila. PREFACE. THOUGH it is presumed that the reader will meet with nothing in the following pages but what the title prepares him for, it is very probable that he will look for several topics which, in works of this kind, are commonly discussed, but in the present are omitted. It may be proper, therefore, to state briefly the nature and scope of the work. The course of the great controversy which has been so long agitating the Church of England must have impressed the atten- tive observer with the importance of a scientific acquaintance, especially on the part of the clergy, with the fundamental differ- ences between Romanism and Protestantism, as opposite systems of dogmatic theology. This branch of study, so proper to a Protestant Church, had, for various reasons, fallen into neglect, until circumstances, which have become matter of history, forced it upon public attention. Among these reasons may be mentioned the historical, rather than doctrinal, character of our theology — the absence, hitherto at least, in this country of a learned, if not of an agressive, Romanism, such as exists abroad, and there calls forth a corresponding activity on the part of Protestant theolo- gians—and, not least, the indifference, not to say positive aver- sion, which, since the time of Laud, has been exhibited towards evangelical Protestantism, the real antagonist of Romanism, by a large and influential section of the English clergy. The consequences of this neglect have been such as might have been expected. In its earlier stages the tractarian movement appeared to have gained a complete triumph on the ground of historical and philosophical disquisition. Men were taken by sur- prise, and arguments appeared convincing simply because they were not familiar to the minds of those to whom they were addressed. Our younger clergy especially, unversed in the study of the Romish controversy, were seduced in numbers by the attractive, and to them novel, guise in which the reasonings of Vv vi , PREFACE. Bellarmin and Bossuet were re-produced, and imbibed Romish principles without suspecting Ὁ ‘Source whence the poison was derived. That this state of things should continue is neither credigiable nor safe. The nation, age? has uttered its judgment on the mo- mentous questions at issue with a voice which cannot be mistaken ; but, in times like ours, we need something more than the protest of a healthy Christian instinct, such as the laity of this country have given expression to, against the errors of the church system. The adherents of the Reformation, if they would maintain. their ground amidst the various opposing influences which surround them, must be prepared, not only to contend zealously for the apostolic faith, but to justify, both to themselves and to others, their adherence thereto. If Protestantism show itself incapable of wielding any other weapons than those of popular declamation, it is to be feared that, in an inquiring age like our own, when every system is undergoing a process of sifting, it will be com- pelled to abandon the field to its antagonists, whether Romish or rationalistic. In short, an intelligent and scientific study of the doctrinal differences between ourselves and Rome appears to be at the present time peculiarly needful; and if upon any section of our Church this duty seems to be more incumbent than upon others, it is that to which the epithet of evangelical has, whether rightly or wrongly, been attached, and which, as recent events have abundantly shown, is the natural antagonist of Rome. It may be thought that, the immediate danger which menaced the Church of England having passed away, a discussion of this kind is no longer opportune; but, independently of the subject’s being one of permanent and universal interest, it would be a great mistake to suppose that, because the leaders of the movement have passed over to a more congenial territory, the principles which they inculcated with such zeal and success within our own pale have disappeared with them. Those principles, by whatever name they may be called, whether Catholic, or Church, or Sacramental, are still rife amongst us, and in active operation: in truth, the contest between evangelical and ecclesiastical Christianity is as old as the Gospel itself, and may be expected to continue to the end of time. Moreover, it is impossible to overlook the significance of the recent attitude which the Church of Rome has assumed Within these dominions. Politically she has experienced a signal repulse; but there is every reason to expect that a systematic assault will be made by theologians of her communion, of a higher PREFACE. vii . Ν ε, grade than the controversialists best known in this country, on the foundations of Protestantism, which it will need every weapon of argument and research successfully to meet. To call attention to this field of theological inquiry, hitherto too much neglected amongst us, is the object of the following work. The chief aim of the writer has been to bring out fully to view the ultimate doctrinal principles which lie at the root of each system respectively; and to point out how these principles na- turally give rise to the visible results with which the world is familiar. Hence it is that several questions, the determination of which depends chiefly upon an investigation of facts,— such as the alleged supremacy of the Bishop of Rome in the fourth or fifth century, or the alleged invalidity of our English orders—are but briefly touched upon; while an unusually large space is devoted to purely doctrinal discussions. Indeed these discussions may be thought to occupy too large a space by those who do not bear in mind that the topic of the Church is, in fact, an epitome of the whole Romish controversy, all the other differences of view on original sin, justification, and the sacraments, here combining to produce a single result. To this abstract mode of treating the subject the writer has been led, partly from a conviction that too much stress has been laid upon the external, to the overlooking of the interior, points of difference between us and Rome, and partly because our theology is as rich in historical refutations of the pretensions of the Papacy as it is barren in expositions of the doctrinal grounds on which the system rests. The ground assumed throughout is that of evangelical Pro- testantism, the Protestantism of Luther, Calvin, and our own reformers, as distinguished from the political, eclectic, and ra- tionalistic systems which, at different times, have taken its place, The latter systems, which often exhibit as wide a divergency from the genuine teaching of the reformers as that of Trent itself, have been frequently tried, and found of no power to withstand the encroachments of the adversary. From the time of Erasmus downwards, the mere negation of Romish doctrine has proved insufficient for this purpose; and if in the conflict which appears to be impending between us and our ancient opponent, we are to come off victorious, it must be by taking our stand on the positive doctrines of the Reformation. But while the writer has been at no pains to conceal the side which he takes, it has been his aim to avoid those one-sided representations of the opposite system, which only repel the candid mind, and, by the reaction of senti- Vill ' PREFACE. ment which they occasion, do more injury than good to the cause of truth. To maintain that Romanism is not even a form of Christianity, can serve no good purpose, and is to overlook the essential distinction between faith, however imperfectly informed, and unbelief. A dispassionate impartiality in comparing the sys- tem of Trent with our own, and a promptitude to acknowledge whatever merits or defects may exist on each side, are quite compatible with a hearty conviction of the fundamental truth of Protestantism; and these qualities it has been throughout the desire of the writer to cultivate. Indeed, the scientific character of the work would, of itself, have rendered any exaggerated state- ments, or appeals to popular feeling, out of place. It is proper to apprize the reader that one division only of the controversy on the subject of the Church—viz. the nature and constitution of the Christian society—is here discussed; the authority of the Church, and the various questions relating to tradition and the rule of faith, not entering into the plan of the work. The arrangement adopted may be briefly stated. In the first book an attempt is made to fix the true idea of the Church —that is, to determine whether it is, as the Romanist would have it, primarily an external institution; or, as Protestantism teaches, a society which has its true being or differentia within. If the discussion should here seem unnecessarily extended, it must be remembered that this question lies at the very root of the contro- versy, and, moreover, is not often found discussed by our own divines in a satisfactory manner. The second book is devoted to the consideration of the predicates, or attributes, of the Church, as expressed in the Catholic creeds, and in the rival confessions. The third book contains an exposition of the differences between us and Rome on the subject of the Christian ministry. On each head the plan pursued has been, first, to determine from the authenticated statements of each party what the real point at issue is, and then to examine to which side truth inclines. With respect to the labours of the learned in this department of theology, it has already been observed that amongst ourselves it has not been much cultivated. We have treatises against Romanism in abundance, but it has not occurred to the writer to meet with any work in English theology (Bishop Marsh’s small treatise excepted) the professed object of which is to institute a scientific comparison between the doctrinal confessions of the two great sections of the Christian world. Neither does the valuable work of Field on the Church, nor the more recent treatise of Mr PREFACE. ix Palmer, supply this defect: the latter work, indeed, though con- taining much valuable information, is by no means calculated to introduce the reader to an acquaintance with the essential points of difference between Romanists and Protestants. Abroad the case has been different. The labours of the philosophical school of Romanists, represented by Moehler, De Maistre, and others, have had the effect, especially in Germany, of calling into the field many eminent theologians of the opposite party; among whom may be mentioned Baur, Neander, and Nitzsch. No one can peruse the writings of either side without profit; and to Nitzsch’s excellent reply to Moehler, in particular, the present writer desires to acknowledge his obligations for some of the profoundest remarks on the opposite systems which this age has produced. A copious table of contents — or rather analysis of the work — has been prefixed, which, it is hoped, will also serve the purpose of an index. i ᾿ 2 = ‘ , ν» “i 7 eS a ia 7 ὡ ’ 5 γῆν . + é i's "% ? ᾿ ἣ 4 i Μ ᾿ =< τ, *, 4 7 » AAR a Pa a . id. = , ThE ἐἢ q ᾿ γ᾽ Δ. ἢ Ga - Peta r δ ἢ ; he Ὶ RS Bs ιν δ, AT ΘΔ πὸ Ὁ ΟΝ UE Leia it. δον hit cael MS ΤῊ i shee δὰ ἡ δι αν * “ὦ . "4 copa ks nia oye ee ΤΉΝ wong CONTENTS. GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Romanist and Protestant tendencies apparent in the Church from the first - - - - - - Page 25—27 The Protestant conception of the Church, the natural consequence of the doctrine of justification by faith - - - - 27 Historical sketch of the formation of Luther’s views on the nature and authority of the Church - - - - τος 27—29 Melancthon, Calvin’ - - - - - πολι a0 Effects of the Protestant movement on Romanism. Counter-reformation of Trent - - - - - - 91 In the Romish System, the idea of the Church gives a shape to all other doctrines: in Protestantism this governing influence belongs to its doc- trine of Justification - - - - - 31—33 Hence in the dogmatic systems of the one party, the topic of the Church usually stands first; in those of the other, that of Justification 33, 34 Reasons for deviating, in the present instance, from the ordinary procedure of Protestant writers - - - - - 34, 35 The sources whence we are to derive our knowledge of Romanism and Protestantism respectively. Not Scripture - - - 385—37 Nor the ecumenical creeds - - - - 37, 38 Nor the private writings of the reformers and their opponents - 38, 39 But the public confessions of faith on each side: Romish formularies - - - - - 99, 40 Principal Protestant ditto - - - - 40—42 BOOK I. ΠΈΡΙ ΠΝ ΑΓ OF Tel CU ROR. Pane STATEMENT OF THE QUESTION AT ISSUE. CHAPTER I. DECLARATIONS OF THE ROMISH AND PROTESTANT FORMULARIES. Council of Trent gives no formal definition of the Church - 43 Statements of the Romish Catechism - - - 44. -47 Statements of the Protestant confessions. 1. Lutheran. Confession of Augsburg. Observation on Art. 19 of the English Confession. Ar- ticles of Schmaleald. Catechisms of Luther - - 47—50 (xi) ΧΙ CONTENTS. 2. Reformed. The Helvetic, Scotch, vie? Tetrapolitan, and Polish Confessions. Nowel’s catechism - = - Page 51—56 Summary of Protestant teaching on the ee of the idea of the Church 56—58 CHA PTE AL. POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND FUNDAMENTAL DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THEM AS REGARDS THE IDEA OF THE CHURCH. Importance of first ascertaining how far the parties are agreed. Instances in which this rule has been transgressed - - 59, 60 On both sides it is admitted :-— 1. That the Christian life is essentially a social one. Scriptural notices on this point - - Ξ Ξ - _ π΄ 61—63 2. That the Church possesses the property of sue visible. Social wor- ship. The Sacraments - - Ξ - 63, 64 8. That the Church is a means to bring men to chi: Twofold aspect under which the Church must always be considered - - 64—67 4. That, in one sense, the Church is invisible. Acknowledgments of Romish catechism, and of Bellarmin, on this point - 67—69 The real point of difference is, not absolute, but relative, —7. 6. it consists in the relative importance, and position, which each party assigns to what is visible, and what is invisible, in the Church. The Romanist makes the essence of the Church to lie in what is visible; the Protestant in what is invisible - - - - - 69—71 This evident from the confessional statements on each side. Bellarmin’s definition - - - - - - 71—74 A mere relative difference may give rise to systems of a very opposite — character. Arianism. Sabellianism, &c. - - 74, 75 Bellarmin’s statement of the difference - - - 75 Both parties accept the statements of the three creeds on this article ; but they assign to them a somewhat different sense my lot Mie 75, 76 PAR TET. DISCUSSION OF THE QUESTION. CHAPTER I. METHOD OF THE INQUIRY. Romanists and Protestants differ on the previous question :—What is the authoritative source of truth in religion? Hence difficulty of their’ arriving at a mutual understanding - ᾿Ξ = 77, 78 In this point lies the principal distinction between the Church system of the 5th century and later Romanism. Early fathers maintained the same formal principle as that of Protestantism,—viz. the supreme au- thority of Scripture in matters of faith - Ξ - 78, 19 This principle here assumed - - - - = 79 CONTENTS. ΧΙΠ Method of inquiry adopted ; not the exegetical - - Page 80 Nor that of ἃ priori argument. Arguments of this kind, commonly urged by Romanists, prove nothing, as against Protestants - 80—82 But the historical - - - = = - 82 Reasons for making the Jewish dispensation the starting point of the in- quiry - - - - - - - 82—84 Leading divisions of the survey - - - - 84, 85 C Hy AvP TE Rye lie THE JEWISH DISPENSATION. Section I. THE LAW OF MOSES. ITS NATURE AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. Reasons of the delay of the Saviour’s appearance - - 86, 87 Preparation for his coming : among heathens negative merely, among Jews special and positive - - - - - - 87 The main principle on which the Jewish polity was constructed, that of law. True import of the term legal, as applied to a religious system 87—89 Illustrations of such a system. From political government. From the work of education - - - - = - 89—91 Such a system necessarily appeals to the baser motives of our nature 91 The Jewish economy of the nature just described. An external Theocracy 92 Meaning of 2 Cor. iii. 6. - - - - - 95 The law, when first promulgated, inculeated nothing beyond the national worship of Jehovah, as the tutelary God of the nation - 93, 94 This observation, however, applies rather to the form, than to the sub- stance, of the original enactment. Substance of the moral law the same in every age. But to unfold its full meaning was the work of subsequent prophecy - - - - - - 94, 95 Exposition of Gal. iii. 19. - - - - - 95, 96 The law worked chiefly, though not exclusively, by the agency of fear 96—99 Under such a system, a visible symbol of the Divine presence, a consecrated locality, a human priesthood confined to a certain tribe, and visible sacri- fices, naturally hada place - - - - 99, 100 Sanctions of the Mosaic covenant exclusively temporal - 100, 101 Elementary nature of the Mosaic system accounted for by the imperfect state of religious knowledge among the Jews at that time 102, 103 The same circumstance explains the length of time during which the nation was left under the law - - - - 108, 104 Reasons for dwelling at such length on the Mosaic economy. The Romish conception of the Church is that of a new law. This visible, especially in the Romish doctrine of Sanctification - - 104—106 Modern advocates of the Church system here coincide with Rome 106—108 XIV CONTENTS. Section II. THE SPIRITUAL OPERATION OF THE MOSAIC LAW. Reasonable to suppose that the Jew must have, in time, emerged from the elementary system of the law, and advanced to a more spiritual worship of God - - - = - - - Page 108 This actually the case. To the pious Jew the law was a “school-master unto Christ.” 1. In the elementary knowledge which it imparted. The legal sacrifices, &c. must have raised an expectation of a better atone- ment to come, and thereby made their own insufficiency felt 109, 110 2. In the preparatory discipline which it furnished. The incorporation of the moral law in the civil code produced in the Jewish mind a conviction of sin - - - - - - 111—113 This feeling must have operated to cause a depreciation of the Levitical ritual. Effects of the absence of it in the Romish system 1138—115 The analogies of nature would lead us to conclude that such must have been the effect of the law on the mind of a pious Jews - 115, 116 The above conclusions confirmed by later Jewish Scriptures. Especially by the book of Psalms - - - - 116—118 Section III. THE PROPHETIC REVELATION. Threefold division of the Jewish Scriptures not strictly accurate - 118 Prophecy, like the Law, introductory to the Gospel, but in a different way 119 Subject-matter of the prophetic Canon, either didactic, or predictive 119 Teaching of prophecy confirms the impressions supposed to be produced by the Law. It insists upon the worthlessness of mere external worship ; it deals with the concerns of personal religion; and at the same time, it furnishes clearer notices of Gospel doctrine - - 120—126 Predictive matter of prophecy, as regards the Christian dispensation. In what sense the new dispensation is described as a continuation of the old . (Is. xlix. 14—20.) - - - - - 126—129 Other prophetic characteristics of it - - - 129, 130 Jer. xxxi. 31—34. especially deserving of attention - 130, 131 Summary of the prophetic teaching and predictions - 181—133 Section IV. THE MINISTRY OF JOHN THE BAPTIST, AND THAT OF CHRIST. Objects of our Lord’s mission several in number - 133—135 The ministry of Christ properly belongs to the old dispensation. Its an- ticipatory character - - τ - - 135, 186 State of religion among the Jews when Christ and His forerunner appeared. Pharisaism. Sadducees - - - > 136—139 The Baptist’s ministry ; its distinctive features - 139—141 CONTENTS. XV The teaching of our Lord, in part identical with that of John, and the consummation of that of the prophets - - Page 141, 142 Christ not a lawgiver, in the Romish sense of the word - 142—144 The character in which Christ appeared was that of a Rabbi; an office which had no necessary connexion with the ceremonial law - 144 Approaching change by which the Word of God was to become the chief instrument of the Spirit, foreshadowed by Christ’s ministry. Hence the stress laid by Christ on faith. The Jew had the Word of God in the Scriptures, but not as a standing ordinance, and covenanted’ means of grace - - - - - - 144—146 To believe that Jesus was the Christ, the final probation of the Jews. Suitableness of this test. What Christ really was, not discernible by the eye of sense 2 Ξ = - - - 146 Every fundamental doctrine of the Gospel declared by Christ - 147 Cursory review of the ground passed over. The operation of the Law, and the teaching of prophecy, both tended to the same point 147, 148 Hence easy to predict the nature of the Gospel dispensation - 148 And to explain why the Jews in the time of Christ, notwithstanding their hatred of idolatry, were cut off from being the people of God 148, 149 CHAPTER III. THE CHRISTIAN DISPENSATION. Section I. INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS. Christian dispensation formally commenced with the descent of the Holy Ghost - - - - - - - 150 Fact that the Church from the first was a visible society, does not prove the Romish theory to be correct - - - 150, 151 Characteristic features of a religious system, which, while being visible, should yet, unlike that of the law, work from within outwards. First feature: the outward ordinances of such a system would presuppose the existence of the inner spirit - - - - 151, 152 Second feature: the ordinances would, if possible, be not new, but familiar ones - - - - - - 152, 153 Third feature: the work of external organization would be one of time, and progressive - - - - - - 153 Section II. THE SACRAMENTS. These tests applied to the Church of Christ. And first, of the Sacra- ments - - - - - - - 154 Neither of the Sacraments, as regards the outward sign, new appoint- ments - - - - - - 154, 155 XV1 CONTENTS. The change wrought in the existing ordinances (baptism, and the paschal breaking of bread) of a spiritual nature - - - Page 155 No liturgical ceremonial delivered with them. Nor was the administration of them formally committed to a priestly caste - 155, 156 Similar remarks apply to the ordinance of the keys. Matt. xviii. 15—19. 156 The Sacraments chiefly distinguishable from legal ordinances by the place which they occupy in the salvation of the individual. They do not communicate spiritual life in the first instance, but strengthen and per- fect it - - - Ξ - - 156, 157 Examination of the Sacramental system. Meaning of the expression «ς Corporate life.”” Note on Gladstone’s Church Principles 157—159 The dogma of the Corporate life, combined with that of the Sacraments working ex opere operato, naturally gives rise to the Romish idea of the Church - - - Ε = - 159—161 How far the Sacramentalist is in the right. Union with Christ the great: blessing of the Gospel dispensation - - - 161—165 Point in which the Sacramental system diverges from the teaching of Scripture - - - - - - 165, 166 Statements of a recent expounder of it (Archdeacon Wilberforce) examined. Erroneous interpretation of the “ Body of Christ ” - 166, 167 Scripture uniformly makes the Word of God the first instrument of uniting men to Christ - - = = - = 167 The Apostolic preaching - - - Ξ Ξ 168 Expression ‘in Christ” invariably presupposes the existence of repentance and faith. Noteon John xy.2. - = = = 169 Under the Christian dispensation the ordinance of the Word possesses a Sacramental character - - - - - 169—171 Faith a gift of the Holy Ghost - - - - 171, 772 First accession of spiritual life comes not from union with the Church. Schleiermacher’s dictum - - - - 172, 173 Yet the intervention of the Church necessary - - 174 Protestant led to his conception of the Church from his making the Word the first instrument of regeneration - - - ἸΠΟΣΤΙ CONTENTS. XVii Secrion III. THE POLITY OF THE CHURCH IN ITS EARLIER STAGES. Antecedently probable that Christ would make it clear according to what form of polity Christian societies are to be constituted Page 177, 178 Statements of the Council of Trent on this subject - - 118 Difficulty under which the advocates of the divine right of Episcopacy labour in proving their theory from Scripture alone - 178, 179 The notion, that the three orders were aes enveloped in the A posto- late, examined - - - 179—181 The Jewish synagogue the real model after wi the polity of the Church, in its first stages, was constructed. Remarks on the origin, and nature, of synagogical worship - - Νὴ ἋΑ: 181---188 Government of the Synagogue - - - 188, 184 Its worship the point of transition between that of the Law and that of the Gospel - - - - - - 184, 185 Proofs that the Synagogue, not the temple, was the pattern which the A pos- tles proposed to themselves in organizing Christian societies 185—188 Thus in polity, as in the Sacraments, Christ adapted to the purposes of His Church well-known, and existing, forms - - 188, 189 Incorrectness of the assertion that the Church appeared primarily, as ‘‘a visible organized system,’’ distinct from Judaism. The first Christians regarded as a Jewish sect - - - - 189—191 The organization of Christian societies advanced by successive steps. Origin of the diaconate, and of the presbyterate τι 191—193 Contrast in this point between the Law and the Gospel - 194, 195 That ‘‘ Christianity came into the world, rather as an idea than an institu- tion’’ perfectly true, if for ‘‘idea’’ we substitute ‘‘ spiritual influence” - - - - - - - 195—197 Section IV. ADDITIONAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE CHRISTIAN DISPENSATION. Conclusion from the foregoing remarks. The Church not primarily, a visi- ble institution - - - - - - 198 Difference between the Law and the Gospel in this respect implied in Gal. iv. 1—6. Ξ Ξ : : ee es ene Meaning of 2 Cor. iii, 1 - - - - ~ 201 CHAPTER Iv. THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTOLIC EPISTLES IN REFERENCE TO THE IDEA OF THE CHURCH. Secrion I. THE APOSTOLIC CONCEPTION OF A CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Definition of a church, according to St. Paul. - - 208, 204 Examination of the statement that St. Paul regards a Christian society as consisting merely of professing Christians. Refutation of this notion, and especially of the argument, founded on the transfer of Jewish terms, to the Gospel. - - ᾿ - - 204—207 xvili P CONTENTS. The legal part of the Jewish economy has passed into Christianity only under a spiritualized form. Instances in the words Temple, Priesthood, Sacrifice, Sabbath, &e. - - - - Page 207, 208 Foundation of the error. The Jew was so by natural birth, the Christian is born again - - - - - - 208,209 What is implied in the τοῦς σωζομένους of Acts ii. 47. - 209, 210 Modifications of meaning which the terms of the law—e. g. ‘‘elect,”’ “‘saints,’’ ‘‘sons of God’’—undergo under the Gospel - 210—213 Note on Archbishop Whately’s ‘‘Essays,’? and Archbishop Sumner’s ‘‘Apostolical Preaching”’ - - - - 211—213 Objection from the confessedly mixed state of local churches shown to be untenable - - - - - - 213—217 Statements of Mr. Palmer examined - - - 217, 218 Section IT. THE MYSTICAL BODY OF CHRIST AS DISTINGUISHED FROM VISIBLE CHURCHES. PROTESTANT DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE VISIBLE AND THE INYISIBLE CHURCH. Distinction naturally denied by Romanists. By some also among our- selves - - - - - - 218, 219 Various senses of the word ἐχκλησιαβ. Two only really distinct 219, 220 Peculiar language of Scripture when it describes the Church as the body of Christ - - - - - - 220, 22] Points of distinction between this and the ordinary acceptations of the term. The Church, regarded as the body of Christ, is one; is one society in the strict sense of the word; and its component parts are, not societies, but individuals - - - - 221, 224 The Church, as the body of Christ, not an abstraction. ΝΟΥ can the lan- guage of the New Testament writers on this point be regarded merely as that of anticipation - - - - - 224, 227 Quotation from Augustin - - - - - 221 In maintaining the distinction, we neither make the true church absolutely invisible, nor affirm that there are two churches, one visible, the other in- visible, nor affirm that there are two churches, one visible, the other in- visible. Real meaning of the expression ‘‘the invisible Church’’?229—231 How the one true Church, in its corporate capacity invisible, becomes visible - - - - - - 231, 282 Point of connexion between the Church as invisible and the Church as visible - - - - - - - 233 Further explanations - - - - - - 288 Why the Church visible never can perfectly correspond with the Church in its truth - - - - - - 234—236 Summing up of the teaching of the Reformers on this point 280, 237 Melancthon’s explanations - - - - 37, 239 CONTENTS. ς xix CONCLUSION. GENERAL SUMMING UP OF THE ARGUMENT. In Christianity the external theocracy has given place to one of the spirit Page 240, 241 Hence truth of the Protestant definition - - 241, 242 Romish definition opposed to reason as wellas to Christian instinct 243, 244 Note on Pearson - - - - - - 244, 245 The case of the individual Christian (Gladstone C. P., p. 115.) not an analogous one - - - - - 245, 246 The Protestant alone assigns to the Church a place among the articles of Faith - - - - - - - 246, 247 Superiority of the Protestant theory in a philosophical point of view 247, 248 Ultra-Protestanism less dangerous than Romanism - 249, 250 Coincidence of rationalism with Romanism on this point’ - 250 BOOK UT: THE NOTES AND ATTRIBUTES OF THE CHURCH. Introductory Remarks - - - - 251 PART L NOTES OF A CHURCH. Difference between the Romish and the Protestant notes naturally springs from the difference between the parties on the subject of the nature of the one true Church. - - - - - 252—255 True significance of the Protestant notes. They indicate the connecting point between the Church visible and invisible, and they contain an im- plicit protest against the exclusive theory of Rome - 255—258 Objections urged by Romanists against the Protestant notes shown to be without weight - - - - - 258—264 PAW TE. ἘΝ ΑΤ Lei BUEES OR PREDICA TES OF THE CHUR CGE: INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. Origin and import of these terms. Original meaning of the word ‘‘Catho- lic”? - - - - - -265—267 CHAPTER I. THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH. This phrase admits of various significations - - - 208 True notion of organic unity - - - - 268, 269 Organic unity belongs only to the mystical body of Christ - 269, 270 Romanism has here the advantage over other systems which make the essence of the Church to lie in its visible characteristics. Newman. Moehler - - = - = Ξ -270 273 xx CONTENTS. Common principles of unity donot make Churches one society, Page 273,274 Secondary unities mentioned by St. Paul (Hphes. iv. 4. 6.) - 274, 275 Present question relates to organic unity: whether, and how far, it has succeeded in becoming visible. The episcopate - - 215 Church theory of episcopacy - - - - 276, 277 Historical inquiry into this subject. And first: Can episcopacy be proved to be of divine origin—. e. to have been instituted by Christ himself? Σ 2 - - - - - 7, 218 No evidence of this. The missions of the twelve and the seventy not to the point - - - - - - 278, 279 No command of Christ producible - - - 279, 280 No office in the synagogue resembling that of a bishop - 280, 281 The Apostles not formal bishops - - - 282, 288 Yet the position of the Apostles in reference to presbyters and deacons not to be overlooked - - - - - 284, 286 The polity of the Church of Apostolic, and only so far of Divine, origin - - - - - - - - 286 Secondly, can episcopacy be proved to be of apostolical origin from Serip- ture alone - - - - - - 286 Difficulty of proving the third order of ministers from Scripture alone. Only two orders found in the New Testament - - 286 Proofs of this - - - - - - 287—289 Cases of Timothy and Titus. They do not establish the fact of a formal epispocate- - - - - - 280. 9992 Real officers of these ministers - - - - 292. 294 St. James. Diotrephes - - - - - 294 Cases of Timothy and Titus, however, not without their value 295 To Episcopacy, proper, an earlier date cannot be assigned than A. D. 70. Reasons on which this conclusion is founded - - 295—298 Thirdly ; Can Episcopacy be proved to be apostolical by the joint evidence of Scripture and uninspired testimony ? - - - 298 Testimony of antiquity to be received. Difference, however, between apos- tolical appointments recorded in Scripture and those which have come down to us through uninspired channels - ες 298—300 Cogency of the evidence in favor of the apostolicity of episcopacy 300, 301 Danger of taking too high ground on this question - 302 Unfair statements of the opponents of episcopacy - - 803, 304 If episcopacy had been clearly capable of proof from Scripture, could we have inferred it to be essential.to the Church ? Is every appointment which can be proved from Scripture to have proceeded from apostles to be deemed a divine law? Discussion of this point - 304—319 Natural of episcopacy: partly positive, and partly negative. Posi- tively, it is to be regarded as a manifestation of the unseen unity of the Spirit - - - - - - - 810, 311 Independent theory unscriptural - 911 CONTENTS. ΧΧῚ A primitive church - - - - Page 311, 312 Christianity naturally tends to episcopal centres - 313, 314 Negatively, it was a safeguard against the evils of division. State of the Church towards the close of the apostolic age - - 314 Rival factions of the followers of St. Peter and St. Paul - 315; BiG Heresies of the apostolic age - - - - - 317 The episcopate fitted to preserve union and to repress heresy - 317, 319 Subsequent and more comprehensive forms of unity. Moehler’s admissions : : : : : : = ἀρ 820), 32] Metropolitanism. Patriarchates - - - - 821, 828 Cyprian’s theory of episcopacy. Sketch of the unity of the Church in the 4th century - - - - - 323, 325 Papacy followed as a fatter of course. Nothing anti-Christian in the idea of an ecclesiastical centre of Western Christendom - 325, 327 Point at which the papacy became anti-Christian. Fact transformed into adivine law - - - - - - 327 The same observation applies to the whole structure of the Church system - - - - - - - 327, 328 Real difference between Romanists and Protestants on the subject of Church polity - - - - - 828, 829 Occasions on which the Tridentine principle first made its appearance. Cyprian - - - - - - 329—331 Growth of the dogma of the Roman pontiff - - 331—334 We must protest against the earlier as well as the later exemplification of the principle - - - - - 334, 335 Secrion IT. THE ONENESS OF THE CHURCH. Romanists and Protestants agree in the abstract proposition, that out of the Catholic church there is no covenanted salvation. But they differ as to what that Catholic church 15 - - - 335—337 Doctrine of Rome only the following out ofthe patristic teaching. Cyprian. Augustin - - - - - - 337—339 Protestant must reject the patristic as well as the Romish idea of the one- ness of the Church - - - - - 339—340 Protestant notes, viewed as exclusive tests - - 340 Observations on fundamentals. Twofold source of our knowledge in divine things, the voice of the Church and Scripture - - 341—343 Creeds. Floating sentiment of the Church - - 5848, 344 Conclusions from Scripture - - - - 346—350 Secrion ITI. THE SANCTITY OF THE CHURCH. Romanist makes the essential sanctity of the Church external, Protestant internal - - - - - - 350, 351 Sanctity of the Church imperfect yet progressive - 351, 353 xxil CONTENTS. Visible evidence thereof. First fruits of the Spirit - Page 353 Secondly, the exercise of discipline - - - 854, 355 Error of the Montanist, Novatian, and Donatist schisms - 355, 356 Augustin, in controversy with the Donatists, makes a near approach to the Protestant doctrine of the invisible Church - - \S5G rast Difference between them - - 358, 359 BOOK TMT: THE CHRISTIAN MINISTRY. That the Christian ministry is of divine origin acknowledged by both par- ties. Points as which the differences commence 360 CHAPTER, 1. THE ORIGIN AND PERPETUATION OF THE MINISTERIAL FUNCTION. On the necessity of an apostolical succession, Romanists and Protestants are agreed - - - - - - 361 Twofold sense of the term ‘‘Apostolicity’’ - - - 362 Statement of the Romish doctrine of the apostolical succession 802---θθά Consistency of the Tridentine theory ; and necessary inferences therefrom Ε 2 Ξ Ξ Ε - - 364, 365 Connexion between this theory and the Tridentine conception of the Church - - - - - - - 365, 367 How far the Protestant goes with his opponent. Both parties are agreed— first, on the necessity of an external vocation to the ministry 801 Secondly, on the perpetuation of the ministerial office by succession 368, 369 Modern sectarianism here in error - - - 809, 511 The essential differences lie deeper. The inner constitution of the New Testament ministry, as we gather it from Scripture - 871, 372 The ministry, in its primary state, a gift, not an office - 373, 374 Mistaken interpretation of 1 Cor. xii. 28. and of Ephes. iv. 11, 12. 374 The New Testament χαρίσματα. Division of them - 375, 376 From 1 Cor. xii. xiii. xiv. we learn what the Christian ministry, in its 7dea, is - - - - - - - 376—378 Principle of formal transition not applicable to gifts of this kind 378 Apparent exception, not really so - - - - 3878—380 No such gift as a mystical grace of priesthood to be found in the New Tes- tament - - - - - - 880, 882 Points in which the Romish theory deviates from Scripture 382, 384 Significancy of the rite used in setting apart persons to the ministry. No specific rite of ordination found in the New Testament - 384—386 Note on the origin of the term ‘‘ordination’”’ - - 385, 386 The minister of ordination not defined in Scripture. The Apostles, when present, naturally performed this office - - - 385, 387 Yet the fact that no instance (Timothy’s case excepted) of presbyters alone ordaining occurs, not without weight. Argument from it in favor of episcopal ordination. - - - - - 887T—389 CONTENTS. XXili General conclusions. The natural ministry exists antecedently to the positive - - - - - - Page 389, 390 Objection, that the age of miraculous gifts has passed away, met 391 Ordinary endowments have taken their place, but the ¢dea of the ministry remains the same - - - - - Ξ Paso State of transition perceptible in St. Paul’s pastoral epistles 391, 392 Inferences respecting the necessity of an uninterrupted visible succession - - = - - - 392—394 CHAP PHnh FE THE POWERS OF THE CLERGY. Statement of the question - - - - - 395 Section I, CHRISTIAN MINISTERS NOT ‘‘LORDS OVER GOD’S HERITAGE. ’’ Hierarchical tendencies of Romanism - - - 395—398 Opposite tendencies of Protestantism - - - 398 Clergy are not the Church - - - - 999 Yet not the creatures of the congregation - - Sp BO Proper adjustment of lay and clerical influence depends upon the observance of three rules. First: free admission of the laity to the deliberative assemblies of the Church. Steps by which the laity became excluded from synods. Evils thence arising - - - 400—403 Secondly : the consent of the laity to local settlement of pastors 403—405 Thirdly: concurrence of the laity in the exercise of discipline 405, 406 Section IT CHRISTIAN MINISTERS NOT PRIESTS. Antiquity of the dogma of a human priesthood under the Gospel 407, 408 Decisions of the Council of Trent - - - - 409 Rationale of the ‘‘impressed character,’’ as connected with the sacrament of orders - - - - - - 409, 410 Testimony of Scripture ; express against the notion of a priesthood on earth - - - - - - - 410—412 Teaching of the epistle to the Hebrews - - - 412. 414 Christian ministers never in Scripture termed priests - 414, 415 All Christians priests - - - - - 415, 416 In the pastoral epistles of St. Paul, no priestly fumetions ascribed to Timo- thy and Titus - - - - - 416, 417 Necessary for the Apostles to have expressly announced the continuance of a priesthood on earth, inasmuch as the first Christians would be likely to draw an opposite conclusion - - - - 417, 418 The constitution of the first Christian societies decisive against the dogma. Synagogues bore the same relation to the temple which local churches do to the mystical body of Christ - - - - 418, 419 Ministerial gifts of the New Testament have no connexion with priestly functions - - - - - - - 420 XXIV CONTENTS. Further reflections on the relation of the synagogue to the temple, Page 420 Explanation of the circumstance that the first Christians frequented the temple services - - - - - 491, 422 Examination of passages cited in support of the sacerdotal theory; Matthew, xxvi. 26—28., xxviii. 19, 20., John, xx. 21—23., Matthew, xvi. 19., and xvili. 18. - - - - - 423, 424 Apostles appear in our Lord’s discourses in a threefold character 424, 426 This test applied to the passages aforesaid - - 420-428 No law to be found in the New Testament restricting the administration of the sacraments to the apostles, or persons commissioned by them 428—430 Different fate of the two sacraments” - - - 430, 431 Law of order not to be infringed - - - 451 Exposition of Matthew, xvi. 19., xviii. 18.,.and John, xx. 21—25. 482 Powers thus conveyed by Christ never fully existed save in the apostles. Modified sense in which they may still be said to exist in the Church - - - - - - 452. --440 Justification by faith incompatible with the sacerdotal theory - 441 Danger of the statement that the Church is the representative of Christ upon earth - - - - - - 441-444 SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. CHURCH PRINCIPLES ILLUSTRATED FROM THE WRITINGS OF CYPRIAN AND AUGUSTIN. Peculiar bias of the English reformation. Advantages and disadvantages thereof - - - - - - 444. 446 False position taken up by our reformers against Rome. Evils hence resulting - - - - - - 446—448 Formal principle of our reformers not incorporated in the thirty-nine articles - - - - - - - 448 Importance of recognizing the fact that the patristic system is that of Trent in germ - - - - - - 448 Difference between the Greek and the Latin fathers. Tlustrations from the Latin fathers: and particularly Cyprian and Augustin - 449 First; as regards the nature of the Church. 1. Its oneness. Statements of Cyprian and Augustin on this point - - 449, 450 Observations thereon - - - - - 450—456 2. Its unity. Tertullian’s tests. Cyprian’s theory - 456—460 Secondly ; as regards the functions of the Church. Statements of Cyprian and Augustin on regeneration ; on remission of sins; on the sacraments; on satisfaction, &c. - - - - 460—468 THE CHURCH OF CHRIST, &C. INTRODUCTION. THE controversy on the subject of the Church, as a distinct topic of theology, owes its existence, like the other questions in dispute between Romanists and Protestants, to the great religious move- ment of the sixteenth century. Admitting this, we must, how- ever, be on our guard against the common, but erroneous, suppo- sition, that the sentiments which upon this, as well as the other points of controversy, found a mouth-piece in Luther and Mel- ancthon, and were afterwards embodied in the Protestant confes- sions, had been, up to that time, unknown among Christians, and were subjective peculiarities of the first Reformers. The truth is, that, from the very first, Romanist and Protestant tendencies simultaneously manifested themselves, and are found to co-exist, not only within the pale of the same Catholic Church but in the same individual minds; of which, as regards the particular topic under discussion, the nature and constitution of the Church, Au- gustin, in his writings against the Donatists, is a remarkable instance. It is hard to say which of the great contending parties of Christendom can claim this eminent Father as their own; and if candour compels us to admit that, on the whole, the Tridentine theory finds the greater measure of support in his writings, Pro- testantism can still appeal to them as affording a confirmation of its own teaching upon more than one of the questions which have been raised concerning the nature of the Church. In like man- ner, Tertullian and Jerome may, on the subject of the Christian ministry, be made to speak the language both of Protestantism and Romanism, according as each party selects from their writings 20 CHURCH OF CHRIST. what it finds most accordant with its own system. In saying, then, that the controversy on the subject of the Church is the product of the Reformation, we must be understood as only affirming that it then assumed a formal shape, and became one of the leading points around which the differences of the two systems ranged themselves. Before that era, the opposite ten- dencies, though clearly traceable up to the very age of the Apostles, had not yet worked themselves out to their respective results; nor had the dominant body, calling itself the Church, become fully alive to their essential incompatibility. No formal decision having as yet abridged the sphere of discursive thought, theologians, according as they inclined more to (what afterwards was called) the Protestant, or the Romish, version of Christianity, took different sides, and were permitted a considerable degree of latitude in their teaching. Hence the appeal of the first Reformers to a general council, as the most effectual method of bringing the points at issue between themselves and their opponents to a satis- factory settlement: they affirmed that they were contending, not against the Catholic Church, but against the Papal party in the Church. Nothing can be more contrary to fact than the assertion which has been made, that Protestantism can find no trace of it- self in ancient Christianity.* The explanation of the fact which thus meets us in the pages of Church history, is to be found in the facility with which antago- nistic doctrines will often repose side by side in the mind of the individual Christian, or in the Church at large, until circumstances occur to bring out their intrinsic opposition. Of this, the contro- versy on the relation of divine grace to human agency may be adduced as an instance. It may seem to Protestants unaccountable how Augustin, for example, could have been able to reconcile his views upon this point with those which he ordinarily, though by no means uniformly, maintains on the constitution of the Church; yet it is certain that he was unconscious of any contrariety be- tween the two. The same writer who, in controversy with the Pelagians, speaks not only as a Protestant, but as a Protestant of the reformed type as distinguished from the Lutheran, is found, when discussing topics connected with the Church, following out fully the principles of Cyprian; principles which only needed time and culture to develope themselves into the Church system of the middle ages. The same juxta-position of mutually repulsive ten- dencies appears in some of Augustin’s successors, and even in the * Newman’s Essay on Development, p. 6. INTRODUCTION. oT Schoolmen. The readiest way of explaining the apparent incon- sistency, is to suppose that, in the case of these eminent teachers of the ancient Church, the relative bearings towards each other of the Augustinian doctrines of grace, and of those of the Church system, had not as yet been subjected to the action of the logical faculty: as Churchmen, they threw themselves into the system in which they had been nurtured, while as Christians they drew their spiritual nutriment from the Scriptures; and, for a time, the hete- rogeneous elements of their religious life were intermingled, though they could not coalesce. Of course, this state of things could not last always. When antagonistic principles form part of the same system, a collision, though. circumstances may retard it, becomes at leneth inevitable; and the weaker is expelled by the more powerful. So it has occurred in the Romish Church, with respect to the particular doctrines with which Augustin’s name is asso- ciated. It has at length been perceived that they are out of place in the Tridentine system. The affinity between Pelagianism and the hierarchical theory has come to light, and is recognised. The consequence is, that the doctrines which were once tolerated are now deemed heretical; and the history of Jansenism proves how much more clearly, since the Council of Trent brought out the Romish dogmas into distinct shape, the papal theologians have perceived what is compatible, and what is not, with their system, than did their predecessors who lived before the Reformation. y It must also be borne in mind, that, while, undoubtedly, it was the Reformation that gave rise to a Protestant, as distinguished from a Romish, doctrine of the Church, the controversy upon this subject was by no means the real spring of the movement. The Protestant conception of the Church follows naturally from the doctrine of justification by faith, and must sooner or later have | been arrived at by the Reformers: it was the latter doctrine, how- ever, that constituted the original ground of contention between Luther and his opponents, and neither party was at first aware of its pregnant consequences. The German Reformer had, as is well known, no notion, when he first opposed the sale of indulgences, of questioning, either the authority of the Pope, or the soundness of the ecclesiastical system in which he had been bred. Long before he emerged from the convent of Erfurth, he had become possessed, by the perusal of Scripture, of the distinctive doctrine of the gospel: but, at that period of his life, he was unconscious of its incompatibility with the received notions on the subject of the Church. Rejoicing in the peace it had brought to his own 28 CHURCH OF CHRIST. conscience, and satisfied with the liberty which he enjoyed of pro- claiming it to others, he preached justification by faith, that is, the free forgiveness of sin to all believers, in the wooden chapel of Wittemberg; nor once suspected that the truths which he drew from the fountain of the living word, so long sealed up, and ex- pounded to his admiring auditory, were irreconcilable with the other doctrines of Romanism, to which, as yet, he gave his full adhesion. At that time, he was a Romanist, preaching Protestant doctrine. In the simplicity of his heart, he believed that he was advancing nothing but what was agreeable to the mind of the Church; for how could it be supposed that she would teach con- trary to the word of God? At this early period of his history, Rome had no more devoted adherent than Luther; and doubtless, if providential circumstances had not ordered it otherwise, he would have lived and died, like many a pious monk before him, a professed Romanist, but a Protestant at heart. It was not, how- ever, destined to be so. The system of indulgences, carried out into practice in its grossest form, roused the monk of Wittemberg to a vivid consciousness of the import of the great truth which had become the nutriment of his spiritual life: he protested pub- licly against the scandal; but still without any intention of im- pugning the authority of the rulers of the Church. At this critical moment, it hung in suspense whether or not there would be a real, and effective, reformation. Things had come to such a pass as to be no longer endurable by the growing intelligence of the nations of Western Christendom; and intimations, not to be mistaken, were given from various quarters, that the Church must either voluntarily reform herself, or submit to be reformed. Had her rulers, at Luther’s first appearance, possessed the most ordinary share of prudence, had they been able to discern the signs of the times, they would, by timely concessions, have endeavoured to avert the coming storm: they would have corrected the most prominent abuses complained of, which they might easily have done, and yet have left the principles whence those abuses sprang untouched. But infatuation had fallen upon the papal party. Forgetting the vast impulse which the invention of printing, and the revival of letters, had communicated to the European mind, and shutting their eyes to the unequivocal symptoms of a growing religious sense around them, Leo X. and his counsellors had re- course to the expedient, which his predecessors had found so effectual, of interposing the shield of papal infalibility between the corruptions of the Church and their assailants. Instead, there- INTRODUCTION. 29 fore, of joining issue with Luther on the practice itself which had called forth his opposition, the emissaries of Rome cut short all discussion with the remark, that indulgences, having been insti- tuted by the Pope in accordance with the teaching of the Scho- lastic doctors, were now a matter of faith, and, as such, must be received with unquestioning submission. It was then that, for the first time, Luther began to entertain doubts respecting the validity of the Papal claim of infallibility. Refusing to submit to so sum- mary a settlement of the question, he appealed from the authority of the Pope to that of a general council. He soon, however, dis- covered that little was hereby gained; for the question immediately presented itself, According to what standard of doctrine, and in dependence upon what authorities, was such a council to frame its decisions? The advocates of the Papacy might perhaps have con- sented to submit the question in dispute to a council in which, as heretofore, the Papal constitutions, and the Scholastic theology, should be the guiding lights; but Luther, who was well acquainted with the spirit of that theology, felt, with increasing clearness of conviction as his views of scriptural truth became more extended, that in such an assembly his cause would be lost. His next de- mand, therefore, was for a council in which Holy Scripture should be recognised as the touchstone of doctrinal statements: a demand which, as manifestly striking at the root of the received doctrine concerning the authority of the Church, was at once rejected by Rome.* It was thus that the formal principle of Protestantism, viz. the supreme authority of Scripture in matters of faith, was gradually arrived at; not, as may be supposed, without many a severe strug- gle on Luther’s part against early prepossessions. It has been often alleged that, in entering the lists with Rome, he was actuated by an impatience of legitimate authority, or other unworthy mo- tives; but the authentic records in which he so graphically de- scribes the mental effort which it cost him to appear as an opponent of the Papal chair sufficiently refute the assertion. Had but per- mission been given him to teach unmolested the doctrines which he found in Scripture, he would gladly have continued in commu- nion with the bishop of Rome: it was by the force of circumstances that he was driven first to examine, and then to reject, the whole * Ceux qui avoient embrassé les opinions de Luther demandoient le concile, ἃ condition yue tout y fit décidé par le saint Ecriture, ἃ l’exclusion de toutes les constitutions des Papes et de la théologie Scolastique; étant bien assurés que c’étoit le moyen de défendre leur doctrine. —Sarpi, Hist. du Conc. de Trente, translated by Courayer, p. 38. 80 CHURCH OF CHRIST. system of which the Papacy is but the efflorescence. At the same time, when once the principle had been enunciated, that Scripture is the supreme authority in controversies of faith, the breach between the Papal and the Protesting party became irreparable; for it was no longer a contest about this or that doctrine, but about the authoritative source of all doctrines: and from this time for- ward, Protestantism began to assume the appearance of an inde- pendent system of doctrine, in opposition to that of Rome. The interior links which connect one truth with another became the subject of investigation; theological statements were so shaped as to square with the leading doctrine of the system; and, one by one, the chief topics in controversy assumed, under the guidance of Scripture, that scientific form in which they appear in the Reformed confessions. There were not wanting minds fitted for this peculiar task. The Lutheran party had early attracted ‘to itself men of high literary attamments, and genuine philosophical spirit; foremost amongst whom stood Melancthon, the first to mould the theology of the Reformation, as Luther was the instru- ment of exhibiting its inner spirit. Those living truths which Luther felt more vividly than he could expound clearly, it was Melancthon’s province to state formally, to harmonise, and to de- fend. As early as the year 1521, he had given to the world a short exposition, according to Protestant views, of the chief heads of Christian doctrine, under the title of Loci theologici: it was sub- sequently expanded into the fuller, and more complete, system of theology which appears under that name in the collected edition of his works. From his pen proceeded, a few years afterwards, the Confession of Augsburg, and the classical Apology for the Con- fession; compositions which were adopted as the symbols of the Lutheran Church, and in which Protestantism, for the first time, appears, not merely as a protest against the corruptions of Rome, which is its negative side, but, as a positive system, possessing an organising principle of its own, and not less coherent in its struc- ture than the opposite theology of the Council of Trent. The Confession of Augsburg may be considered as the basis of all the other Protestant symbols. Our Thirty-nine Articles were, as is well known, framed after the model which it furnishes, though in some points they exhibit a Reformed, rather than a Lutheran, type. For the service which Melancthon thus rendered to the Lu- theran Protestants, the Reformed Churches of France and Switzer- land were indebted to Calvin: in whose celebrated work, Jnstitetes of Religion, we possess a masterly treatise on dogmatical theology, INTRODUCTION. 81 tinged, however, with the peculiar views of the great Swiss Re- former. This work exercised a wide-spread, and lasting, influence wherever the Reformed faith was professed; and can never be read without exciting admiration, on account of the comprehen- siveness of plan, the clearness of statement, and the generally judi- cious treatment of the topics discussed, which it exhibits. It will be easily conceived that the gradual consolidation of Protestantism, both as a theological system and as a dissident Church, could not take place without producing important effects on the opposite side. In truth, the Lutheran Reformation gave rise, not only to a counter-reformation of a most extensive char- acter in the practical system of the Romish Church, but to a fixing of those dogmatical foundations of the edifice which had hitherto existed as disjecta membra, and had been tacitly assumed rather than distinctly propounded.* Tridentine Romanism no more resembles the popular working of the system in the 16th cen- tury, than the Romanism of England is a fair specimen of that which prevails in less favoured countries. In one point of view, the Council conferred a real and lasting benefit upon the Church, while in another it must be regarded as the grand impediment to her return to apostolic Christianity: it reformed innumerable abuses, and aimed, not without success, at introducing, among clergy and laity, a much higher tone of Christian practice than had previously prevailed; but, at the same time, by transforming, in avowed opposition to the Protestant statements, doctrinal opinions, which had not hitherto received a formal sanction, into authoritative decisions of the Church, it placed an insuperable bar- rier between the two great divisions of Christendom, and stereo- typed, so to speak, the errors of the Church system. But while the Romanism of Trent is as much the product of the Reformation as Protestantism itself, the questions concerning the Church hold a different place in the two systems, as regards the historical formation of each respectively. While in Protestantism it is the inward aspect of Christianity, as consisting of certain rela- tions between the individual Christian and God, expressed in the formula “justification by faith,” that pervades the system, and is the key to the understanding of it, in Romanism this governing, formative, influence belongs to its idea of the Church. Protest- antism first seized hold of the doctrine which expresses the * The lengthened discussions, the differences of opinion, and the difficulty in framing its decrees, which prevailed in the Council of Trent, prove how far the dogmatical elements of Romanism were at that time from being positively fixed.—See Sarpi’s History, passim. 32 CHURGH OF CHRIST. method in which the sinner, viewed as an individual, becomes reconciled to God; and therefrom, as a fixed point, proceeded to modify, or reject, the current notions respecting the nature and authority of the Christian community. Romanism, on the con- trary, assuming the received doctrines on the subject of the Chureh as a first principle, aimed at giving those connected with the spirit- ual life of the individual such a form as should make them har- monise with the former. Hence, possibly, it is that the Council of Trent has no distinct section upon the Church; but however this may be, it is certain that the views peculiar to Romanism, on orig- inal sin, regeneration, and justification, are, not the ae ee but the consequents of the doctrine which it maintains upon the constitution of the Church; the latter being the organizing princi- ple of the whole system. Not only does this appear from a critical -examination of the Romish formularies in their present shape, but from the historical facts connected with the rise and progress of the Papal system. The remains of ancient ecclesiastical literature, especially those of the Latin Church, teach us that the great corruption of Chris- tianity, of which Romanism is the full development, manifested itself, in the first instance, not in the doctrines which relate to the spiritual life of the individual, but in those connected with the constitution and authority of the Christian society. As it had been predicted by St. Paul, the decline from apostolic Christianity began with the introduction of two foreign elements—the ascetic discipline, and the doctrine of a human priesthood; the one of heathen, and the other of Jewish, origin; and these had taken deep root, and thoroughly impregnated the mind of the Church, long before any unscriptural views on the subject of justification were visible; at least before any such had been authoritatively pro- pounded. The enemy sowed his tares stealthily, and with admir- able wisdom. The great doctrine of the gospel, so far as the latter is a scheme for bringing God and man together, was, for the pre- sent, left untouched; but, side by side with it, there were silently introduced notions on the nature and offices of the Church, in con- junction with which it never has existed, or can exist, in its orig- inal simplicity, and which it must either expel or be expelled by. The latter result took place by a slow, but necessary, process. Already in the pages of Cyprian, and even Augustin, the effect of the Church system upon their apprehension of the truths which St. Paul so earnestly preached is very visible; and yet it is more negative than positive, more in the way of omission than of actual INTRODUCTION. 33 misstatement. The doctrine of human merit, in the gross form which it assumed in later Romanism, does not appear in their writings; but the opposite truth is seldom, if ever, heartily announced, still less does it occupy that place in their theology which the Apostolic writings assign to it. In the lapse of time, as the Church theory approached its maturity, this mere omission of Scriptural truth gave place to positively erroneous notions: and, under the fostering influence of the Scholastic theology, the T'ridentine teaching on the subjects of original sin, on justification, and on the merit of good works, assumed its present form. We may say, then, that in Romanism the doctrine of the Church holds the same place which the doctrine of justification by faith does in Protestantism: each constitutes the heart of its own system, each is the fundamental principle, with a continual reference to which the work of theological reflection and analysis has, on either side, proceeded. From the foregoing observations it will be seen that the Pro- testant, were it his object to expound his own dogmatical systein in accordance with the actual course of its historical formation, would naturally begin by establishing the doctrine of justification by faith; and from this, as from a fixed position, advance to the consideration of the other topics in dispute between himself and his opponents, pointing out, as he proceeds, the relation which they bear to each other, and to the central truth of the system. Such, indeed, is the method commonly pursued by Protestant writers on dogmatic theology. Following in the track of the Apostles’ Creed, they treat, first, of the great objective truths of Christianity, such as the nature of the Divine Being and the Person and work of Christ; then, of the actual application of redemption to indi- viduals, or the doctrines of regeneration and justification; and, in the last place, of the Church, or the community of those who are justified, and made children of God by adoption and grace. The Romanist, on the contrary, if he would do justice to his cause, must, first of all, make good his positions respecting the Church, its constitution and its powers; and, from the vantage ground thus furnished, proceed to expound the other distinctive doctrines of the Tridentine system. This was clearly perceived at the Council of T'rent,* and has in general been acted upon by writers * “Vincent Lunel, Franciscain, fut d’avis qu’avant que d’établir pour fondemens de la foi l’Ecriture, et la Tradition, il falloit traiter de l’Eglise, qui est le fondement principal de tout, puisque c’est d’elle que l’Ecriture recgoit son autorité, selon cette parole si célébre de S. Augustin, ‘ Qu’il ne croiroit point ἃ l’Evangile, s’il n’ y étoit obligé par l’autorité de lEglise.’” — Sarpi, i. 260. 3 84 CHURCH OF CHRIST. of the Romish communion. It is not without a sense of the dis- advantage to the argument thence arising, that, in the following pages, issue is joined with the Romish controversialist upon the subject of the Church, before the Protestant doctrine of justifica- tion has been expounded, and its connexion with the former topic pointed out.—On the other hand, if the object be to select the cardinal point of the controversy between Romanists and Pro- testants as that which should be first discussed, then both parties must agree in assigning that position to the subject before us. Not to mention that, in all discussions concerning the application of redemption to individuals, the existence of the Church must be presupposed, for it is by means of the Church, as an instru- ment, that the work of Christ is carried on in the world; and that, under this head of controversy, the essential differences of the two systems reach their culminating point, and assume their most decided aspect of opposition; it is, obviously, but reasonable that the great question concerning the source of revelation and the ultimate authority in matters of faith, should be settled, before an attempt is made to determine what is, and what is not, the pure doctrine of Christ. But it is plain that this question cannot be discussed without a continual reference to the conception which each party respectively entertains of the nature and authority of the Church, and of its relation to Scripture. In making good his doctrine concerning the Church, the Romanist virtually proves all the other dogmas of his system; and even the Protestant cannot satisfactorily set forth the proof of his formal principle viz. the supreme authority of Scripture in matters of faith, with- out touching upon the characteristics of that spiritual society which existed before the New Testament was written, to which the Christian Scriptures were addressed, and between which, as the “witness and keeper” of the Divine Word and the Word itself, there is a divinely established connexion which never can be safely dissolved. To this we may add, that it is as embodied in a living Church system that Romanism has ever produced the greatest impression upon nations, and individuals. On this side chiefly it is, that the system of Trent has exhibited its power to draw over to itself the unstable, and the ill-informed. in fact, if we examine the history of the various cases of conversion to Romanism which have occurred amongst ourselves, we shall find that, in almost every instance, it was the imposing aspect which the Church of Rome presents, as a visibly organised body under one visible head, and the pretensions which she puts forward to INRODUCTION. 35 a divine commission to pronounce authoritatively upon questions of doctrine, that principally weighed with the converts, and led them to take the step which they have taken. These preten- sions, on the other hand, are the real impediment in the way of a reconciliation between the two great divisions of Christen- dom: it is against the claims of the Church of Rome, as a church, that Protestants must go on protesting, until they are abandoned. A Church may be disfigured by serious corruptions in doctrine and in practice, but as long as it does not claim for itself infallibility, that is, make its very corruptions part and parcel of Christianity, there is hope of its being reformed; and, meanwhile, its imperfections may, and indeed ought to be, borne with by those bred within its pale. The abuses of the ecclesiastical system of the sixteenth century, grievous as they were, would not of themselves have justified the Protestants in separating from the communion of Rome. But when the claim to infallibility was authoritatively put forth, and the plainest practical abuses thereby invested with a character of immutability, and even of sanctity, no alternative was left to those who had become convinced that the practices in question were corruptions but to secede from her communion. The same claim, which has not as yet been aban- doned, interposes, at this day, an impassable barrier between us and Rome. On the whole, then, a comparative view of the two systems will most fitly commence with a discussion of their dif- ferences on the subject of the Church. These preliminary observations upon the historical bearings of the subject about to be discussed, conduct us to an important inquiry, without some notice of which it would be improper to advance further;—viz. What are the authentic sources whence we are to derive our knowledge of Romanism and Protestantism, respectively ? It will be obvious, on a moment’s reflection, that Scripture is not, directly, one of these sources. Scripture is the common trea- sure of all Christians; the common record which both parties recognise, and wherein each thinks it discovers the peculiarities of its own system. For no Romanist has as yet advanced so far as to admit that Scripture is opposed to the doctrines of his Church ; at most, he maintains that it is an imperfect, or an obscure, record of the Christian faith, and needs the aid of tradition, or develop- ment, to supply its deficiencies. Scripture, too, from its structure, and from the place which it holds, or ought to hold, in the Church, is manifestly unfitted, as it was never intended, to furnish us with 80 CHURCH Οὐ πα. dogmatical expositions of the Christian faith, much less of the faith of any party in the Church. The Church had her faith within, and could have given expression to it, before the New Testament was written:—the latter was added, to be a perpetual touchstone, or standard, whereby she is to try her faith, and correct any deviations which it may exhibit from the spirit of Apostolic Christianity. Scripture, therefore, is not a protest against certain specific errors, whether Romanist or Protestant, but against all forms of error, which may, to the end of time, prevail in the Church. The very place of supremacy which the Word of God holds in the Church, unfits it to be the symbol of any party : —it presents a record not so much of what the Church does, as of what she ought to, believe; it exhibits the pure pattern of Apostolic Christianity, to which all churches should endeavour to conform themselves. The Protestant, therefore, will search in vain in Scripture for a dogmatical exposition of the points in which he differs from the Church of Rome, just as he will in vain search there for a categorical expression of his faith, as it is opposed to Arian and Socinian errors. Both in the one case and in the other, he will feel himself bound to prove from Scripture what he holds as matter of faith, but he cannot, as a Protestant or as a Trinita- rian, take Scripture immediately, and say, This is an exposition of what I believe. It is also to be remembered, that, to claim Scripture directly as a record of what we hold in opposition to Romanism, is, not only to detract from the sacredness of the in- spired writings, but to affirm that we have succeeded in reproduc- ing amongst ourselves a perfect representation of Apostolic purity, both in doctrine and practice; an assumption which we are not justified in making. To be continually approximating to the idea of a Church presented in Scripture is our bounden duty; but it is not permitted us to say that we have actually reached that ideal; for this would be equivalent to making the imperfections under which our system may be labouring part of Scripture itself. We must carefully limit the sense of the celebrated aphorism, “The Bible alone is the religion of Protestants,” or we shall pos- sibly be led into dangerous error: for it is a dangerous error to affiliate our particular creed directly upon Scripture, so as to make the latter responsible, not only for every sentiment therein ex- pressed but, even for the form of words in which it is expressed. If, by the aphorism above-mentioned, be meant, that the Bible is with Protestants the ultimate authority in matters of faith, its truth is undeniable; for whatever we hold as Protestants we hold INTRODUCTION. 37 because we believe it can be proved by Holy Scripture: but if the meaning intended to be conveyed be, that Scripture is Protestant- ism, and Protestantism Scripture, the assertion is not true, and what is More, is an unwarrantable assumption. Protestantism, as a system of doctrine, may have many defects which need, like the errors of Romanism, to be corrected by a reference to Scripture. The Inspired Word itself must be jealously guarded from such an identification with theological systems, which have been built up by the operation of the logical faculty, as would place both en the same footing of authority. Equally obvious is it, indeed it need hardly be observed, that the three cecumenical creeds contribute nothing towards enabling us to ascertain the distinctive doctrines of the Romish, and the Reformed, Churches. They, like Scripture, are the common pro- perty of both parties, —the expression of their common Christi- anity, —the ground upon which they must both unite against the common enemy — Rationalism, or infidelity. An agreement of both parties in the great objective truths of Christianity, as ex- pressed in the creeds, must be pre-supposed, if we are to under- stand clearly the point of divergence :—otherwise, we shall be wasting our time in contending about first principles. Protestants may not arrive at their belief in the inspiration of the Scriptures, or of the doctrines expressed in the creed, by the same road which Romanists take; but if they do accept the Scriptures as the Word of God, and the doctrine of the Trinity as part of that Word, it is enough: it is comparatively of little consequence how they came by their faith. Romish controversialists are constantly forgetting this, and asking us, how we prove the inspiration of Scripture, &c. ? They might as well go back further, and ask us how we prove the existence of a God. There is a certain portion of ground common to both parties, to dispute about which is wholly irrelevant to the questions on which they are really divided. Moreover, for either party to adopt the three creeds as its symbol, is to ignore the existence of its opponent. If we choose to forget that the Reformed and the Romish Churches are existing realities, and imagine our- selves to be living in the 4th century, we may adopt this course; otherwise, it is an illusion, and a dangerous one. The supposition upon which it is really based is, that there are no essential differ- ences between Romanism and Protestantism, or, in other words, that we may reunite ourselves to the Church of Rome, without forfeiting our position as a Protestant Church. Nothing can be more suicidal than the attempts which have been made in certain 88 CHURCH OF CHRIST. quarters to substitute, as the symbol of the English Church, the three creeds for the thirty-nine articles; as if the former comprise everything which distinguishes us as a Church. So far forth as we are a Christian Church, as distinguished from Sociniais, Jews, and Mahometans, the ancient creeds are our symbols; but they are not so, so far forth as we are a Reformed Church, for they contain no protest against the peculiar errors of Rome. Nor, again, are we warranted in regarding the private writings of the reformers or their opponents, whether English or foreign, as authentic sources of information on the differences of the two great sections of Christendom. ‘True it is, that, as helps to ascer- taining the real points at issue, the writings of Luther, Melancthon, Calvin, and Zuinglius, and of our own reformers, on the one hand, —and of Bellarmin, Bossuet, and Moehler, — on the other, are very valuable: but it is manifest that no statement of any individual writer, however eminent, can in fairness be attributed to the Church to which he belongs, unless indeed the latter have for- mally adopted it. Had this rule been observed by both parties, how much useless controversy might have been avoided! The Romish theologians are careful to discriminate between the unau- thorised speculations of their writers, and the formal decrees of their Church: let them accord to their opponents the same mea- sure of equity which they claim for themselves. If Luther or Cal- vin have made some rash assertions, what is that to the reformed Churches? those Churches must be judged by their authentic de- clarations, and by nothing else. Yet so little has this rule of equity been attended to that, in the latest work of any conse- quence on the Romish side of the controversy, that of Moehler, the citations by which he attempts to justify his description of Protestantism are, for the most part, drawn, not from the accred- ited formularies of the reformed Churches, but from the works of Luther, Melancthon, and Zuinglius. To speak of any individual, such as Luther or Calvin, as being the creator of the.German, or the Swiss, Protestant Church, is wholly to misunderstand the place which the chief reformers occupied in the movement of the 16th century. In all great revo- lutions of this kind, whether political or religious, a preparatory work has been long going on, previous to the actual outbreak: passions have been long smouldering, sentiments fermenting in the mass, which only awaited some particular circumstance to eall them forth into practical energy. In the ordinary course of things, the office of igniting the train falls to some individual, pro- INTRODUCTION. 39 videntially raised up and specially qualified for this purpose, in whom the common sentiment embodies itself, and finds a mouth- piece. So it was at the period of the Reformation. For a length of time, the Germanic nations had chafed impatiently under the . Papal yoke, and to religious minds the corruptions of the Church had become intolerable. The invention of printing, and the revi- val of classical learning, had given a decided impulse to liberty of thought. Under such circumstances, when Luther appeared, he appeared, not as a mere individual promulgating peculiar doctrines of his own, but as the embodiment of the feelings which had long pervaded the sounder portion even of the Church itself. If, there- fore, it be true that without a Luther the Reformation might not have taken place, it is also true that Luther was not the creator of the Protestant Church: he was quite as much led by, as he led, the spirit of the age. He was merely the appointed instrument of bringing matters to a head; a vent for the expression of senti- ments which were becoming more and more general, and difficult of suppression. Hence it is, that while the works of the principal reformers are undoubtedly very valuable, as presenting a view of the interior spirit of Protestantism, they can by no means be con- sidered authentic sources of information respecting the faith of the Protestant Churches. If Luther, Melancthon, and Calvin, were the foremost individuals, still they were but individuals, in the work of reformation. ΤῸ illustrate, to explain statements otherwise am- biguous, or to supply defects in the authentic formularies, the writ- ings of the reformers may properly be applied; but no argument can be founded upon them. The same observations of course ap- ply to the great writers of the Romish communion. In the works of Bellarmin, for example, much light is thrown upon several points which are either obscurely treated, or wholly passed over, in the symbols of the Romish Church: but the statements of that eminent writer are his own, and his Church must not be held responsible for all that he advances. The question then recurs, Where shall we find Protestantism and Romanism authentically set forth? There remains but one, and that indeed the true, source of information upon the subject; —viz. the public confessions, or symbols, in which the opposite parties have respectively embodied their sentiments. It will be evident, from what has been said, that nothing can, in fairness, be attributed to either party but what is, either expressly or by fair implication, contained in these symbolical documents. With a 40 CHURCH OF CHRIST. brief mention of the principal of them, both Romanist and Protest- ant, these introductory remarks shall be brought to a close. The Church of Rome has, strictly speaking, but one document of a symbolical character, viz. the Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent. Soon after it became evident that the Protest- ants of Germany could not be put down by force, men’s minds turned to a general council, as the only means left of restoring harmony -between the two parties. It has already been mentioned that, at the beginning of the Reformation, Luther and his follow- ers, far from opposing such a measure, appealed from the Pope to a council; an appeal, the justice of which was admitted by the right-minded members of the Papal party. But, partly owing to political obstacles, and partly to the reluctance of the successive Popes, from Adrian to Paul IIL, to take a step which might en- danger the Papal authority, the design was not carried into effect until the year 1545. In that year the Council was solemnly opened at Trent: but, owing to the frequent interruptions which occurred in its sittings, it was not brought to a conclusion until A. Ὁ. 1563. Τὸ then received the Papal confirmation, and has ever since formed the authoritative exposition of the Romish faith. It was not to be expected that the Protestants would consent to abide by the decis- ions of a Council, over which the Pope was to preside, and in which the Bishops alone were to have the right of voting: and, though summoned to Trent, none of their eis theologians re- paired to the Council. The decisions of the Council relate, partly to the reformation of practical abuses, and partly to doctrine. Under the former head, many salutary reforms were by it effected,— occasioned, there can be no doubt, by the movement on the other side. The doctrinal statements of the Council consist of ‘ Decrees,” which contain the doctrines of the Church positively stated, and “Canons,” in which the opposite views are anathematised. It is in these latter clauses that the real points of difference are chiefly to be found; the posi- tive statements of the Council being, for the most part, moderate in their tone. But though the Church of Rome possesses but one authoritative symbol of faith, there are certain works of the highest authority in her communion, which are very nearly, if not quite, symbolical in their character. Among these, the first place is due to the Catechism of the Council, which appeared in the year 1566, soon after the dissolution of that assembly. It had been the intention of the prelates there assembled to draw up a popular exposition of INTRODUCTION. 41 Romish doctrine, founded upon the Canons of Trent, to serve as a manual for the parochial clergy: but, the Council having been dissolved before the design could be carried into effect, it was given in charge to three eminent prelates to execute the work, which they completed in the year 1566. Ina literary point of view, this Catechism possesses great excellencies. It is written in clear and elegant latinity ; and without being prolix, embraces every topic of Christian doctrine. It gained, as it well deserved, universal acceptance; and has ever been regarded as only second in authority to the decisions of the Council itself. Another document, holding the same place as the Catechism, though much inferior in importance, is, the Professio Fidei Tri- dentina. It is merely a short epitome of the chief heads of Tri- dentine doctrine, cast into the form of a profession of faith; to be subscribed by those who hold cure of souls in the Romish Church. In proceeding to enumerate the principal confessions of the Protestant Churches, it will not be necessary to enter formally into the differences which exist between those of the Lutheran, and those of the Reformed, Churches. As against Rome, they all agree in certain fundamental particulars. Of the Lutheran formularies the principal is the Confession of Augsburg, the groundwork of all the other Protestant symbols. It was composed by Melancthon, and presented to the diet sitting at Augsburg, by the Protestant princes, as the exposition of their faith. The Romish theologians prepared a reply, entitled a Con- futation of the Confession, which drew from Melancthon a second, and much more extended, apologetic statement, entitled, The Apology of the Augsburg Confession; a work of the greatest im- portance in ascertaining the real points in dispute between the Protestant party and their opponents. The third symbolical book of the Lutheran Churches is, the Articles of Schmalcald, prepared by Luther in the expectation of its being presented at a general Council to beheld at Mantua; which, however, never took place. Luther’s two Catechisms, composed for the use of the laity, close the list. The Reformed Churches differed from the Lutheran in not pos- sessing a common confession recognised by all; each Church framing one for itself, according as it inclined to the views of Calvin or Zuinglius, which on some points, especially the sacra- ments, were not exactly the same. Of the Reformed Confessions the following, arranged (with the exception of the two Catechisms placed last) in chronological order, are the most important :— 42 CHURCH OF CHRIST. The three Helvetic. Confessions. The first of these, commonly called the second, appeared at Basle, a. ἢ. 1536. In the year 1566, the same confession, much enlarged, was given to the world, in the name, and with the sanction, of the Swiss Churches, those only of Basle and Neufchatel excepted. The third Helvetic Con- fession, by some considered the most ancient of all the Protestant symbols, was composed by Oswald Myconius, the friend of Zuing- lius and Cicolampadius, A. p. 1529.* The Scotch Confession; the work probably of John Knox. It appeared at Edinburgh, A. Ὁ. 1560. The French Confession (Confessio Grallicana) ; presented by Theo- dore Beza, in the name of the French Reformed Churches, to Charles [X., A. p. 1561. It was afterwards formally adopted at a national Synod, held at Rochelle, 1571.+ The Thirty-nine Articles of the English Church. The Belgic Confession; sanctioned by various Synods, the last of which took place in 1619. The Polish Confession, which goes by the name of Declaratio Thorunensis. It was drawn up in 1645, with the view of effecting a reconciliation between the Romish, Lutheran, and Reformed Churches of Poland; and is perhaps, of all the Protestant confes- sions, the most carefully worded and instructive. The Heidelberg Catechism: composed by command of the Elector Palatine, Frederic IIL, a. Ὁ. 1563. It was received by the Re- formed Churches with universal approbation, and in many of them was used as a manual for schools. The Genevan Catechism ; drawn up by Calvin, A. ἡ. 1545. Like the former, it gained a place in the Swiss Churches as a manual of instruction for youth. * See Augusti’s “ Corpus Lib. Symb. Eccles. Ref.” p. 628. Tt Ib. p. 629. ; BOOK I. THE IDEA OF THE CHURCH. Bokeh wd: STATEMENT OF THE QUESTION AT ISSUE. CHAPTER I. DECLARATIONS OF THE ROMISH AND PROTESTANT FORMULARIES. In this first chapter, such portions of the Romish and Protestant formularies, whether formal definitions or indirect statements, as may enable us to collect what the idea, or conception, of the Church is which each party respectively frames to itself, shall be laid, at some length, before the reader, whose indulgence is craved while this irksome, but necessary, task is gone through. The clauses in italics are those in which the point of divergency between the two parties is most prominently expressed. The Council of Trent, — acting perhaps on the suggestion of some of the theologians present at it, viz. that the authority of the Church should be treated as a ruled point,* — observes a compara- tive silence upon the article of the Church; at least, presents us with * “D/’autres tenant pour certain et incontestable que par |’Eglise il falloit entendre l’ordre ecclésiastique, et surtout le concile, et le Pape qui en est le chef, disoient que I’autorité de l’Eglise se devoit tenir pour décidée, et que d’en traiter ἃ présent, ce seroit donner lieu de eroire, ou qu’il y avoit sur cela des difficultés, ou au moins que c’étoit une vérité nouvelle- ment éclaircie, et qui n’ayoit pas toujours été crue dans ]’Eglise chrétienne.” (Sarpi, tom. i. p. 261.) This is the reason why in the discussions of the great systematic writers of the middle ages, the schoolmen for example, the Church, as such, has no distinct place assigned it. Living under the system, and without an antagonist Protestantism, it never occurred to them to be necessary to explain, or defend it. 43 44 CHURCH OF CHRIST. no distinct statements or definitions upon the subject. But the Catechism of the Council supplies the deficiency, and gives us a full and accurate exposition of the Romish theory. Commenting on the article of the Apostles’ Creed, “The Holy Catholic Church,” it observes :* — “That the subject is, for a twofold reason, an im- portant one; first, because the prophets, as Augustin remarks, speak more fully and clearly concerning the Church than concerning Christ himself: and, secondly, because a due understanding of this article is the best safeguard against heresy; heresy being, not error merely, but error obstinately persisted in, in defiance of the decisions of the Church.” After various observations upon the meaning of the word ecclesia, the distinction between it and the synagogue, and the figures “full of mystery,” by which it is described in Scripture, the Catechism proceeds as follows:+— “The Church, according to St. Augustin’s definition, is the body of the faithful, dispersed throughout the world; a definition, however, which is hardly comprehensive enough, inasmuch as the Church consists of two parts; the one triumphant, consisting of the spirits of the departed faithful, the other militant, comprehending the faithful upon earth: which, however, together, constitute one and the same Church. In the Church militant two kinds of men are comprised, the good and the evil; for though they differ in their life and conversation, both are believers ( fideles), as professing the same faith, and partaking of the same sacraments.{ The good may be discerned, though not with unerring certainty, by their fruits: hence (it is remarked in a note) our Lord, when he commands us to ‘hear the Church,’ could not have meant that part of it which consists of the good; for since this part cannot be certainly ascertained, we should, were this his meaning, be at a loss to know to whose judgment we must have recourse. The Church, therefore, comprehends both good and bad, agreeably to what Scripture says, ‘There is one body and one Spirit.’§ With respect to the visibility of the Church, it is ‘like a city set upon a hill, which cannot be hid.’ For since τέ rightfully claims the obedience of all men, it must, of necessity, be a conspicuous * Catechism. Cone. Trid. ὁ. x. 8.1. Accurate editions, both of this work, and of the decrees of the Council, will be found in Streitwolf’s Zib. Symbol. Eccles. Cathol. +s. 8. + “Jam in ecclesia militante duo sunt hominum genera, bonorum et improborum. Et improbi quidem eorundem sacramentorum participes, eandem quoque quam boni fidem profitentur, vita ac moribus dissimiles.” (8. 10.) 2 The reader will observe the curious turn which the Catechism gives to this passage ; as if it was St. Paul’s meaning that the unity of the Church consists in her comprehending all sorts of men within her pale. ~ DECLARATIONS ‘OF FORMULARIES. 45 a olject, and easily known.”* With a view no doubt of obviating objections to this last statement, the Catechism again reminds us, that both good and evil are comprehended in the Church; according to those parables of our Lord which represent it as a net contain- ing good and bad fish, and as a threshing floor in which chaff and wheat are found mixed together. It is admitted, however, that although good and evil are equally members of the Church, a difference exists between them, analogous to that which exists be- tween the living and the dead members of the human body. (s. 11.) From all this it follows that three classes of persons only are excluded from the Church; unbelievers (ἡ 6. heathens, or infidels), separatists, whether they be heretics or schismatics, and the ex- communicated.t With respect to the second class, however (here- tics and schismatics), we are told that, although not in the Church, they are still under its jurisdiction: in consequence of which they may be brought to judgment, anathematised, and punished. With the exception of these three classes, all, however wicked they may be, must be held to be in the Church:{ and it is to be especially inculeated upon the faithful that the bishops of the Church, should they happen to lead vicious lives, forfeit thereby none of their spiritual prerogatives. These statements will receive illustration from what the Cate- chism says concerning the properties or affections which belong to the Church. These, as expressed in the Apostles’ Creed, are three: — Unity, Sanctity, and Catholicity: to which the Nicene Creed adds another, Apostolicity. “The Church is one, because, as the Apostle says, there is ‘one faith, one Lord, one baptism; but, more especially, because it has one invisible Ruler, Christ, and one visible, viz. the occupant, for the time being, of the chair of St. Peter at Rome.§ That this visible head of the Church is necessary to preserve its unity is affirmed by all the Fathers. (Je- rome, Cyprian, Optatus, and Basil, are especially referred to as * “Nam cum illi ab omnibus parendum sit, cognoscatur necesse est.” (s. 11.) 7 “Ex quo fit, ut tria tantummodo hominum genera ab ea excludantur, primo infideles, deinde heeretici et schismatici, et postremo excommunicati.” (s. 12.) t “De ceteris autem, quamvis improbis et sceleratis hominibus, adhue eos in ecclesia perseverare dubitandum non est.” (8. 12.) ὃ The language of the Catechism in this place is rather obscure: “ Unus est enim ejus rector, et gubernator, invisibilis quidem Christus, —visibilis autem is qui Romanam cathe- dram Petri Apostolorum principis legitimus successor tenet.” (ss. 14,15.) The idea appa- rently intended to be conveyed is, that there is one head and governor (rather government), consisting of two persons —Christ and the Pope; the latter being the visible organ of the unseen Saviour, and his vicar upon earth. And such in truth, is the Romish doctrine of the Papacy. 46 CHURCH OF CHRIST. maintaining this opinion). Should it be objected that one head, Christ, is sufficient for one body, the reply is, that a visible Church must have a visible Head; that our Lord, therefore, while himself governing it inwardly (invisibly) by His Spirit, rules it visibly by His appointed Vicar upon earth; in the first instance Peter, and afterwards the successor, for the time being, of St. Peter in the Romish See. “The next property is Sanctity. The Church is called holy for the reasons following:— First, because zt 15 dedicated to God; so the vessels of the tabernacle, though things inanimate, were called holy, as being set apart to God's service. It need not be matter of surprise to any one that the Church, which, as has been remarked, com- prises in itself the evil as well as the good, should, notwithstand- ing, be termed holy; for to that appellation all are entitled who pro- fess to believe in Christ, and have received the sacrament of baptism, although in many things they offend, and act not fully up to their profession.* Thus St. Paul calls the Corinthians saints and sane- tified; yet we know that in that Church there were many of whom he was compelled to say that they were ‘carnal.’ Secondly, be- cause the Church, consisting, as aforesaid, of good and evil mixed together, is united to Christ, the source of all holiness, as the human body is to the head: and Augustin well remarks, ‘If all who believe, and have been baptized into Christ, have put on Christ, and thus been made members of His body, for such persons to affirm of themselves that they are not holy, were to do injury to the Head Himself, of whom they are members.’ Thirdly, be- eause to the Church alone has been committed the administration of the sacraments, through which, as efficient instruments of divine grace, God makes us holy; so that whosoever is truly sanctified, must be found within the pale of the Church. “The Church is Catholic or universal, because it is diffused throughout the world, embracing within its pale men of all nations and conditions; and also because it comprehends all who have believed, from the beginning, and all who shall believe hencefor- ward, to the end of time. (8. 17.) “The last of the four attributes is, Apostolicity. The Church * It should be carefully borne in mind that the Catechism does not here mean merely that even true Christians are not without sin, and in many things come short: that is con- fessed on all sides: but that men wholly unrenewed in heart, form, in conjunction with the good, one holy Church. The persons who “in multis offendunt et que polliciti sunt non preestant” (8. 17.) are not, in the view of the authors of the Catechism, sincere but imper- fect Christians, but men destitute of the Spirit of God, and whose lives may be openly vicious. DECLARATIONS OF FORMULARIES. 47 is termed Apostolic, both because it derives its doctrines from the Apostles, whereby it is enabled to convict heretics of error, and because it is governed by an Apostolic ministry, which is the organ of the Spirit οἵ God. Being thus divinely guided, this Church alone (7. e. the Romish) is infallible in matters of faith and practice; and all other Churches, falsely so called, are under the dominion of Satan, and must, of necessity, be affected with the most pernicious errors. (s. 18.) “The two figures by which, in the Old Testament, the Church was prefigured, are, Noah’s Ark, and the city of Jerusalem: both of them expressing the exclusiveness of the one true Church: for out of the Ark there was no safety from the flood, and at Jerusalem alone might sacrifice be lawfully offered.” (s. 19.) If it be asked why the Church, being, according to these state- ments, so manifestly an object of sight, should form an article of the creed, which is generally understood to refer to things not seen, or objects of faith, the answer is, that “although the Church, so far as it is a community of men consecrated to Christ, is a visible body, yet the mysteries (v. 6. the sacraments) therein celebrated, belong to the sphere of faith: it is by faith that we understand that to the Church, the keys of heaven, and the powers of remitting sin, and of consecrating the body of Christ, have been committed. (s. 21.) “The explanatory clause appended to this Article in the Apos- tles’ Creed, ‘the communion of Saints,’ is chiefly to be understood as expressing that participation which all the members of the Church have in her sacraments, and other privileges. There is, however, another sense which it may bear, viz. that whatever holy works are done by any one Christian, appertain and are profitable to all: as in the human body, the image so often used in Scripture to explain the constitution of the Church, ‘if one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member be honoured, all the members rejoice with it.’” (s. 24.) Lastly, it is declared, that ‘they who are in mortal sin, though deprived thereby of the spiritual benefit which is the peculiar privilege of the pious Christian, are still members of the body of Christ; and, as such, possess privileges from which they are excluded who are altogether cut off from the Church (7. 6. heretics and schismatics).”’* * “ Membra vero mortua, nimirum homines sceleribus obstricti, et a Dei gratia alienati, hoe quidem bono non privantur ut hujus corporis (sc. ecclesia) membra esse desinant; sed’ cum sint mortua, fructum spiritualem, qui ad justos et pios homines pervenit, non percipi- unt.” (s. 27. 3 48 CHURCH OF CHRIST. Such is a brief analysis of the section of the Romish Catechism which treats of the Church. In proceeding to place side by side with these statements those of the Protestant formularies, we turn, in the first place, to those of the Lutheran Church. In the sev- enth Article of the Confession of Augsburg, the Church is defined to be, “ἃ congregation of saints, in which the Gospel is purely preached, and the sacraments rightly administered ;” a definition which forms the basis of our own nineteenth Article. Both the former and the latter labour under the same ambiguity, or, to speak plainly, confusion, of senses in which the word “Church” is used. ‘We teach,” say the Lutheran Reformers, “that one holy Church shall ever be in the world: but the Church is a congrega- tion of Saints,” &c.; it is evident that here there is an unconscious transition from the “one holy Church” to particular Churches ; for the former cannot, especially by Protestants, be described as “a congregation of Saints,” or, as our Article has it, “of faithful men,” “where the pure Word of God is preached, and the Sacraments duly administered.” This latter part of the definition plainly applies only to local congregations, ‘or the visible Churches which are composed of such congregations: as indeed is, in our Article, intimated by the addition of the qualifying epithet “visible,” . which does not appear in the Lutheran confession.* In the Eng- lish version of our Article, however, there remains a slight inac- curacy, which somewhat perplexes the meaning of it, and, indeed, might, if the scope of the whole were not manifest, be productive of serious doctrinal error. In that version, the Article commences with the words, ‘‘The visible Church,” which, taken literally, im- ply that there is one visible Church, and only one, in the world: a doctrine which is directly opposed to Scripture, and . against which it was one of the professed purposes of our Articles to place on record a protest. There can be little doubt that the true render- ing of the Latin, “Ecclesia visibilis,” is not “The,” but “A,” “visible Church:” and this accords much better with the conclud- * The language of the Saxon confession, drawn up by Melancthon, A. p. 1551, with the intention of being presented to the Council of Trent, and which is styled, “ Repetitio Con- fessionis Augustine,” is, upon the point under discussion, more accurate than that of the latter. ‘“ Dicimus igitur ecclesiam visibilem in hic vita coetum esse amplectentium evang- elium Christi et recte utentium sacramentis ; in quo Deus per ministerium evangelii est effi- cax, et multos ad vitam eternam regenerat; in quo coetu tamen multi sunt non sancti, &c. Diximus autem in descriptione ecclesiz multos in hac visibili ecclesia esse non sanctos, qui tamen externa professione veram doctrinam amplectuntur. Improbamus et colluviem Ana- baptisticam, que fingit ecclesiam visibilem in qua omnes sint sancti; ac fatemur de ecclesia visibili in hac vita sentiendum esse sicut inquit Dominus, Matt. 13, ‘Simile est regnum celorum sagene,’ &e.” — Conf. Sax. ς. 6. DECLARATIONS OF FORMULARIES. 49 ing part of the Article, which makes mention only of particular Churches, such as the “Churches of Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Antioch,” or “the Church of Rome.”* A visible Church then is, according to its definition, “a congre- gation of Saints;” and what we are to understand by the latter ex- pression is explained in the next Article, the object of which 15 to obviate an objection which might be urged against the statements of the preceding one. ‘ Although,” the Augsburg Confession pro- ceeds, “the” (a) “Church is properly a society of Saints, that is true believers (vere credendium), yet since in this life many hypo- erites and evil men are mixed up with them, it must be remem- bered that the Sacraments and the Word lose not their efficacy by being administered and preached by the wicked.”t The “Saints” then, of which a Church, according to the idea which Protestantism frames of it, is composed, are real ones; they are “faithful men” (fideles), and the word, “faith,” has in Protestantism a very differ- ent signification from that which it bears in Romanism ;t they are not only outwardly consecrated to God, but inwardly sanctified by His Spirit. The Articles of Schmalcald, composed by Luther in anticipa- tion of a conference to be held at that place between the Romish and the Protestant theologians, which, however, did not take place, return “thanks to God, that, in these times, even a boy of seven years of age can tell what the Church consists of; viz. believers, holy persons, Christ’s sheep, who hear the voice of their shepherd. For so do children declare their faith:—‘I believe in the Holy Catholic Church. This holiness consists, not in outward things, but in (the possession of) the Word of God, and true faith.”§ The smaller Catechism of Luther teaches the catechumen to pro- fess, “that he can by no means come to the knowledge of Christ by the unaided strength of his own reason; that it was the Holy Spirit who called him through the Gospel, enlightened him with * The same remark has been made by Archbishop Whately, Kingdom of Christ, p.150. , + Conf. Aug. art. 3. 1 Unless the reader is careful to remember this, he will constantly be in danger of attribut- ing to the statements of the Romish formularies a meaning which they do not really bear. In those formularies a “fidelis” means one who professes the Christian faith, whatever be his inward state, even though he be living in mortal sin, or be a concealed atheist: in the language of Protestantism, the same word signifies one who exercises lively trust in Christ, which cannot exist without a change of heart. @ “Hee sanctitas non consistit in amiculo linteo, insigni verticali, veste talari, et aliis ipsorum ceremoniis, contra sacram scripturam excogitatis, sed in verbo Dei et vera fide.” — Art. Smal. art. 12. 4 50 CHURCH OF CHRIST. His gifts, and now sanctifies, and preserves him in the faith, in like manner as He calls, and sanctifies, the whole Church upon earth :”* and the larger Catechism, expounding the third great division of the Apostles’ Creed, declares that :— ‘The Holy Spirit earries on His work of sanctification through the instrumentality of ‘the Communion of Saints,’ or the Christian Church. That is; — first of all, the Holy Spirit transplants us into that Holy Society, the Church, through which, as an instrument, He teaches us, and leads us to Christ. For neither could I, or thou, have known any thing of Christ, or believed upon Him, unless, through the preach- ing of the Gospel, the help of the Holy Spirit had been freely offered us. Where the doctrine of Christ is not taught, there the Holy Spirit, whose office it is to constitute the Church, and gather men into it, does not work.t The Christian Church is termed a ‘Com- munion of Saints,’ for in fact they are equivalent expressions; the word ‘ecclesia’ signifying a congregation of ‘the called. The clause ‘ Communion of Saints,’ was added, in order to explain what the Christian Church is” (that is, in its essence, or according to its idea); “utz. α society, or fellowship, to which none but holy persons Lelong."{ ‘The sum of what we here profess to believe is there- fore this:—‘I believe, that there is upon earth a certain com- munity of Saints, composed solely of holy persons, under one Head, collected together by the Spirit; of one faith, and one mind, en- dowed with manifold gifts, but united in love, and without sects _ or divisions. Of these I believe that I am one, having fellowship with them in the spiritual blessings which they enjoy; united to them in one body by means of the Word of God, which I have heard, and do now hear; which hearing of the Word is the first step towards entering this community.’§ * Cat. Min. cap. 2. art. 3. + Cat. Maj. part IT. art. iii. ss. 30. 34. 39. 40, 42. t “Neque aliam ob rem quam interpretandi gratia priori adjecta est, qua quispiam hand dubie exponere voluit quid Christianorum esset ecclesia.” It is worthy of notice, that both the Romish and the Protestant formularies regard the clause, ‘‘ The Communion of Saints,” as being simply an explanation, subsequently added, of the preceding Article, ““I believe in the Holy Catholic Church ;” and not asa distinct Article of faith. And this doubtless is the true light in which it is to be regarded. For what otherwise are we to understand by the clause? “The fellowship,” says Pearson, “which the saints maintain with God, with each other, and with happy spirits.” But this is already expressed, implicitly, in the Ar- ticle on the Church; for Church membership is, in fact, such fellowship. The clause, no doubt, was added, to explain, as Luther observes, what the Church is; and should be read with the preceding, as one Article. 2 “Credo in terris esse quandam sanctorum congregatiunculam et communionem ex mere sanctis hominibus coactam, sub uno capite Christo, per Spiritum Sanctum conyocatam.” DECLARATION OF FORMULARIES. 51 If the Lutheran Confessions labour under a want of clearness and precision of statement, the defect is, in some measure, supplied by those of the Reformed Churches: which, while presenting, in all points, a substantial coincidence of sentiment,* are fuller, and more discriminating, in their statements than the former: besides their own intrinsic value therefore, they serve to clear up what is obscure or ambiguous in the expressions of Luther and Melancthon. The following are the declarations of some of the principal of these ‘Confessions. The Helvetic Confession of 1566, which may be regarded as the symbol of the Swiss Churches, observesf that, “Since God from the beginning would have men to be saved by coming to the knowledge of the truth, there must always have been, there is now, and ever shall be, a Church; that is, a com- munity of believers, or saints, gathered out of the world; whose distinction it is to know, and to worship, through the Word and by the Spirit, the true God in Christ our Saviour, and by faith to participate in all the blessings freely offered to us through Christ. These are all citizens of one polity, subjects of the same Lord, under the same laws, and recipients of the same spiritual blessings. It ts concerning these that the Article of the Creed, ‘I believe in the Holy Catholic Church,’ is to be understood. “Since there is, in relation to this community, but one God, one Mediator between God and man, Christ Jesus, one Shepherd of the whole flock, one Head of the body, one Spirit, one faith, &c., there can be but one Church: which, moreover, we call ‘Catholic,’ be- cause it is diffused throughout the world. The Church indeed may be viewed under the twofold aspect of triumphant and militant; but these terms merely denote different conditions of the members of the same Church. “The Church militant upon earth has always existed under the form of many particular Churches, which, however, are all connected with each other by their common relation to the one Catholic Church.t The latter is termed in Scripture the house of the living God, built of living and spiritual stones, upon the rock (Christ). Hence it is * “On the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth, Articles,” (of the Augsburg Confession) “ there is no difference of opinion between the two parties.” — Colloquium Lipsiacum,s.12. This was a conference held at Leipsic, a. p. 1681, between the theologians of the Lutheran and Reformed Churches, with the view of ascertaining how far they were agreed. — Augusti, Corp. Lib. Symb. &e. p. 386. ἡ De Cathol. Eccles. cap. 17. t “Et militans in terris ecclesia semper plurimas habuit particulares ecelesias, qua famen omnes ad unitatem Catholice ecclesiw referuntur.” — De Cathol. Eccles. cap. 17. τὰν CHURCH OF CHRIST. called ‘the pillar and ground of the truth;’ the bride of Christ; and the body of which He is the Head. “The head is that part of the body which governs the whole, and from which life, and power to increase, are derived into the members. ‘There can be but one head of the body; and there must be a congruity between the two. Hence the Church can have no other head than Christ; a spiritual body admits of none but a spiritual Head. We disapprove therefore of the doctrine of Rome, that the Pope is visible Head of the universal Church, and the Vicar of Christ upon earth. or we affirm that Christ Himself discharges in His Church all the offices of a Priest, and Pastor ; and therefore needs no Vicar: a Vicar exists where the principal is absent; but Christ is present, the source of all spiritual life and grace.* “ As we acknowledge no other head of the Church than Christ, so we do not at once admit the claim of every (particular) Church to be a true Church ; but we say, that that is a true Church in which are found the notes of a true Church, especially the pure preach- ing of the Word. We condemn those churches as corrupt which are not, in this respect, what they ought to be, however much they may boast of their succession of bishops, of their unity, and of their antiquity. “Communion with the true Church of Christ we account of so much importance, that we deem it impossible for any one to en- joy the favour of God who separates himself from it. It may, however, happen that some, without any fault of their own, shall be unable to participate in the Sacraments; such persons we do not exclude from the communion of the Church. “The (true) Church may be, and has been, so reduced in num- bers as to appear almost extinct; as in the times of Hljah and others; whence it may be termed an invisible Church: not that the persons who compose it are invisible, but because, being known unto God alone, ut often escapes the observation of men. “Not all who are nominally in the Church, are true and lively members thereof; for there are in it many hypocrites, who out- wardly hear the Word, and partake of the Sacraments, while, in- wardly, they are destitute of the Spirit. As long, however, as they put on the appearance of piety, though they are not of the Church, * “ Unicum item est corporis caput, et cum corpore habet congruentiam. Ergo ecclesia non potest ullum aliud habere caput quam Christum. Nam ut ecclesia est corpus spirituale, ita caput habeat sibicongruens spirituale utique oportet. Docemus Christum........ nullo indigere vicario, qui absentis est. Christus vero prewsens est ecclesia, et caput vivificum.” —Conf. Hel. 1 ma. ¢. 17. DECLARATION OF FORMULARIES. 58 they are counted to belong to it,* just as traitors, before they are detected, enjoy the name of citizens: hence our Lord compares the Church to a net containing both good and bad fishes, and to a field in which tares and wheat grow side by side. “The unity of the Church consists, not in the sameness of ex ternal rites and ceremonies, but rather in the truth and unity of the Catholic faith. The Catholic faith is delivered to us not in human writings, but in Holy Scripture; and is summed up in the Apos- tles’ Creed. The pure doctrine of the Gospel, and the ordinances expressly appointed by Christ himself; these are the constituent elements of the true ‘ Unity of the Church.” The Scotch Confession, as might be expected, assigns, in its statements on the Church, a prominent place to the doctrine of election. It defines the Church to be “a society of the elect, of all ages and countries, both Jews and Gentiles; this is the Catholic, or universal Church. Those who are members of it worship God in Christ, and enjoy fellowship with Him through the Spirit. 7’his Church is invisible, known only to God, who alone knows who are His ; and comprehends both the departed in the Lord, and the elect upon earth.” The Belgic Confession has nothing upon the subject particularly deserving of notice. ‘The Catholic Church is the community of all true believers, viz. those who hope in Christ alone for salva- tion, and are sanctified by His Spirit. It is not attached to any one place, or limited to particular persons, the members of it being dispersed throughout the world.” The notes of a true Church it declares to be ‘the pure preaching of the Word, the right administration of the Sacraments, and the exercise of disci- pline.”$ More to the point are the statements of the Tetrapolitan Confes- sion, supposed to be the composition of Bucer. After defining the Church to be “the community of those who believe upon Christ,” among whom, however, “false professors will ever be found,” it proceeds thus:— “Whereas the Church is called the bride of Christ, Mount Sion, the city of the living God, the heavenly Jeru- salem, the Church of the first-born, ὅσο. ; it must be remembered that these sublime appellations belong only to those who really believe in Christ, and are the true Sons of God. Over these since the Saviour reigns in spirit and in truth, they are properly His / τ “Bt tamen, dum hi simulant pietatem, licet ex ecclesia non sint, numerantur tamen in ecclesia.” t Conf. Scot. Art. 16. t Conf. Belg. ss. 27. 29. 54 CHURCH OF CHRIST. Church, the communion, or society, of saints, which, in the Apos- tles’ Creed, the Church is declared to be. From this His Church, Christ is never absent; but by His spirit sanctifies it, that He may present it to Himself without spot or wrinkle. Although that which makes this community to be the Church, (that is, which constitutes its essence) viz. faith in Christ, is not visible, yet the community itself is not (absolutely) invisible, but can be known by its fruits;* of these fruits the principal are an undaunted confession of the truth, sincere and universal love, and a willingness to leave all things for Christ’s sake; which, wherever the Gospel is preached, and the Sacraments administered, will, to a greater or less extent, be manifested.” + Of all the Protestant confessions, however, that of the Polish Churches is, as on other points, so on the subject of the Church, the most accurate and comprehensive. To any one wishing to gain, without the expenditure of much time or labour, a clear view of the differences between Romanists and Protestants, this Confession, which appears in the collections under the title of “Declaratio Thoruniensis,” may be recommended as sufficient of itself for this purpose. ‘There are,” it declares, “particular Churches, and the Church universal. The true universal Church is the community of all believers, dispersed throughout the world, who are, and remain, one Catholic Church, so long as they are united by subjection to one Head, Christ, by the indwelling of one spirit, and the profession of the same faith; and this, though they be not associated in one common external polity, but, as regards external fellowship, and ecclesiastical regimen, be not in communion with each other.{ Particular Churches are societies of Christians, who, besides being united by the internal bond of the spirit, are under the same external polity. With respect to these, it is to be observed, that, although they alone are true and living members of the Church who are united to Christ and to Christ’s body, not only externally but internally, yet, since the spiritual fellowship of Christians is a thing invisible, all who remain in visible com- munion with the Church are, in the judgment of charity, to be * “Hc, quanquam id, unde habet quod vere ecclesia Christi sit, nempe fides in Chris- tum, videri nequeat, ipsa videri tamen, planeque ex fructibus cognosci potest.” — Conf, Tetrap. ὁ. 15. + Conf. Tetrap. c. 15. ‘t “ Quamvis nullo communi externo in terrisregimire socientur, aut etiam sociari possint, sed in regionibus et regnis, aut rebuspublicis disjunctissimis, vel etiam hostilibus dispersi, et quoad externam societatem, autecclesiasticum regimen, plane disjuncti sint.” — Declar, Thorun. 8. 7. DECLARATIONS OF FORMULARIES. 55 esteemed members thereof, although many of them may, in the sight of God, be hypocrites. A true particular Church is distin guished from a false one by the profession of the true faith, the unmutilated administrations of the Sacraments, and the exercise of discipline; all other notes are accidental and subordinate. Among visible Churches, however, there may be different degrees of purity; and a Church is not at once to be deemed unworthy of that title, because it is affected with some errors. Provided always that these errors do not affect the foundations of saving faith, and that the society maintains a brotherly communion with other Churches: should, however, any community teach doctrines sub- ᾿ versive of the faith, and pertinaciously separate itself from other Churches holding the foundation, it can no longer lay claim to the title of a true Church. “While we hold that it is impossible for the universal Church to fall away from the faith, or from the worship of Christ, we deny that to any particular Church the privilege has been granted by Christ never to err in matters of faith, or in the ordering of points connected with divine worship. “As regards ecclesiastical polity, we hold that it is strictly monarchical as far as the relation between Christ and the universal Church is concerned: of particular Churches we believe the regi- men, as established by Christ, to be aristocratical; yet so as that we refuse not to the bishops, or superintendents, a certain superior- ity as compared with the rest of the presbyters. But we deny that there exists any jure divino visible Head of the whole Church, to whom all, both Churches and individuals, must render obe- dience, on pain of being excluded from the covenant of grace.”* Our own formularies, aiming as they do at brevity of statement, leave the Nineteenth Article, already alluded to, unexplained. Under these circumstances, it may be proper to adduce, as a fit conclusion to the foregoing extracts, the following passage from . Nowell’s Catechism, which, lke Jewell’s Apology, may be con- sidered as of semi-symbolical authority. “M. Let me hear what thou hast to say concerning the holy Catholic Church. “A. Before the foundation of the world, God decreed to estab- lish for himself a holy Society, which the Apostles called ‘eccle- sia,’ or a congregation. Into this society, God has collected a vast multitude of persons, who all obey Christ as their king, and con- * Declar. Thorun. s. 7. 56 CHURCH OF CHRIST. fide themselves to his care and protection. To it they properly belong who truly fear God, walk in holiness, and have a sure hope of eternal life. As many as remain steadfast in this faith were predestinated thereto before the foundation of the world; whereof the earnest of the Spirit in their hearts is a sure pledge. . “Wf. Give me then a definition of the Church. “A, The Church is the universal society of all the faithful whom God predestinated from eternity to everlasting hfe, through Christ. “iM. Why dost thou call the Church holy? “A. In order to distinguish it from the congregation of the wicked. For those whom God hath chosen he renews to holiness of life. “M. Is faith the only way of apprehending the Church? (In other words, Is it absolutely invisible 7) «4. Here, indeed, in the Creed, the Article relates properly to that community which God, by his secret election, has brought into a state of adoption towards himself: which Church can neither be seen with the eyes, nor always discerned by visible signs.* There is, however, also a visible Church of God, the notes of which he has ever declared to us. A visible Church is nothing but a cer- tain society of persons, wherever they may be, who profess the pure doctrine of Christ, and celebrate the Sacraments as the Word of God directs. These are the indispensable notes of a Church: ‘but, if the Church be in a healthy condition, it will also exhibit the exercise of discipline. “Mf. Are not, then, all the members of this visible Church elected to life eternal ? “A, Many belong to it who are anything but true members of. the Church. Nevertheless, because, wherever the Word of God ts purely preached, and the Sacraments rightly administered, there will in that place be found some destined to salvation through Christ, on this - account we call the whole of the society a Church of God; for Christ has promised that where even two or three are gathered together in his name, he will be in the midst of them.” It will be observed that this Catechism, like the Scotch Confes! sion, strongly insists upon the divine election as the ultimate * This question and answer are taken nearly word for word from the Geneyan Catechism, composed by Calvin. “ Jf Potestne autem hee ecclesia aliter cognosci quam cum fide credi- tur? P. Est quidem et visibitiz Dei ecclesia, quam nobis certis indiciis notisque descripsit ; sed hie proprie de eorum congregatione agitur, quos arcana sua electione adoptavit in salu- tem. Ea autem nec cernitur perpetuo oculis, nec signis dignoscitur.”— Cat. Gen. in Heel. + Quarta Pars. Symb. de Eccles. DECLARATIONS OF FORMULARIES. 57 ground of the Church, while most of the other formularies content themselves with declaring what it is (in its idea), when actually in existence, without entering into the question of the divine decrees. This latter course seems, on every account, to be the most advis- able. The essential point of difference between the Protestant and the Romish view of the Church has no necessary connexion with what are commonly called Calvinistic views; and, as these doc- trines have been a fruitful source of controversy among Protestants themselves, it seems better to avoid the topic altogether. Whatever be the merits or defects of Protestantism, it is evident, from the foregoing extracts, that it is not, as Bossuet would have us believe,* a system of chaotic inconsistencies: the unanimity of sentiment, and even similarity of expression, proving that, however they may have occasionally clothed their ideas in ill- chosen language, the Reformers had a consistent view of their own, and were well aware at what points it diverged from that of their opponents. If the reader compares together the statements of the several formularies, he will perhaps deem the following a sufficiently accurate representation of the distinctive teaching of Protestantism on the subject of the idea of the Church. The one true Church, the holy @&tholic Church of the Creed, is not a body of mixed composition, comprehending within its pale both the evil and the good: it is the community of those who, wherever they may be, are in living union with Christ by faith, and partake of the sanctifying influences of His Spirit. Properly, it comprises, besides its members now upon earth, all who shall ultimately be saved. In its more confined acceptation, the phrase denotes the body of true believers existing at any given time in the world. The true Church is so far invisible as that it is not yet mani- fested in its corporate capacity ; or, in other words, there is no one society, or visible corporation upon earth, of which it can be said that it is the mystical body of Christ. Hence, of course, the Head of this body is not visible. Particular churches, otherwise unconnected societies, are one by reason of their common relation to, and connexion with, the one true Church or mystical body of Christ. The outward notes of this connexion, and therefore of a true visible Church, are, the pure preaching of the Word (in fundamentals at least), and the admin- istration of the Sacraments “according to Christ’s ordinance in all * Histoire des Variations, &c. liv. xv. δ8 CHURCH OF CHRIST. those things that of necessity are requisite to the same” These are the two indispensable notes of a true Church: to them may be added, though it stands not in the same order of necessity, the ex- ercise of discipline. Although visible churches are, according to the idea, ‘congre- gations of saints,” ἃ 6. of really sanctified persons, and must be regarded as such if they are to have the name of Churches, yet they are never really so: in point of fact, they are always mixed communities, comprising hypocrites and nominal Christians, as well as true believers, a perfect separation between whom is, in the present life, impossible, and is reserved to the second coming of Christ to judgment. Hence the aggregate of visible Christian Churches throughout the world is not exactly identical with the true Church, which, as has been said, consists only of the living members of Christ. Such notes as, “the succession of Bishops,” “antiquity,” “am- plitude,” “the name of Catholic,” &e., are, taken alone, not sufficient to prove a society to be a true Church of Christ. To the one true Church, the body of Christ, properly belong the promises of perpetuity, of the continued presence of Christ, and of preservation from fundaméatal error. The same may be said of the attributes of the Church, Unity, Sanctity, &c.; these, in their full and proper sense, can be predicated only of that body of Christ which is not yet fully manifested. The explanations which are necessary to clear up the meaning of several of these positions are reserved for a more fitting place. In what sense Protestants speak of an invisible Church, or call the true Church invisible; what the connexion is between the Church in its truth and the Church as visible; in what light we are to regard local Christian societies ;—- upon these points some remarks, intended to obviate misconceptions of the Protestant view, will hereafter be offered. The question now more immediately before us is, What is the essential point of distinction between the Romish and the Protestant idea of the Church, as it is to be gathered from a comparison of the statements above given? In the following chapter an attempt will be made to determine this important point. POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND DIFFERENCE. 59 CHAPT HER ak. POINTS OF AGREEMENT, AND FUNDAMENTAL DIFFERENCE BETWEEN ROMANISTS AND PROTESTANTS, AS REGARDS THE IDEA OF THE CHURCH. IN instituting a comparison between different theological sys- tems, it is obviously the proper course, first to examine whether they hold any truths in common, and then, having ascertained how far they agree, to mark the point of divergence, and trace out the subsequent differences hence arising. In no other way is an accurate knowledge of the several schools of doctrinal divinity which have arisen in the Church, and especially of the differences between Protestantism and Romanism, opposed as they are to each other, not absolutely but relatively, to be attained. Ob- viously proper, however, as this rule is, there is none which has been by controversialists more frequently transgressed. Both Ro- manists and Protestants have been too much in the custom of in- sisting strongly upon some one great truth, as if it were peculiar to their own system, without deeming it necessary to inquire whether, and how far, it is admitted by the opposite party: the consequence of which is that, not only have the most incorrect representations been given of the doctrines held on each side respectively, but the real points on which the controversy turns have escaped notice, or at least have not been brought out into a clear light. : For example, it is difficult to conceive how any writer, who had carefully compared the public declarations of the Romish and the Protestant Churches, on thé subject under discussion, could have thought of stating the differences thus: — “The chief question to be answered is this: — How do we arrive at a true knowledge of the doctrine of Christ; or rather of the plan of redemption pro- posed for our acceptance in Christ Jesus? The Protestant re- plies, By searching the Scriptures, which cannot deceive: the Ca- tholic (Romanist) says, By means of the church, in which, and in which alone, we attain to the true understanding of Scripture : or of representing the teaching of Protestantism as follows :— “ Lu- sher considered each believer as absolutely independent of any 60 CHURCH OF CHRIST. religious community; such being, in his view, quite unnecessary, inasmuch as God alone” (i.e. without any external instrument) “teaches the Christian.” ‘ What, according to the Protestant view, can the Church be, but a purely invisible community ?” (a community, it is meant, solely of the Spirit, without visible notes of any kind). “As regards the origin of the Church, Luther’s view was as follows: —Faith in Christ strikes root in some par- ticular individual” (independently of any external means); “1 this faith advances to maturity, and is openly professed, the indi- vidual becomes a recognised disciple of the Saviour. Should he find others of the same mind with himself, they unite together, and form a society, publishing a confession of what they believe: and thus it is that the Church, as a visible body, comes into exist- ence;”* (in other words, Protestants hold the Church to be a mere voluntary association, which acknowledges no higher authority than the private judgment of those who choose to belong to it.) When an author like Moehler, not of the inferior class of Romish controversialists best known in this country, but occupying a high place among the theologians of his Church, can thus represent, or rather misrepresent, the views of his opponents, it is the less to be wondered at that some amongst ourselves, owing, no doubt, to an amperfect acquaintance with the subject, should entertain miscon- ceptions equally gross, and even absurd. It can be attributed to nothing but an oversight, that a recent advocate of (so-called) Church principles should thus describe what he conceives to be the Protestant, or Evangelical, theory:— ‘There the Church is not considered as intervening in any way between the Saviour and the individual, but rather it is regarded as an institution of con- vention, resting upon grounds of religious expediency; and her laws as dependent upon the will of individuals, whether few or many. The scheme of salvation is addressed by God not through one channel to a vast visible body, but to a selected number of particular persons. This salvation is conveyed direct by an opera- tion exclusively internal, &. &c.”+ In order to obviate mistakes of this kind, it will be advisable, in the first instance, to point out to what extent both parties are agreed; and thus to clear the way to an accurate apprehension of the true point in dispute between them. * Moehler’s Symbolik, pp. 359. 414. 418. and 421. The edition of this work referred t is the German one of 1838. + Church Principles considered in their Results, by W. E. Gladstone, Esq. London, 1840 p. 126. POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND DIFFERENCE. 61 The most cursory elance at the extracts above given will con- vince the reader that on both sides it is admitted that the Christian life is essentially a social one; in other words, that Christ came into the world not only to reveal certain truths, or to establish an unseen fellowship between Himself and His followers, but to found a Church upon earth. A state of isolation and independency is no more the natural tendency of Protestantism than of Romanism. “We hold,” says the Belgic Confession, “that since out of the Church there is no salvation, no one, of whatever order or dignity he may be, is at liberty to separate himself from the congregation of saints, and live in solitary independence; but that all are bound to unite themselves to it, to preserve its unity, and to minister to the edification of their brethren, the members of the same body.”* The obligation of social union among Christians is so unequivo- cally declared in Scripture, that no persons calling themselves Christians, and acknowledging the authority of the sacred wri- tings, have been found to deny it. Considered in one point of view, indeed, religion is a transac- tion between God and the individual spirit of man: the true life of the Christian is hid with Christ in God, and the exercises of it, repentance, faith, and love, are matters strictly personal, and can- not be predicated, except in a loose and improper sense, of a com- munity. And, no doubt, it is conceivable that nothing more than such a solitary communion of the individual worshipper with God might have been designed by the Divine Founder of Christianity : that his followers might have been intended to form no visible associations, but to hold, each in the solitude of his own heart, in- tercourse with Deity. There is nothing positively absurd in such a supposition; at the same time, there is a strong antecedent im- probability against it. For man is essentially a social being, and human life, as distinguished from that of the brutes, is a life of communion and fellowship; the faculties of reason and speech, which are denied to the lower animals, unequivocally manifesting the divine intention that men should congregate into polities.t Moreover, it is only in a social state that men’s faculties, whether moral or intellectual, attain any high degree of expansion or im- provement. “ He that suffices for himself,” the ancient philosopher tells us, ‘must either be a brute or a God.” It is only in social * Conf. Belg. s. 28. T *AvOpwros φύσει πολιτικὸν ζῶον. -- Λόγον μόνον ἄνθρωχος ἔχει τῶν ζώων" δὲὲ λόγος ἐπὶ τῶ ῥηλοῦν ἐστι τὸ συμφέρον καὶ τὸ βλαδερόν, ὥστε τὸ δίκαιον καὶ τὸ ἄδικον. Ἢ dé τούτων κοινωνίᾳ Ἰοιεῖ οἰκίαν καὶ πόλιν. Arist. Pol. 1, i. 6. 2. 62 CHURCH OF CHRIST. combinations that a sphere is opened for the exercise of the moral faculties; that a division of labour takes place, natural superiority of mind or body assumes its due place, arts are cultivated, and everything comprised in the term civilisation, makes progress. And the more civilised a community becomes, the higher it rises in the scale of intelligence, the more closely will its members be connected together, not merely by laws and institutions, but by the invisible bond of mutual dependence, and co-operation. Judg- ing, then, by what we know of the actual constitution of man, and of the conditions necessary to his intellectual and moral culture, we should deem it in the highest degree unlikely that those who, from age to age, were to be partakers of the spiritual life of which Christ is the source, should be thereby brought into a new relation towards God merely, and not, also, towards each other: that there should be true religion in the world, but no Church. It is almost superfluous to remark that the anticipations which we should be thus led to form have been fully realised. The Divine Spirit, of which the Christian is partaker through Christ, not only gives him access directly to the Father, but also connects him with every other Christian: so that, as there is one Spirit, one Lord, one faith, there is also one baptism, and one body, and no one can be in communion with Christ, in the full sense of the words, without also being in communion with Christ’s Church. In accordance with the language of ancient prophecy when describing the Messiah’s kingdom,—language which always suggests the idea of organised unity, as distinguished from a mere collection of atoms, —our Lord, from the very first, contemplated His fol- lowers as forming social combinations. The kingdom of heaven upon earth was to be like a field of corn, a net full of fishes, and a household: or, to cite another image, Christians were to bear the same relation to Christ which the branches do to the vine, the same hidden life which nourishes each in particular, forming a bond of union between all. Indeed, in two passages, our Lord, by a kind of prolepsis, applies to the company of his disciples the very term which afterwards became the one commonly used to distinguish them from the Jewish synagouge; the term, é*yova, or Church.* And when His earthly mission was about to close, in the solemn prayer which he offered up for His disciples, His * St. Matt. xvi. 18, — ‘Upon this rock I will build my church;” and xviii. 17, — “‘ Tell it unto the church.” Our word “church,” like the German kirche, is derived from κυριακόν, t. ὁ. the Lord’s house, POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND DIFFERENCE. 68 repeated petition was, that “they all may be one; as Thou, Father, art in Me, and I in Thee; that they may be one in Us, that the world may believe that Thou hast sent Me.”* When the Church was formally constituted on the day of Pente- cost, its members appear at once in outward and visible union with each other. Even the promised Comforter descended upon the Apostles and disciples, not as they were scattered here and there, but when “they were all with one accord in one place.” And thenceforth it was the rule of the Divine administration to add “to the Church,” that is, to the existing society of Christians, “such as should be saved.” Equally evident is it, that to affirm that Romanists teach that the Church is visible, Protestants that it is invisible, is to misre- present the real state of the case. Both parties hold that the Church is visible; though it is quite true that when they come to explain their meaning, they differ very materially. A purely invisible Church is a fiction discarded on both sides. The follow- ing declaration of the French Confession expresses the common sentiment of all Protestants : — “ We openly affirm that where the Word of God is not received, where there is no profession of faith, and administration of the Sacraments, there, properly speaking, we cannot affirm that there is any Church.”¢ To assign any “notes,” that is visible signs, such as the preaching of the Word and the administration of the Sacraments, to a community abso- lutely invisible, would be a manifest absurdity; but these, accord- ing to all the Protestant confessions, are the notes of the—or rather a—Church. The Reformers were careful to explain dis- tinctly that, while rejecting the Romish definition of the Church, they by no means, as their adversaries falsely insinuated, reduced the latter to a mere philosophical idea, a Utopia, having no actual existence, or without visible tokens of its presence. “We do not,” says Melancthon, in reply to the Papal theologians, “as some cavillers affirm, dream of a Platonic republic: we say that the Church is an existing reality; and we assign the notes of it, the Word and the Sacraments.” ἢ Christians, it has been already observed, were to form a society, or societies: but no human association can exist, much less en- dure, without some visible tokens to mark the incorporation, and * John xvii. 21. + Conf. Gall. Art. 28. t “Neque vero somniamus nos Platonicam civitatem, ut quidam impie cavillantur; sed dicimus existere hane ecclesiam: et addimus notas, puram doctrinam evangelii, et sacra- menta.” — Apol. Conf. Aug, ¢. 4 64 CHURCH OF CHRIST. the continuance therein, of those of whom it is to be composed without these, there may be a casual assemblage of persons, but not a society. The Church, as Bellarmin well remarks, though a spiritual community, is not a community of mere spirits, but of men; and in its constitution, the complex nature of man had to be kept in view.* There can be no society, where there is no mutual recognition. of the members; and recognise each other they cannot, unless they are distinguished from others by some outward symbol. Besides, a mere inward communion of the spirit would have left unsatisfied the natural craving, which belongs to human nature, for something visible and tangible, as the exponent of the life within. In gracious condescension to these require- ments, inseparable from our mixed constitution, our Lord Himself appointed the visible sign by which the societies of his followers should be known; not only sanctioning the practice of social wor- ship by attaching His special presence and blessing to the assem- bling of two or three together in His name, but ordaining the two Sacraments, Baptism, and the Lord’s Supper; the one to mark visibly the entrance of an individual into a Christian society, the other his continuance therein; and both to be pledges of the union of Christians with Him, and with each other. Accordingly, the very first mention of the Church in the Acts of the Apostles pre- sents it to us as manifesting its unseen fellowship by means of the visible ordinances aforesaid. ‘They that gladly received his word were baptized :” “they continued steadfastly in the Apostle’s doc- trine, in fellowship, and in breaking of bread, and in prayer :” “they, continuing daily with one accord in the temple, and, break- ing bread from house to house, did eat their meat with gladness and singleness of heart.’+ No one was recognised as a Christian who did not give this public evidence of his Christianity. Equally remote from the truth are the assertions of Moehler, and others, that, according to Protestant views, the Church “in * “Feclesia est societas quedam, non Angelorum, neque animarum, sed hominum. Non autem dici potest societas hominum, nisi in externis et visibilibus signis consistat; nam non est societas, nisi se agnoscant ii qui dicantur socii; non autem se possunt homines agnos- cere, nisi societatis vincula sint externa et visibilia.”” — De Eccl. Mil. lib. iii. ¢. 12. 7 Acts ii. 41, 42. 46. Whatever the word κοινωνία, which occurs in the last of these verses, may mean, our version is obviously incorrect in taking it with ᾿Αποστόλων. Had St. Luke’s meaning been, “the Apostles’ doctrine and fellowship,” he would have written, προσκαρτεροῦντες TH διδαχῆ Kal τῆ κοινωνίᾳ τῶν ᾿Αποστόλων, NOt τῆ διδαχὴ τῶν ᾽. ποστόλων, Kai τῆ κοινωνίᾳ, καὶ τῆ κλάσει, ὅθ. ; Where the word ᾿Αποστύλων is clearly connected with διδαχῆ only. The point would not be worth noticing, had not erroneous theories been built upon the mis- translation. See Manning’s Unity of the Church, p. 84. (2nd edition.) POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND DIFFERENCE. 65 no way intervenes between the Saviour and the individual ;” that God alone teaches the Christian, and that, “by an operation exclusively internal ;” or that itis “by reading the Scriptures,” that, ordinarily, persons are first brought to the knowledge of Christ. ‘The functions of the Church, in the application of Christ’s saving work to individuals, would, no doubt, be differently de- scribed by a Romanist and a Protestant; but that the instrument ality of the Church, in some sense of the words, is, as an ordinary rule, indispensable to the salvation of the individual, is as strongly asserted by the latter as it is by the former. Let the reader recall to mind the express statements of the larger ‘Catechism of Luther. “The Holy Spirit carries on his sanctifying work by means of the communion of Saints, or the Christian Church.” “The Holy Spirit transplants us into His society, the Church, through which, as an instrument, He teaches us, and leads us to Christ.” “Where - the doctrine of Christ is not taught, there the Holy Spirit, whose office it is to constitute the Church, does not work.”* “God,” say the Swiss Protestants, “could, indeed, by an immediate exercise of His power add persons to the Church; but He prefers to act upon men through the ministry of men. We must be on our guard against the error of so attributing the work of our conver- sion and edification to the secret influence of the Spirit, as to make void the office of the ministry.”+ The fact is, the Church may, and indeed must always be, viewed. under a twofold aspect; it is both the manifestation, and the in- strument of Christ’s saving power; it is both the visible evidence of the Saviour’s unseen existence and operation, and the means whereby, from age to age, He gathers in His-elect. The suppo- sition that the divine plan would be to save individuals by an immediate, and exclusively internal, operation of the Spirit, is negatived by the whole analogy of nature. The rule observed by the Creator in His providential government of the world is, not to interfere directly in human affairs, but to effect His purposes mediately, and by means of instruments. It is thus that having at first, by an exercise of His Almighty will, launched the hea- venly bodies into space, and assigned to each a determinate path of revolution, He has, instead of perpetually renewing that origi- nal impulse, subjected them to the uniform operation of a law, by which, as a secondary cause, their motions are now governed, and * See above, p. 49, 50. t Conf. Hel., c.18. De Minist. Eccl. 5 66 CHURCH OF CHRIST. they retained in their appointed orbits. So also, having created men, in the first instance, by an immediate act of Omnipotence, out of the dust of the earth, He has replenished the world with human beings, not by a repetition of that primary miracle, but by causing all men to spring, by propagation, from the original pair. In the same way, the well-being, both spiritual and temporal, of each individual is very much dependent upon the voluntary acts of others; and though nothing is more certain than that God wills the happiness of all his creatures, He often suffers (as it appears to us) His gracious purposes to be frustrated, rather than infringe the rule which He has prescribed to Himself, of making man the in- strument of good to man. It would be a deviation, then, from the rule which He observes in other things, were God, either to dis- pense with human instruments in bringing men to the knowledge of Christ, or to make no provision for perpetuating that saving knowledge by a law of succession, analogous to that which we see in operation in the material world. In a word, we should consider it quite in accordance with the analogy of nature, that while, in the well known words of Bishop Butler, “miraculous powers” should be “ given to the first preachers of Christianity, in order to their introducing it into the world, a visible Church” (or visible Churches) “should be established in order to continue it and carry it on throughout all ages:—to be the repository of the oracles of God; to hold up the light of revelation in aid to that of nature, and propagate it throughout all generations to the end of the world.”* And so, in point of fact, was it ordered. The Church, being in the first instance formally constituted by the miraculous descent. of the Spirit, was thenceforward both to perpetuate itself, and to evangelize the world, by the agency of human instruments. It is in the use of the Word and the Sacraments, preached and administered by men, that the existing members of the Churck are built up in the faith: it is by pastoral instruction that the children and catechumens of the society are prepared both for full communion with the Church and for the office of transmitting, in their turn, the faith which they received from their fathers to generations yet unborn. So it is also in the work of missions. The Church, in fulfilling her Lord’s command to evangelize all nations, must employ human agency. “How shall they believe in Him of whom they have not heard? And how shall they hear * Analogy, part ii. 9.1. POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND DIFFERENCE. 67 without a preacher? And how shall they preach except they be sent?” And upon the Church is imposed the duty of sending. If the duty be neglected, no miraculous interference can be ex- pected to atone for the neglect; and the heathen perish. It is evident, then, and admitted, that it is of the essence of the Church, not only to be visible, that is, to manifest its existence by outward signs, but to be the human instrument both of edifying its own members, and of converting the heathen; and we can form no idea of it which does not represent it as preaching, teaching, and administering the Sacraments. Under this aspect it comes into view in the earliest notices which we have of it. No sooner had the Spirit been given, than the Apostles, in obedience to their Lord’s command, began to be “witnesses of Him” “in Jerusalem, and in all Judea, and in Samaria, and unto the utter- most parts of the earth.” The infant community of Christians at once exhibited the aspect of an actively aggressive body, assailing every form of superstition and error, and inviting all men to par- take of the blessings of Salvation: while within the society itself, by means of the “ Apostles’ doctrine,” participation in the Holy Communion, and the exercise of discipline, Christians were built up in Christ. Once more, it must in fairness to the Romanist be conceded that he does not, as has been sometimes affirmed, absolutely deny that there is a twofold point of view, an outward and an inward, from which the Church may be made a matter of consideration. The Romish Catechism, while strenuously maintaining that the Church, in its idea, consists both of the good and the evil, yet does, as we have seen, make a difference between the living and the dead members of it; and by no means denies that, under the external form of Christian profession, there exists an inner, and unseen, circle of those who are in vital communion with the Saviour. ‘The good are those who are united to each other, not only by a common profession of faith and reception of the Sacra- ments, but by the Spirit of Grace and the bond of charity; of whom it is said, ‘The Lord knoweth them that are His””* And Bellarmin expressly adopts the following statement of Augustin: — The Church is a living system, composed both of a body and a soul;—the soul being the internal gifts of the Spirit, faith, love, &c.; the body, an external profession of the faith, and use of the Sacraments. Hence it follows, that some belong both to the body * Cat. Rom. c. 10. 5. 10. 68 CHURCH. OF CHRIST. and soul of the Church, viz., the truly pious; these may be com pared to the living members of the body, although they partake of life in different degrees. Others belong only to the soul, as catechumens, or excommunicated persons, if (as may occur) they have faith and love. Others, lastly, are of the body only, such, namely, as, while they have no inward grace, are in outward com- munion with the Church.* Thus far all Christians, or, if not all, certainly the Romish and the Protestant Churches, are agreed. It would have been needless to enlarge upon such obvious truths, were it not that, as has been remarked, this common ground upon which both parties meet has been by Romish controversialists, and by those amongst ourselves who incline to the Romish view, appropriated as exclusively their own. That the Church is, in one sense, visible; that, as a general rule, those who would be saved must be members of a Christian society, and participate in the visible ordinances appointed by Christ; that the Church is the instrument by which Christ both perfects His own people, and extends His kingdom in the world; these truths are often triumphantly brought forward as destruc- tive of, or at least incompatible with, the doctrines of Protestant- ism. As if every Protestant confession did not distinctly enunciate them. When, therefore, the Romanist, and they who adopt. his theory, insist upon the fact that the Church of Scripture has the property of being visible; when they urge the necessity of the Sacraments to salvation, where they can be had, and of some au- thority external, and superior, to individual feeling or reason; when, lastly, they direct an attention to the importance of Unity, and the suppression of the individual, selfish, will, the reply to be made is that, if by eloquent declamations of this kind, they in- tend it to be understood that Protestants reject, or can find no place in their system for, these truths and these Christian graces, they are either unacquainted with, or misrepresent, the views of their opponents; and that what they would fain appropriate to themselves is nothing but the common belief of all bodies of or- thodox Christians. It is quite true that when we come to inquire in what the visibility of the Church properly consists, and in what relation it stands to the Spirit within, we find serious differences beginning to emerge into view; but it by no means follows that, because Protestants reject a proposition in the sense attached to it * De Eccles. Mil. ὁ. 2. ad fin. ἡ Such, for example, as Moehler’s preliminary section on the subject. Symbolik, pp. 339 — 359. : POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND DIFFERENCE. 69 by Romanists, there is no sense in which they admit it. Let it be kept in mind that both parties agree in holding that the Church is, not a voluntary association, but a divine institution; that it must ever give proof of its existence by the exhibition of out- ward notes, viz. the preaching of the Word, the administration of the Sacraments, and the exercise of discipline; and that, as out of the Church there is ordinarily no covenanted salvation, so, ex- cept by means of the Church, no one is ordinarily brought to the knowledge of Christ. But if there is, in fact, so large a field of coincidence between the contending parties, it may seem difficult to conceive what room can be left for a difference, especially for a difference of great moment: and, in truth, here, as well as on some other points, the difference is not absolute but relative; a fact which should always be borne in mind. In many instances, the controversy on points of doctrine between Romanists and Protestants turns, not upon the absolute denial by either party of that which is affirmed by the other, but either upon the degree of importance which each assigns to different aspects of the same subject, or upon the difference of relation in which the constituent elements of the subject are made to stand to each other. Thus, it may be said, in a general way, that the controversy on the subject of justification is reducible to this: —that one side insists more strongly on St. James’, the other on St. Paul’s, statements respecting the nature of faith; which, however, we know must be reconcilable with each other. So it is in the present case, as we proceed to point out. The real point of distinction, then, between the two parties, \ consists, not in one’s denying, and the other’s maintaining, that the Church may be regarded from a twofold point of view, according as we make what is visible, and what is in- visible, in it, the subject of consideration; but in the relative importance, and the relative position, which each party, re- spectively, assigns to those two aspects of the Church. The dif- ference is this:—the Romanist, while admitting that there is, or ought to be, in the Church an interior life, not cognisable by human eye, yet regards this as a separable accident, and makes the essence of the Church to consist in what is external and visi- ble: the Protestant, on the contrary, while admitting that to be visible is an inseparable property of the Church, makes the essence thereof to consist in what is spiritual and unseen; viz. the work of the Holy Spirit in the hearts of Christians. The one defines the Church by its outward, the other by its inward, characteristics. 70 CHURCH OF CHRIST. Neither party can absolutely refuse assent to the well-known aphorism of Irenzeus, “ ubi ecclesia ibi et spiritus Dei; ubi spiritus Dei ibi ecclesia ;” but since, in its two clauses, that aphorism may be held to represent different tendencies, on the one hand, to make the presence of the Spirit dependent upon, and posterior in point of time to, the existence of the Church, and, on the other, to make the existence of the Church dependent upon the presence of the Spirit, it accurately expresses the true point of controversy be- tween Romanists and Protestants. To the question, What is the Church? the Romanist replies, that it is a visible institution, in which men are placed in order to be made holy, and thus qualified for the presence of God hereafter; while the answer of the Protest- ant is, that, according to its true idea (proprié, principaliter dicta,)* it is a society of those who are sanctified (pro ratione hujus vite) by the Spirit of God, and possess within them the earnest of the future inheritance: the former holds that to constitute a person a member of’ the Church, and therefore a member of Christ himself, it suffices that he profess the Christian faith, partake outwardly of the Sacraments, and be subject to the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome; the latter maintains that he only properly belongs to the Church who is in vital union with the Saviour by faith, and partakes of the quickening influence of Christ’s Spirit. The dis- tinction which the Romanist admits to exist between the living and the dead members of the Church, does not affect his definition of the latter, for he makes a distinction between church-member- ship and a state of salvation; the latter, indeed, can only be affirmed of those who are renewed in heart, but the former may be enjoyed even by those who are living in mortal sin. Divesting thus the idea of the Church, in its ultimate state, of everything moral, that is, making it a thing indifferent to the idea whether the Spirit of God, in His sanctifying influences, be present or not, he is, of course, compelled to consider the Church as, primarily, an external institution; the differentia, or specific difference, of which lies in its polity, its rites, or its episcopal succession. The Protestant, on the contrary, can make no distinction between being a member of the Church, and being in a state of salvation; and as, confessedly, an inward change, the work of the Spirit, is neces- sary to salvation, for “unless a man be born again he cannot see the kingdom of God,” it is, in his eyes, equally necessary to true Church-membership ; or, in other words, he defines the Church to * Apol. Conf. Aug. Art. 7. s. 25. POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND DIFFERENCE. {1 be, primarily, a community of saints, making the presence of the Spirit the specific difference of the body, its visible polity a matter of secondary moment. Or, the difference may be thus stated: the Romanist regards that which is visible in the Church as the ante- cedent; the Protestant as the consequent of the life within: the former attributes a positive and independent value to the outward characteristics of the body; the latter values them chiefly as the evidences of the unseen work of the spirit. Moehler is fairer and more accurate than usual, when he says, “that the difference be- tween the Protestant and the Romanist view of the Church may be briefly stated as follows: —the Romanist teaches that the visible Church is first in the order of time, afterwards the invisible; the relation of the former to the latter being that of cause and effect. The Lutherans (Protestants), on the contrary, affirm that the visible Church owes its existence to the invisible, the latter being the true basis of the former.”* He adds, very justly, that this apparently unimportant difference of view is pregnant with im- portant results. : That the difference of view just mentioned lies at the root of the statements of the rival Confessions will be evident from the most cursory inspection of them. To recur to the positions of the Romish Catechism. Were we to frame from them a definition of the Church, it would be, that it is a company of men professing faith in Christ, outwardly partaking of the Sacraments, and in communion with the Roman pontiff; it being, as regards the idea, a matter of indifference whether they be, or be not, sanctified by the Spirit of God. That this is the true doctrine of Rome is evident from the frequency and emphasis with which the. Cate- chism affirms that both the good and the evil are, though in a different sense, yet equally as far as the definition, which expresses the idea of the thing defined, is concerned, members of the Church; for, if this be true, it is clear that the essential being of the Church must lie, not in the internal work of the Holy Spirit, which, con- fessedly, as an active principle of holiness, is not found in all who are visibly within the ecclesiastical pale, but in that which may be common to the evil and the good; viz. subjection to the same central authority, and outward participation in the same Sacra- ments. ‘The unrenewed in heart can, equally with those who are led by the Holy Spirit, profess faith in Christ, “carnally and visibly press with” their “teeth the sacrament of the body and * Symbolik, pp. 425, 426. 72 CHURCH OF CHRIST. blood of Christ,” and be under the jurisdiction of lawful pastors ; and if this is all that is meant by being a member of Christ, that is, if internal union with the Saviour is not essential to the idea of the Church, most true it is that no reason exists why we should not apply that title to those whose lives prove them to be desti- tute of sanctifying faith, so long as they are not openly excom- municated. The Jew, however morally corrupt he might be, yet, as long as he fulfilled the requirements of the ceremonial law, was a recognised member of the Hebrew commonwealth and en- titled to the temporal privileges thereto belonging; from which we justly infer that the Jewish economy was one rather of the letter than of the spirit, and had its essential being in its polity and ceremonial. The same inference must be drawn with respect to the Christian dispensation, if it be true, as the Romish Cate- chism affirms, that the good and the evil are equally members of the Church, and equally partakers of Christian privileges. The statements of private theologians are not, as has been already observed, to be esteemed of equal weight with those set forth by authority: there is one writer, however, of such desery- edly great estimation among those of his own communion as to render his expositions of doctrine of the greatest value in ascer- taining the true meaning of the Romish formularies; I mean Bellarmin. If any doubt should exist whether the Romish con- ception of the Church be really what it has been described to be, it will be removed by the statements of that eminent authority. The definition which Bellarmin gives of the Church is as follows: “Tt is a society of men united by a profession of the same Christian faith, and a participation of the same sacraments, under the goy- ernment of lawful pastors, and especially of the one Vicar of Christ upon earth, the Roman pontiff. Of this definition there are three parts:——the profession of the true faith; communion in the sacraments ; and subjection to the pastoral authority of the Bishop of Rome. By the first they are excluded who either, as the Jews, the Turks, or the heathen, never belonged to the Church, or, as heretics, have seceded from her. By the second are excluded catechumens and excommunicated persons (their communion in the sacraments being deferred or suspended); and, by the third, schismatics, or they who, though professing the pure doctrine of the Gospel, and celebrating the sacraments, are not subject to the one legitimate pastor. All others, even impious and reprobate men, are included in the definition; for the Church is a society of men as visible and palpable as the Roman people, the kingdom of POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND DIFFERENCE. 78 France, or the republic of Venice.”* It is not that the Romanist denies that the end for which the divine institution, called the Church, was established, is to lead its members eventually to holi- ness; or that it would, were there no living members of Christ within its pale, be in a very imperfect state, and fail of its proper end. What he does deny is, that the inward work of the Spirit, as evidenced in newness of life, is necessary to the idea of the Church, or of its essence: he makes sanctifying faith in Christ an accident, not the very being, of true Church-membership. And, quite consistently with the general view which Bellarmin, as above quoted, presents us with, the attributes of the Church are, by the Romish Catechism, considered almost exclusively under an exter- nal aspect. The unity of the Church is made to consist, princi- pally, in its profession of “one faith,” “one Lord,” and in its subjection to one visible head. Its sanctity is such as may equally be predicated of inanimate objects, consecrated to holy uses; that is, it consists primarily in an outward dedication to the service of Christ. The two remaining properties, Catholicity and Apostol- icity, are, necessarily, more or less of an external character ; but the latter of them is interpreted in the least spiritual sense admissible, when it is made to consist, chiefly, in visible government by a ministry derived by succession from the Apostles. Such premises as these are manifestly necessary to warrant the conclusion, that persons living in mortal sin are, nevertheless, so long as they remain in communion with the Bishop of Rome, members— real, though not perhaps lively, members — of the true Church. On the other hand, if we set out with the supposition that what constitutes the true being of the Church is, not that in it which meets the eye, but the unseen presence of the Spirit of God, sanc- tifying true believers, the peculiarities of the Protestant view, as distinguished from that of Rome, are at once accounted for, and the statements of the Reformed formularies justified. For, on this supposition, it is plain that the Church, in its truth, is not, and cannot be, in this life, visibly manifested; it being impossible for human eye to discriminate accurately between the true and the nominal followers of Christ; and not being visibly manifested in its corporate capacity, it can have no visible head. Hence, too, (since properties follow the nature of the subject in which they inhere,) according to Protestant teaching, the unity and sanctity of * “Tncluduntur autem omnes alii, etiamsi reprobi, scelesti, et impii sint. Ecclesia enim est coetus hominum ita visibilis et palpabilis, ut est coetus populi Romani, aut regnum Gal- liz, aut respublica Venetorum.” — De Eccles. Mil. c. 2. 74 CHURCH OF CHRIST. the Church are inward before they become outward, participation in the same Spirit constituting the essential bond of union among Christians. Hence, finally, it is that the Protestant, while he admits that unrenewed men may, and indeed must, be found in every visible Church, denies that they are members of the Church, ὦ. 6. of the Church in its truth; denies, that is, that the latter is a body of mixed composition, comprehending within its pale both those who are, and those who are not, led by the Spirit of God. To admit that unsanctified men are true members of the true Church would obviously lead to the Romish doctrine, that the lat- ter is a visible institution, under a visible head, its essential being lying in its visible characteristics. If it should seem strange to the reader that a mere relative dif ference in the mode of viewing the same object should give rise to systems of very opposite character, he has only to remember that most of the errors that have appeared in the Church, both in past and present times, have arisen from giving an undue pro- minence to what in itself is an undoubted truth. Thus Arian ten- dencies spring from dwelling too exclusively upon the humanity of Christ; while the opposite error of the Docetz, which mani- fested itself under so many forms in the first two centuries, may be traced to a similar exclusiveness of view with respect to His divinity. Sabellianism took its rise from not counterbalancing the declarations of the Old Testament, respecting the Unity of God, with the equally clear statements of the New Testament respecting the Trinity in Unity. Certain declarations of St. Paul - on the subject of justification, misunderstood, have led to Antino- mianism: certain others of St. James, taken alone, have given rise to a type of sentiment equally erroneous. By taking too exclusive a view of the agency of divine grace in the work of conversion, Calvin was led to make rash statements on the subject of predestination: by unduly magnifying man’s part in that work, anti-Calvinists have verged towards Pelagianism. It must not, then, be thought necessarily a trifling difference, or one of words merely, when we say that the controversy between Romanists and Protestants, in reference to the idea of the Church, is reducible to ᾿ the question, Does the true being of the Church lie in its external characteristics, or in its unseen life? or, to put the same’ question in another form, Is the life within the foundation and source of that which is visible in the Church; or, on the contrary, is that which is visible the foundation and source of the life within? Questions, which are by no means decided by the bare acknow- » POINTS OF AGREEMENT AND DIFFERENCE. 75 ledgment on both sides, that the Church, according as it is regarded from different points of view, is both visible and invisible. If confirmation of this mode of stating the real question at issue be needed, it will be found in the following statements of the same trust-worthy expounder of Romanism, to whom allusion has been already made: —“ This,” says Bellarmin, “is the distinction be- tween our view and that of the Protestants, that they, to consti- tute any one a member of the Church, require dnternal virtues, (i.e. the work of the Spirit in the heart,) and consequently make the true Church invisible: we, on the contrary, believe indeed that all internal graces, faith, hope, charity, &c., will be found in the Church, but we deny that to constitute a man a member of the true Church, any internal virtue ts requisite, but only an external pro- fession of the faith, and that participation of the sacraments which is perceptible by the senses” (ἡ. 6. which is merely outward).* Which, as is evident, is equivalent to saying, that Protestants make the inward fellowship of the Spirit essential, Romanists non- essential, to the idea of the Church in its truth. In conclusion, it may be proper to remind the reader, that both parties accept the statements of the three creeds on the subject of the Church, however different may be the interpretation of them which they respectively adopt. Both parties believe in the exist- ence of the “one Holy Catholic Church,” though they may not attach exactly the same meaning to that article of faith. ‘Nor are we compelled to adopt any particular interpretation of it, as the only admissible one. It may be true that the fathers generally expound it in a particular way, and that their expositions deserve our respectful attention: but before the Protestant can attribute a binding authority to them, he must be assured, first, that the creeds are the production of, not merely Apostolic times, but of the Apostles; and secondly, that the fathers are to be considered as unerring expounders of the meaning of these formularies. It is needless to say that neither of these positions can be established. While it is very probable that the Apostles employed some short summary of the principal articles of the Christian faith, as a form * De Eccles. Mil. c. 2. As this passage contains the hinge of the whole controversy, the original is here subjoined. ‘ Hoc interest inter sententiam nostram, et alias omnes, quod omnes aliz requirunt internas virtutes ad constituendum aliquem in ecclesia, et propterea ecclesiam yeram invisibilem faciunt ; nos autem et credimus in ecclesia inveniri omnes vir- tutes, fidem, spem, caritatem, et cacteras; tamen ut aliquis aliquo modo dici possit pars vers ecclesiz, non putamus requiri ullam internam virtutem, sed tantum externam professionem fidei, et sacramentorum communionem que sensu ipso percipitur.” 76 CHURCH OF CHRIST. of baptismal confession,* we have no certain evidence that the creed which now passes under their name proceeded from them; the fable of each of the twelve having contributed an article to it having been long since exploded. Indeed, the loose manner in which the earliest fathers recite the baptismal confessions used in their times, and the variations which occur in these summaries themselves, sufficiently prove that no fixed form of the kind really descended from the Apostles: otherwise, it would have been pre- served with the same jealous care with which the New Testament Scriptures themselves were. With respect to the particular article in question, internal evidence would lead us to assign to it a later date than to the rest of the creed; for it would hardly have been deemed necessary to make the Church an article of faith, until its existence seemed endangered by heresies and schisms. This sur- mise is confirmed by historical testimony. No trace of the article is found before Tertullian, who, however, alludes to it as, in his time, forming part of the profession of faith made at the baptismal font. From Cyprian downward, it is certain that it had a fixed place amongst the baptismal interrogatories.t As to the expo- sitions which the fathers give of its meaning, it is obvious that we are no more bound by them, than we are by their interpretations of the article which speaks of “the forgiveness of sins.” * Traces of such a summary may be thought to be visible in Scripture itself. Compare 1 Cor. xv. 3, 4, and 1 Tim. iii. 16. + “Sed et ipsa interrogatio qua fit in baptismo testis est veritatis. Nam cum dicimus, Credis in vitam sternam et remissionem pec catorum per sanctam ecclesiam?” &e. (Epist. 70. Edit. Baluz.) The various reading which Cyprian here presents us with is worthy of ob- servation. EAR ee DISCUSSION OF THE QUESTION. CHAP Tia’: METHOD OF THE INQUIRY. Tue foregoing observations have done little more than put us in possession of the fundamental difference between the Romish and the Protestant idea of the Church, as expressed in the defini- tions adopted by the two parties: the inquiry now about to be instituted relates to the truth or error of these definitions. The Romanist defines the Church by its outward, the Protestant by its inward, characteristics: the former makes its essence -to consist in its visible rites and polity; the other holds that its true being lies in its spiritual, and therefore unseen, union with Christ. Which of these views is the true one? This is the question now before us. But here the previous question meets us, What are we to re- gard as the authoritative source of truth in matters of religion ? By what test are we to try doctrines which present themselves to us with, as far as human authority is concerned, equal preten- sions? A question which itself is differently answered by Ro- manists and Protestants. And here, in truth, lies the real difficulty of their arriving at any mutual understanding. We differ from Romanists, not merely on this or that particular point of doctrine, but upon the ultimate authority by which all doctrinal statements are to be tried. Ever since the Council of Trent decided that ecclesiastical tradition is to be regarded as of equal authority with Scripture,* and consequently of equal force in proof of doctrine, - there has existed an apparently insuperable impediment to a reconciliation between the two parties: for, before such can take place, one or the other must abandon that which constitutes the formal principle of its system; on the Romish side, the doctrine * “Omnes libros tam veteris quam Novi Testamenti... necnon traditiones ipsas, tum ad fidem, tum ad mores pertinentes ... pari pietatis affectu et reverentia suscipit ot veneratur (Synodus.)” Sess. 4ta. 78 CHURCH OF CHRIST. of an unwritten word of God; on the Protestant, the supreme authority and sufficiency of Holy Scripture in matters of faith. The source of revelation, the principiwm cognoscendi in religion, is not the same to both; hence it should seem that every attempt to reconcile their differences must prove abortive. Romanists must give up their doctrine of tradition, —that is, become Pro- testants, —or Protestants must receive it,—that is, become Ro- manists,— before the argument can be conducted on any common basis: hence the inconvenience, constantly felt, of arguing with Romanists on particular points of the controversy, before the ereat question of the rule of faith is settled. In this point, too, lies the great distinction between the doc- trinal system of the fifth and sixth centuries and later Romanism. The impulse, which recent events have in this country communi- eated to the study of the patristic remains, has had the effect of dissipating the illusive splendour with which it had become the custom to invest the early Church, and of teaching us that, even in the time of Cyprian, the principles, of which Tridentine Ro- manism is the mature development, were actively at work in the Christian body. On one important point, however, we can claim the great divines of the period just mentioned as our own: they, with us, taught the supreme authority of Scripture in controversies of faith. What Cyprian and Augustin call Apostolic traditions, are either the writings of the New Testament themselves, and the fundamental articles of the Christian faith, as expressed in the Apostles’ Creed; or the few regulations of polity, such as episco- pacy, which could be really traced up to Apostles. Neither of these eminent fathers felt any scruple in recommending a depart- ure from ecclesiastical custom, however ancient, when it appeared to them to be inconsistent with the Word of God.* If they laid the foundations of the Church system, they did so on Protestant *“Nec consuetudo que apud quosdam direpserat impedire debet quominus veritas prevaleat et vincat. Nam consuetudo sine veritate vetustas erroris est. Quam veritatem nobis Christus ostendens in evangelio suo dicit, Ego sum veritas. “In compendio est apud religiosas et simplices mentes et errorem deponere et eruere veritatem. Nam si ad divine traditionis caput et originem revertamur, cessat error humanus. Quod et nunc facere oportet Dei sacerdotes preecepta divina servantes, ut si in aliquo nutaverit et vacillaverit veritas, ad originem dominicam et ad evangelicam atque apostolicam traditionem reyertamur.” (Cyp. Epist. 714. δὰ Pomp.) What Cyprian means by “Apostolica traditio” appears from the in- stance that immediately follows : — “ Traditum est enim nobis quod sit unus Deus et Christus unus, et una spes, et fides una, et una ecclesia, et baptisma unum.” Compare Augustin, Cont. Cres. lib. ii. 5.39. “‘Neque enim sine causa tam salubri vigilantia canon ecclesiasticus constitutus est, ad quem certi prophetarum et apostolorum libri pertineant, quos omnino judicare non audeamus, et secundum quos de ceteris litteris vel fidelium vel infidelium libere judicemus.” ᾿ METHOD OF THE INQUIRY. 79 principles: they appealed to Scripture in support of their views; nor did it ever occur to them that the inspired writings were not both clear enough to convey their meaning to an unprejudiced - mind, and full enough to need no supplementary additions. We may, indeed, sometimes question the soundness of their interpret- ations of Scripture; we may be at a loss to conceive how Cyprian, for example, could have persuaded himself that, according to the Apostles’ teaching, Christian ministers are sacrificing priests, and the Eucharist a proper sacrifice: it is certain, however, that by Scripture only, in the last resort, they professed to be guided. In this, as in many other instances, Protestantism, not less than Romanism, can draw its own proper nutriment from the records of Christian antiquity. In the following pages, the formal principle of Protestantism — viz. that Scripture is the only authentic record we possess of what Christianity was intended to be by its Divine Founder—is assumed as admitted; the discussion of it belonging to another branch of the Romish controversy. Even to the Romanist it must ever be a matter of importance to endeavour to prove that Scripture is on his side; for if he will not allow that it is the only authentic record which we possess of Apostolic teaching, he has not yet advanced so far as to deny that it is an un- doubted record of that teaching, and, as such, entitled to high consideration. Indeed, a lurking sense of the inconvenience of appearing to contradict Scripture betrays itself in the trouble which Romish controversialists often give themselves, of adducing scriptural proof for the distinctive tenets of their Church; a labour which, on their principles, must be regarded as superflu- ous, since the doctrine of the infallibility of the existing Church is sufficient to sustain the weight of any superstructure that may be raised upon it. Moreover, it must be remembered that, throughout the present work, the particular object aimed at is, not so much to encounter Romanism in its concrete and mature form of the Papacy, as to investigate the interior principles upon which the system rests; principles which pervaded the Church long before the Bishop of Rome proclaimed himself her visible head, and which are now, amongst ourselves, at work in quarters where Romanism, as such, is rejected, and the patristic doctrine of the supremacy and sufficiency of Scripture has not as yet been abandoned. With those who belong to this school of theology, a purely scriptural argument may still be supposed to possess some weight. 80 CHURCH OF CHRIST. Scripture being recognised as the authoritative source of divine truth, it still remains to select the particular method to be followed in conducting the inquiry. It does not appear, then, that the question before us can ever be satisfactorily decided by a logieal discussion of texts, extracted from the sacred writings, or by a priort considerations drawn from the nature of the case. Indeed the arguments of the latter kind which Romanists are so fond of urging are, for this reason among others, irrelevant to the ques- tion, that they prove nothing but what is fully admitted by the opposite party. For example; we are reminded that the essential distinction between natural and revealed religion is, that the former rests merely upon a subjective basis, while the latter ap- peals to external credentials, and comes to man from without; that is, proposes itself to his acceptance as a system of facts, doc- trines, and ordinances, which remain what they are whether he accept them or not, and possess an objective existence, external to the human mind. Thus Moehler, arguing against the Protestant doctrine — that the invisible Church (to adopt the usual, but in- accurate form of expression) is the basis of the visible, —di- rects our attention to the fact that “when Christ began to preach the kingdom of God, it existed only in Himself, and in the Divine idea. It came to men from without; first to the Apostles, whom the Divine Word, in human form, prepared, by means οἵ instruc- tion and discipline, for their future office: afterwards, by means of the Apostles and their successors, it was proposed to the accept- ance of the world at large, which, as had been the case with the Apostles themselves, received the message of Salvation from with- out, antecedently to its being grafted in the heart. Thus the rule was, that the invisible Church was called into existence by the visible, the former being subsequent, in order of time, to the lat- ter. This order of things was rendered necessary by the very notion of an external, historical, revelation; which seems, from its nature, to require a fixed external ministry of the word, to which every one, who would make himself acquainted with the revelation, may have recourse for instruction.” * Or, again, much stress is laid upon the fact that in the Christian dispensation the “Word” is seen becoming “flesh,” Deity and humanity coalescing into an inseparable union. ‘“ Had the Word, instead of becoming corporeally visible, insinuated Himself in an invisible manner into the hearts of men, it would have been consistent that He * Symbolik, p. 426. METHOD OF THE INQUIRY. 81 should found a mere invisible Church: but when He manifested Himself under a visible form, and acted and suffered as a man, He intimated, in a manner not to be mistaken, what, after His de- parture from earth should be the nature of the means employed to set forward His saving work in the world. The preaching of the Gospel required human preachers: man must, as in the sphere of ordinary life, teach man. And, as in common life, no valuable results are obtained without combination, Christ also, in accord- ance with the order of nature, instituted a society of His followers, closely compacted and visible, in which He still lives upon earth, and which is the organ of His Spirit. Considered from this point of view, the Church may be said to be the perpetual incarnation of Christ upon earth; as indeed it is styled in Scripture, His body.” * Or, finally, it is urged that all religions which have exercised any considerable sway over mankind have been enshrined in a frame- work of visible institutions, without the sheltering aid of which they could not have maintained themselves for any length of time. Whether we survey the religions of the East or the West, the speculative theosophy of the Hindoo, or the more sensuous mytho- logy of ancient Greece and Rome, we find the national faith em bodying itself in fixed visible institutions, with a prescribed cere monial and a fixed polity. In no other way can a religious system exert an effective control over the corrupt propensities of human nature. For man is a being composed both of body and of spirit; and therefore, he needs, if the whole of his nature is to be in fluenced, an outward ceremonial, as well as the invisible worship of the heart. Considerations of this kind may, indeed, be urged with effect against the principles of Quakerism, but they are wholly irrele- vant to the real point in dispute between Romanists and Protes- tants. What Protestant denies that the Holy Spirit works not, ordinarily, save through external instruments, namely, the preach- ing of the Word, and the sacraments; or that Christ intended His followers to form a visible Church? In fact, it especially concerns the Protestant that the great truth be not forgotten, that revealed religion, as distinguished from natural, must come to man from without, and present a system of truths which he is to receive, not frame for himself. For it is one of the distinctive features of Pro- * Moehler, Symb. p. 337. This notion of the Church’s being the perpetual incarnation of Christ upon earth is a favourite one with the modern school of philosophical Romanists. It forms the basis of the so-called “ sacramental theory,” and of every type of doctrine which makes the Church to be the “ representative” of Christ upon earth. 6 7 82 CHURCH OF CHRIST. testant theology, as distinguished from that of Rome which hag always been Pelagian in its tendencies, that it takes a deep view of the corruption of human nature through the fall, and the con- sequent inability of man, while destitute of divine grace, to arrive at the true knowledge of God. It is the Romanist, holding as he does, that original sin consists merely in a deprivation of the gift of original righteousness, superadded, as a separable thing, to Adam’s nature; and that, with this exception, man is now in as upright a state as he was previously to the fall;* who is likely to undervalue the importance of an external revelation, and to sub- stitute for it, when given, the religion of the natural heart. In fact, writers have undertaken to prove, and not without success, that the peculiar tenets of Romanism have arisen, not from adher- ing too closely to the external record, but from following, in oppo- sition to it, the dictates of unenlightened reason.t If the case were so, that Protestants rejected all authority in religion save the private feeling, or judgment, of individuals, or did away with posi- tive ordinances altogether, regarding the Church as a purely inyisi- ble communion of saints, the ἃ priort arguments just mentioned might reasonably be urged against them: but it has been shewn at length that a false spiritualism of this kind belongs as little to their theory as to that of their opponents. Reasonings of this kind obviously fail of advancing the question a step nearer its solution, and leave us where they found us. Nor, as has been observed, is much to be expected from exegetical in- quiries into the meaning of certain passages of the New Testament. There remains open to us the method of historical inquiry ; or, an actual observation of the course which divine revelation has held, from the time when it was committed to the custody of the chosen people, to its completion in Christianity: and this, in fact, is the only method which promises to lead to a satisfactory decision of the question under discussion. If it be asked, why we select this particular epoch —viz. the establishment of the Jewish dispensation — as the starting-point of the inquiry, neither going back to the first communications of God to man, nor at once proceeding to the New Testament, and exam- ining what it teaches us concerning the constitution of the Chris- *“ Quare non magis differt status hominis post lapsum Adz ἃ statu ejusdem in puris naturalibus quam differt spoliatus ἃ nudo; neque deterior est humana natura, si culpam originalem detrahas, neque magis ignorantia et infirmitate laborat quam esset et laboraret in puris naturalibus condita.” — Bellarm. De Grat. Prim. Hom. ὁ. 5. t See Whately’s “ Errors of Romanism traced to their origin in human nature.” METHOD OF THE INQUIRY. 88 tian Church; the answer is to be found, partly in the nature of the question before us, and partly in the peculiar relation in which the Christian dispensation stands to the Jewish. The question with which we have to do, relates not so much to the doctrines which, from the first obscurely intimated, were openly promulgated by Christ and His Apostles, as to the society in which the Christian dispensation is embodied, its nature and constitution; and before the giving of the Law, the people of God constituted no society in the proper sense of the word. Previously to that event, indeed, intimations had been given, from time to time, to favoured indi- viduals concerning the promised Saviour; and even the first steps had been taken towards the accomplishment of the promise, by the calling of Abraham, and the constituting of his descendants into a distinct people: but it was not until more than four hundred years afterwards, when the word of promise had so far taken effect as that the posterity of Abraham had, in fact, become a considerable people, that anything like a religious society, or polity, of divine origin, existed in the world: then, however, such a polity was established by the promulgation of the Mosaic law. Ever since that time, the people of God have formed a distinct society in the world; the features, and constitution, of the society differing, according as it was founded upon the principles of the Jewish, or the Christian, dispensation. But if, for this reason, it 15 unneces- sary to ascend higher in the history of revelation than the giving of the Law, so, on the other hand, we must, if we would form accurate notions of the Christian dispensation, and of the society founded upon it, ascertain clearly the nature of the preparatory economy of Moses. For Christianity is the historical offspring of Judaism, to which it bears the same relation which the full-grown man does to the child.* Christianity is not an isolated phenome- non in the history of the world, but the last of a long series of preparatory appointments, with which, as might be expected, it exhibits points both of agreement and of contrast; the latter being nearly as important as the former. The direction which the pre- paratory revelation from the first assumed; the point to which it manifestly tended; the line of progression in which it moved: — these are points which demand our most careful consideration, if we would form a right judgment concerning that final dispensation which is the consummation of all that preceded it. Thus, to bor- row an illustration from the science of physiology, the human * See Heb. x. 1. Gal. iv. 1—5. δά CHURCH OF CHRIST. body, the most perfect specimen of animal organisation, is but the last link in a long series of developments, which, commencing with the lowest forms of animal life, advance step by step to higher ones, giving throughout indications of what the end of the series will be. Each stage in the ascending scale is an advance upon the one that precedes it, and itself serves to prepare the way for a still more perfect form; until, at length, those organs, the rudi- ments of which were found, in a more or less advanced state, in the inferior animals, exhibit themselves in full perfection in the frame of man. It is owing to this law of progression that an ex- perienced physiologist can often, from an observation of an organ in its rudimental state, pronounce, with tolerable accuracy, what it would be in its perfect form, even should no actual specimen of the latter be in existence. The historical survey which it is thus proposed to take, natur- ally arranges itself under the two great divisions of the old and new dispensations; the latter commencing with the outpouring of the Spirit upon the day of Pentecost. With respect to the elder economy, every reader of the New Testament will have observed that, by the writers of the Christian Scriptures, it is viewed, in reference to Christianity, under a twofold aspect, according as they speak of it as opposed, and as preparatory, to that of the Gospel; a circumstance which is easily accounted for by our dis- tinguishing between the law of Moses as it was in itself, and the effects which, when viewed in conjunction with that extra-legal institute which played so conspicuous a part in the Mosaic dispen- sation, —the institute of prophecy,—it was calculated to, and actually did, produce upon those who were placed under it. In itself, the Law was contrary to the Gospel: in its spiritual opera- tion, aided as that was by the prophetic revelation, it prepared the way for Christ. A consideration of the law in the former point of view will bear indirectly upon the question before us; for what the Law was in itself, we may at once presume the Gospel not to be; while, in its latter aspect, as introductory to Christianity, the ancient economy will combine with the New Testament Scriptures to furnish the direct portion of the argument. In that part of the discussion, then, which relates to the ancient dispensation, the leading points of inquiry will be:—the nature and principles of the law of Moses, as a religious institute; the necessary operation of it upon the pious part of the Jewish people; the scope and tendency of the prophetic revelation; and the ministry of John the Baptist, together with that of Christ Himself, which may be METHOD OF THE INQUIRY. 85 regarded as the conclusion of the legal economy. In the other division of the argument, the subject of consideration will be the Christian Church itself, as it appears in the Acts of the Apostles, with its sacraments, and so much of its Apostolic polity as is found recorded in that inspired history of the first promulgation of the Gospel; the higher stages of its visible organisation being reserved for discussion in another place. The structure of the Apostolic Epistles, addressed to existing Christian Churches, will, in the last place, come under our notice. 86 CHURCH OF CHRIST. CHAPTER... THE JEWISH DISPENSATION. Section I. THE LAW OF MOSES—ITS NATURE AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. ‘No sooner had man fallen than a promise was given, couched indeed in indistinct terms, of a Deliverer to come, who, Himself “the seed of the woman,” should “bruise the serpent’s head,” and restore man to the state of dignity and happiness which he had forfeited through sin. The event predicted in this original prophecy —viz., the coming of Christ in human nature—is thenceforward the scope of all revelation, the central point of God’s providential dispensations. Why more than 4000 years were permitted to elapse between the giving of this promise, and its fulfilment, must ever remain a mystery not to be perfectly fathomed by human reason. Mean- while, we may be certain that the advent of the Messiah was de- layed no longer than was necessary; and one, at least, of the reasons of the delay we may reasonably surmise to be, the neces- sity which existed of men’s passing through a process of pre- paration to fit them to receive the Gospel. The sacred history teaches us that the effects of the fall were speedily visible in the universal corruption of mankind. The knowledge of the true God, with His attributes and perfections, being lost, and no standard of right and wrong presenting itself save the imperfect “work of the law written” on the natural heart, the world, as might have been anticipated, became, not only fearfully depraved, but likewise, with few exceptions, unconscious of its fallen state, and therefore indifferent to the means of recovery from 10, Had the Saviour appeared amongst men at this stage of their moral ~ progress, He would have found them wholly unprepared for the reception of the truths which centre in his Person and work. Hence, the course pursued by the Divine wisdom was, to lead our race through a gradual course of preparatory training, by means of which the most influential portions of it, at least, might be THE LAW OF MOSES AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. 87 fitted to embrace the Gospel whensoever it should please its Divine author to propound it to their acceptance. As regards the heathen world, this process of preparation was merely negative. The heathens were left to themselves, in order that, by actual experience, they might become convinced of man’s inability to raise himself to God. A conviction of man’s moral weakness, and of the folly of the popular systems of idolatry, together with a general craving, amongst earnest inquirers, for some unquestionably Divine revelation to remove the obscurity which hung over their present condition and future prospects ;— this was the amount of illumination, if it may be so called, vouch- safed to the pagan world. Enlightened heathens, at the period when Christ came, were prepared to receive Christianity, simply because every school of philosophy, and every mythical system, had confessed its insufficiency to meet the spiritual wants of man. But it is obvious that something more than this was necessary to secure a footing for the Gospel scheme, whenever it should be promulgated. There needed to exist somewhere a positive ground- work of religious illumination, with which Christianity might connect itself; a rudimental outline of which Christianity should be the filing up. Especially was it desirable that such a basis of religious knowledge should exist in that particular locality in which the promised Saviour was to be born, and where His earthly pugrimage was to run its course. Such a favoured spot would form a nucleus whence the rays of Divine light might be dissemi- nated throughout the world. This special, and positive, preparation for the introduction of Christianity was effected by an immediate interposition of God One people, while yet in the loins of its progenitor Abraham, was selected from the nations of the earth, to be the repository of such revelations concerning Himself, and His designs, as it should please God to communicate. Ata period when, probably, idolatry had become universal, Abraham, the father of the chosen people, was separated from his country and kindred, and with his pos- terity, made the subject of a special covenant with God. In due season, when the descendants of the Patriarch had become sufi- ciently numerous to form a distinct nation, they were led forth, under the conduct of Moses, from their place of temporary sojourn, and put in possession of the land promised to their fathers. At the same time, they received from God, through the mediation of Moses, that code of law, civil, moral, and ceremonial, under which they continued to exist, until the temple of Jerusalem was de- 88 CHURCH OF CHRIST. stroyed. It was amongst this people, thus placed under a peculiar economy, that Christ, when He should appear, was to find existing such a measure of religious knowledge, and such elements of reli- gious feeling, as should make the transition from Judaism to Christianity easy and natural. Upon the nature and principles of the law of Moses, as a religious institute, we are now to make some observations. To prevent the doctrine of the Unity of the Godhead from being lost amidst the corruptions of heathenism; to provide a keeper and witness of the ancient oracles of God; to be a schoolmaster to lead the Jew to Christ :—these are acknowledged to be the prin- cipal ends which God had in view in the constitution of the Jewish people and polity. The question now before us is, On what prin- ciple was that polity constructed, so as to bring about the proposed ends ? A legal dispensation is, as its name imports, one, the pervading principle of which is to work from without inwards, or to form, by means of discipline and habituation, certain habits of thought and feeling in those who are placed under it. The term “law” its proper meaning, and especially as it is used by St. Paul in his Kpistles, denotes a rule of conduct, whether external or mternal, which, deriving its authority from some superior power, operates upon the subject by constraint, and, therefore, presupposes a cer tain degree of indisposition towards its requirements; or, at least, a feebleness of moral self-determination which needs an external prop to support it! When, therefore, we speak of an inward law, or of a man’s being a law to himself, we use language which, however intelligible, is not strictly accurate; for, properly speak- ing, that only is a law to a man which, whether it concern itself with overt acts only, or (which human laws never do) with the inward intention, comes to him from without, and is supposed not to be coincident with the will. Hooker, in the following passage, accurately points out the province of law :— “ Laws politic” (the observation applies equally to all kinds of law), “ordained for external order and regiment amongst men, are never framed as they should be, unless presuming the will of man to be inwardly obstinate, rebellious, and averse from all obedience unto the sacred laws of his nature; in a word, unless presuming man to be, in regard of his depraved mind, little better than a wild beast, they do accordingly provide, notwithstanding, so to frame his outward actions, that they be no hindrance unto the common good for THE LAW OF MOSES AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. 89 which societies are instituted.”* Anda far greater authority than Hooker reminds us, that “the law” (so far forth as it is law) ‘is not made for a rightecus man, but for the lawless and disobedient, for the ungodly, and for sinners.” + The mode of operation peculiar to a legal system is, as has been observed, from without inwards, or by external discipline. Pre- supposing, either that the natural bent of the will is opposed to the things enjoined, or that the moral judgment is immature and needs direction, it proposes, by means of a forcible pressure from without, to impart the required bias. Instead of presuming the will to be rectified, it aims at subduing it to that of the lawgiver. Its primary object is, rather to form, than to direct, the internal habit. Hence, when a religious system is constructed on the legal principle, it contents itself, at first, with prescribing the outward act, and with external obedience, careless of the motive whence that obedience springs, whether fear or love: it lays down par- ticular rules, enjoins specific acts of religious worship, appoints “days and months and times and years,” instead of general prin- ciples issues particular enactments, and regulates from without the manner in which God is to be served. Its appointments necessarily wear an arbitrary and artificial aspect; for the inten- tion being to curb the irregular propensities of the undisciplined heart, and to give a specific direction to whatever feelings of a pious nature may be in existence, positive enactments, the reason of which is not apparent to the worshipper, must be multiplied, and the more arbitrary these enactments, the better adapted are they to secure the proposed end. The unchastised will must be met, and overcome, by provisions which may seem to have no other recommendation than that they run counter to the will, and by so doing tend to make it pliable. On the other hand, it is evident that where internal habits of true piety are supposed to be present, and the command, instead of standing over against the individual, is, in Scriptural language, “written upon his heart;” where the will of man and the will of God are supposed to be in unison, and, therefore, moral precepts take the place of legal enactments, and specific prescriptions give way to general principles; —the law, though it may still be in force, loses its proper character, and the religious dispensation, of which these are the characteristics, is so far opposed to a legal one. The nature of a legal system may be illustrated from the in- * Eccles. Pol. book i. ὁ. x. {1 Tim. i. 9. 90 CHURCH OF CHRIST. stances of it which the common course of nature supplies. Thus, as Hooker remarks, political government is conducted on the legal principle. The legislator enjoins, or prohibits, what he conceives to be conducive, or injurious, to the well-being of the state, enfore- ing his enactments by temporal sanctions; and his whole work proceeds on the supposition of there being either no spontaneous direction of will towards what is required, or none such as can be safely left to itself, on the part of the governed. The law antici- pates resistance to its requisitions, or, at least, an unwillingness to comply with them; and it secures obedience, by making the con- sequences of transgression so formidable as to outweigh the grati- fication derived from the indulgence of passion. In order, however, to gain a true analogy between a religious, and a political, system of law, we must turn, not so much to modern theories of govern- ment, which teach us that the office of the legislator is negative rather than positive, and is concerned chiefly with the protection of life and property, and the removal of hindrances to the national progress; as to the ancient notion of a State, according to which the latter is to be regarded as a school of virtue, and its laws as an educational discipline, for the citizens;—such an idea as floated before the mind of Plato when describing his imaginary republic, and of Aristotle.* In actual history, the legislation of Sparta, and the effects which it is said to have produced upon the national character, present the most remarkable instance on record of the nature and operation of a system which proposes to work upon man from without inwards. More to the point, as being of a more internal and positive char- acter, is the illustration furnished by the work of educating the young, especially that part of it which consists in moral discipline, and the formation of character: indeed, the analogy between the office of a schoolmaster, and that which the law of Moses dis- charged towards the Israelites, is distinctly recognized in Serip- ture.t The process of education is conducted, especially in its elementary stages, upon the legal principle. Discipline, and habit- uation are the teacher’s main instruments. All that he expects, at the commencement of his operations, to find present in his pupil, is, innate capacities upon which virtuous habits may be ingrafted; the habits themselves — such, for example, as truthfulness, honour, Ἔ Μαρτυρεῖ dé καὶ τὸ γινόμενον ἐν ταῖς πύλεσιν" of γὰρ νομοθέται τοὺς πολίτας ἐθίζοντες ποιοῦσιν ἀγαθούς" καὶ τὸ μὲν θούλημα παντὸς νομοθέτου τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν. Ethic. Nic. 1. 2. ο. 1. 1 Gal. iv. 2, 3. THE LAW OF MOSES AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. 91 patience, self-restraint, and attention—he proposes to form by degrees, to work into the character by a course of suitable dis- cipline.* He begins by laying down specific rules, to which he requires unquestioning obedience. Those virtuous acts which a man of mature moral training performs spontaneously, the teacher compels those placed under his care to perform, in order that he may thus strengthen the immature principles of good implanted in the heart. While the moral sense is as yet feeble, he connects the idea of present suffering with vice, and present enjoyment with virtue; a mode of treatment which is laid aside in proportion as the pupil advances in judgment, and in quickness of moral percep- tion. As regards merely intellectual habits, he is satisfied at first with the opus operatum, knowing that, from the constitution of our nature, what, at first, is an irksome labour, becomes by habit, a source of positive pleasure. The less. the power of self-direction supposed to be present in the pupil, the more are external enact- ments multiplied, so as to hem him in on every side, to leave as little as possible to his own discretion, and so to supply as far as it is possible to do so, the lack of fixed internal principles. At this stage of his moral progress, the pupil is kept in the path of duty by an outwardly coercive law, or is under a legal system. It is obviously accordant with the character of such a system that it should appeal to the baser, rather than to the more elevated, motives of our nature; that fear, rather than love, should con- stitute its constraining power. The will of the legislator, and that of those for whom he legislates, not being presumed to be in unison, or only imperfectly so, obedience must be secured by working on the passions of fear and self-interest : immediate tem- poral consequences must be annexed to the fulfilment or the trans- eression of the law. Political laws are seldom, if ever, accom- panied with the sanction of reward; but in those cases in which the result sought to be attained is of a more refined nature, as, in the process of education, it is found advantageous to furnish incite- ments to the generous emotions, though the system can never quite dispense with those of an opposite character. If the reader carefully examines both the structure of the Mo- saic system itself and the statements of the New Testament writers respecting it, he will find that it was, in all its parts, constructed on the principles just described. * οὔτ᾽ ἄρα φύσει οὔτε παρὰ φύσιν ἐγγίνονται αἱ ἀρεταί, ἀλλὰ πεφυκόσι μὲν ἡμῖν δέξασθαι αὐτὰς» τελειουμένοις δὲ διὰ τοῦ ἔθους. Hthic. Nic. 1. 2. ο. 1. 92 CHURCH OF CHRIST. The economy under which the Jews were placed, was a visible, external, Theocracy. When God took the people into covenant with Himself, He became their God not only in a religious, but in a national, sense: He became their tutelary God, and their king. He constituted Himself the supreme civil magistrate of the nation, and not only delivered to it the law by which it was to be ruled, but charged Himself with the administration of that law. Hence, the system presented an example of a perfect fusion of civil and religious polity. The same lawgiver framed both the civil and the religious enactments: the same volume of inspiration which instructed the Jew in his duty towards God, contained also the charter of his national privileges. The religion of the Jew was not only a religious but a national sentiment; it was loyalty as well as religion. To worship other gods besides Jehovah, was not only a sin, but a crime; acrime lesce majestatis, or of a treasonable character, and, as such, justly punishable with death. Warburton has pointed out the necessity of a Theocracy of this kind, if idola- try, which otherwise does not fall under the cognizance of political laws, was to be suppressed by temporal penalties ;* but it may be further observed, that, under such a system, religion must descend, more or less, from its spiritual and internal character, and present itself in the shape of positive enactments, prescribing a certain course of external action. When God condescended to become both the civil and the religious legislator of the Jews, the religious portion of the law was compelled to assimilate itself, to a great ex- tent, to the civil, so as to be capable of amalgamation with it, and with it to form one homogeneous whole; otherwise, the two could not have been well combined. No sooner does religion, as in Chris- tianity, become enthroned in her proper seat, the conscience, and assert her claims to govern the inner man as well as the outward; no sooner does she present herself as a system of “spirit” and of “truth;” than she rises above the sphere of law, and, as is now at length understood, cannot be made the subject of legal enactment. * Divine Legation, book v. s. 2. It may be remarked that the peculiarity above alluded to of the Jewish polity takes from us the power of arguing from it to the duty of the Chris- tian magistrate in matters of religion. The Jewish polity stands alone in the history of the world, and can have no parallel in any Christian state. It does not follow that because a Jewish king, as God’s viceroy, was bound to punish idolatry, a Christian government has a right to suppress by force what it conceives to be religious error. When it can be shown that God has delivered to any Christian state a law prescribing the manner in which He is to be worshipped, and made that law part of the civil constitution of the state, appointing the magistrate His deputy to execute its provisions, the argument from the Jewish polity may stand; but not until then. THE LAW OF MOSES AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. 93 That the religion of the Jews, when placed under their law (and to this early period ‘of their history we must throughout this sec- tion be understood as referring), might be susceptible of such en actment, it was, so to speak, ἑαρή μην ΒΝ or framed so as to regu late the outward, rather than the inward, man. Hence St. Paul describes the Mosaic dispensation, in its legal character, as one “of the letter,” in contrast with Christianity, “the ministration of the Spirit.”t Those expositors fall short of the Apostle’s meaning, who represent him as affirming, merely that under the Gospel we enjoy a larger measure of the Spirit’s influence than was vouch- safed under the Law; or that the ceremonial of Moses was more intricate and burdensome than that of Christ. The difference which the Apostle establishes between the two dispensations, is a difference in kind. Taken by itself, and without reference to the prophetic amplifications of it which were subsequently given, the Law was a system of categorical prohibitions and enactments, which were to be literally obeyed, and obedience to the letter of which was all that was at first required; in other words, in the Law the form predominated over the spirit. Under the Gospel, on the contrary, the spirit predominates over the letter; or general principles are furnished, to be applied to particular cases according as they arise, under the guidance of an understanding enlightened by the Spirit of God. In the one case, the object was to form principles of action; in the other, it is to direct their application, In point of fact, if we look back to the provisions of the law when it was first promulgated, we find in them little or no refer- ence to anything beyond the national worship of Jehovah, as the tutelary God of the nation. The proximate object of the divine law-giver, as we gather it from the book of Exodus, was the con- stitution of a people worshipping, amidst the surrounding abomina- tions of polytheism, the one invisible God, according to a pre- scribed ceremonial. Abstinence on the part of the people, as a people, from idolatry was, in the first instance, all that was re- quired. Hence the repeated description of the covenant of Horeb, as an engagement, on the part of the Jewish people, to renounce the idolatrous practices to which they had been accustomed in Egypt, and which they saw prevalent in the nations around them, in return for the special protection and favour of Jehovah. “Take * “Which stood only in meats and drinks, and divers washings, and carnal ordinances” (the “elements” or “ rudiments” “of the world” alluded to by St. Paul, Gal. iy. 3. Col. ii. 20.) “imposed on them until the time of reformation.” Heb. ix. 10. f Cor. iii. 6. Compare Rom. vii. 6. 94 CHURCH OF CHRIST. heed unto yourselves, lest ye forget the covenant of the Lord your God, which he made with you, and make you a graven image, or the likeness of anything which the Lord thy God hath forbidden thee ;” “If there be found among you any man or woman that hath wrought wickedness in the sight of the Lord thy God, zn trans- gressing his covenant, and hath gone and served other gods” &c.:*— it is in terms like these that the covenant, in its original form as it was delivered at Sinai, is constantly mentioned. Hence, too, the writer of the Hpistle to the Hebrews, contrasting the Mosaic with the Christian covenant, quotes the prophecy of Jeremiah, according to which the latter was to differ from its predecessor, as the spirit differs from the form, the inward volition from the outward letter.t+ We look in vain, in the first issue of the law, for any requisitions relating to an internal change of heart, or that which is comprehended in the term, personal religion. Indeed, individuals as such, are never addressed in the books of Moses: it is the nation in its corporate capacity that is exhorted and admon- ished. Still less are any specifically Christian sentiments — such as repentance, contrition of heart, or faith—inculeated as pleasing to God. The moral law itself appears in the shape of specific prohibitions and commands, bearing upon the external conduct, the only exception being the tenth commandment, which forbids asin of the heart:—for it may well be questioned whether the command to have no other gods but Jehovah conveyed to the Jew of Sinai anything beyond a warning against mixing up the wor- ship of other tutelary deities with that of his own. Apparently indifferent to the inward state of those for whom he legislated, the Divine Law-giver imposed upon them a system of positive ordin- ances, by which, in all the functions and relations of life, they were constrained, and habituated, to the recognition and service of Himself alone. The propensity to idolatry, which the Israeli- ties had contracted in Egypt, was met by prohibitions enforced by immediate temporal penalties; and the corrupt will was thus brought under a yoke acknowledged, even by the pious Jew, to be difficult to bear. Of course, the above observations apply to the form, rather than the substance, of the Mosaic law, as delivered at Sinai. The substance of the moral law is the same in every age: and in every age has comprised the requirements of inward purity, and sub- stantial moral duty. Of these no religious system, which had the * Deut. iv. 23. and xvii. 2, 3. | Heb. viii. 8 — 10. THE LAW OF MOSES AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. 95 true God for its author, could be destitute. There can be no doubt, therefore, that, even in its first promulgation, the law im- plicitly enjoined that spiritual service of the heart which the Jew was subsequently explicitly commanded to render. But this was an extension of its meaning reserved for future revelations: it did not appear in the original form. The commands of the law meant more than met the ear of the Jew who had come up from Egypt: they involved the whole of his duty towards God and towards man. But to draw out the full import of the command, to declare its comprehensiveness, and its spirituality, was the province of subsequent prophecy; and we are now speaking, not of what the law became in the hands of the prophets, Moses included, but of what it was in itself when first given. Just as the subsequent revelations concerning the Messiah were but the full expansion of the first prophecy delivered to Adam, and yet that prophecy in itself conveyed to those to whom it was addressed little beyond a vague hope of deliverance from the consequences of sin; so the law delivered at Sinai was rich in hidden meaning, and virtually comprised all that was ever required of the Jew, but the full import of it was disclosed, not at once, but gradually, according as God saw that his people were able to bear it. There is a passage of St. Paul, in his Epistle to the Galatians, the consideration of which will materially assist us in forming a true apprehension of the nature of the Mosaic law. Contending against those who taught that justification was to be attained, partly by the works of the law and partly by faith in Christ, he presses them with the argument that Abraham, the progenitor of the Jews, was himself justified by faith, his faith attaching itself to the promise of God, freely given, that in him should all nations of the earth be blessed. The promise to the patriarch was not made dependent upon obedience to the moral law, or indeed to any law; he received it simply as a believer; and St. Paul’s argument is, that ‘the covenant, that was” thus “confirmed before of God in Christ, the law, which was four hundred and thirty years after,” could not ‘“disannul, that it should make the promise of none effect.” ‘Wherefore then,” it might be asked, “serveth the law? It was added because of transgressions, till the seed should come to whom the promise was made.”* It was a temporary disposition of God, interposed between the Abrahamitic covenant and its fulfilment in Christ; among other reasons, “ be- * Gal. ili. 19. 90 CHURCH OF CHRIST. cause of transgressions,” or in order to restrain the visible out- breaks of sin, particularly the sin of idolatry, which otherwise would have desolated the whole face of the world, and left no room for the growth of true piety. Not, of course, that this was the only purpose of the law, but it was one of the purposes of it. In order to effect it, it was manifestly necessary that it should be imposed upon the Jews, not as individuals, but as a nation, as a civil code under which they were nationally to exist. It is only in a politically-organised society that the visible manifestations of sin can be made the subject of restraining laws. But the law, thus given, was never intended to interfere with the covenant made with Abraham, for this covenant was made with the patri- arch, not as the representative of the visible, but of the spiritual Israel, or of the former only so far as it coimcided with the latter ; and therefore, as St. Paul argues, it appertains equally to all, Gen- tiles as well as Jews, who, by their faith, prove themselves to be the spiritual descendants of Abraham.* The promise was made to Abraham as an individual believer, and, through him, to every individual, whether Jew or Gentile, who should follow his faith. The law was framed for the Jews, as a nation, and embraced, in its regards, both those who had, and those who had not, the faith of Abraham; operating, in the case of the former, as a prepara- tory discipline, in the case of the latter, as a curb upon the rebellious will, and felt by both to be a yoke of bondage. In this point of view the law bore the same relation to the spiritual Judaism which was afterwards to merge in the Christian Church, which the casket does to the jewel which it incloses, or an exter- nal fence to the garden which it shelters. In itself it was inca- pable of giving life: it afforded no nutriment to faith except so far as its ritual and sacrifices raised an expectation of better things to come: but it was valuable as an outward fence against the encroachments of heathenism, as a shelter beneath which the tender blossoms of religion might flourish and expand. The law, in fact, was intended to protect the Christianity of the Old Testa- ment, until, in Christ and through the outpouring of the spirit of Christ, the latter should attain a strength and maturity which would enable it to stand alone. That a dispensation, constructed on this principle, and for such objects, should work chiefly by the agency of fear, or, in the lan- guage of the inspired writers, “gender to bondage,” is only what * Gal. iii. 7. THE LAW OF MOSES AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. 97 might have been expected. In such expressions of St. Paul as that just mentioned, allusion is made not merely to the fact that the law, by requiring more than could be performed by fallen man, brought guilt upon the conscience, but to the circumstances under which it was given, and the general character of the Divine lawgiver’s administration of it; both of which were calculated to strike terror into those who were placed under its discipline. The manner of its promulgation at Sinai, the “blackness, and dark- ness, and tempest, and the sound of a trumpet, and the voice of words,”* was intended to, and did in fact, produce in the minds of a people like the early Jews, gross and carnal in their notions of Deity, a lively impression of the power and majesty of Jeho- vah, and a servile fear of offending Him. And throughout the dispensation, especially the earlier part of ‘it, when the theocracy was exercised more visibly and immediately than at a later period, it was the sterner side of the divine attributes which appeared most prominently. In executing the sanctions of His law, God exhibited Himself to the Jew as a consuming fire. To the effectual administering of such a system as that of Moses such a display of the divine character was necessary. A stiff-necked people was to be disciplined to the yoke of ordinances to which they had been unaccustomed, and some of which contravened their favourite pro- pensities; they were to be placed under an external rule of con- duct which, at the time when it was imposed, must have been extremely distasteful to them; and nothing, under such circum- stances, would have sufficed to secure their submission but a strong conviction of the lawgiver’s power, and determination, to punish disobedience. This conviction was wrought into their minds, not only by the awful sights which they witnessed in Egypt and at Sinai, but by visible proofs, exhibited from time to time, of God’s promptitude to notice, and avenge, transgressions of His law. Hence such occurrences as the slaughter of 8000 men for the idolatry of the golden calf, and of a still greater num- ber for looking into the ark; the destruction of ‘“ Korah and his company,” for invading the priest’s office, and the plague which ensued; and the various temporal chastisements inflicted upon the people for their sins, both during their passage through the wil- derness and after they were settled in Canaan. The Israelites knew Jehovah chiefly as the righteous administrator of the law which He had given them; jealous of His honour, and quick to * Heb. xii. 18, 19. 7 98 CHURCH OF CHRIST. resent injurious assaults upon it; “showing mercy” indeed “to thousands of them that” should keep His commandments, but “visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation.” Every religious system which is in- tended to operate from without inwards, or by means of discipline, must be satisfied at first with a constrained obedience. Not that this was the only aspect in which the Divine character was presented to the Jewish people. Whenever Jehovah laid aside the character of the tutelary god, and civil governor, of the Jews, and appeared as the God of the universe, His gracious attributes were unfolded, to sustain and encourage the penitent.* Thus, when Moses went up a second time to the Mount, to have the law reinscribed upon new tables of stone, God revealed himself as “the Lord, merciful and gracious, long-suffering, and abundant in good- ness and truth, keeping mercy for thousands, and forgiving ini- quity, and transgression, and sin.”t But the time chosen for this remarkable revelation is worthy of observation. It was not given at the original promulgation of the law, nor until the determina- tion of the lawgiver to uphold its authority had been signally ex- hibited in the destruction of the worshippers of the golden calf. When the law was about to be reissued, and the covenant renewed, it was suitable that the terror-stricken people should be sustained by the assurance that mercy and grace, as well as justice and holi- ness, were essential attributes of Him who was their King. Here, as throughout the Old Testament, it was by the transgression of the law, not in the promulgation of it, that a disclosure of the Di- vine goodness and mercy was elicited: nor was it the law that gave hope of pardon to the penitent, but, as throughout, the distinet revelation of prophecy, delivered, in this instance, by the mouth of Moses, the great prophet, as well as lawgiver, of the Jewish people.t : The dealing of God, in his capacity of civil governor, with His ancient people, which possibly, on account of the disproportion it sometimes appears to exhibit between a sin and its punishment, may wear a strange aspect in the eyes of the Christian believer, becomes intelligible when we recall to mind the distinctive prin- * See Warburton, D. L., b. v. 5. 2. + Exod. xxxiv. 6, 7. ¢ Calvin well remarks: “Lex misericordiz# promissiones passim continet; sed quia sunt aliunde ascit, non veniunt in legis rationem quum de pura cjus natura sermo habetur. Hoe illi tantum tribuunt, ut precipiat que recta sunt, scelera prohibeat, premium edicat cultoribus justitia, poenam transgressoribus minetur: cordis interim pravitatem, quee cunctis hominibus naturalis inest, non immutet aut emendet.”’ — Instit. lib. ii. ¢. 11. 5. 7. + a THE LAW OF MOSES AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. 99 ciple upon which the elder economy was founded. Law, as an ex- ternal rule not yet written upon the heart, places a curb upon the ebullitions of a sinful nature, without professing, or attempting, to rectify the nature itself: it restrains without renewing. Fear, therefore, being the moral engine by which it operates, a dread of the consequences of transgression must, cost what it will to en- force the lesson, be produced; and we may be sure that nothing short of those terrible visitations, which abound in the earlier part of the Jewish annals, would have sufficed to impress upon that way- ward people the necessity of implicit submission to the appoint- ments of God, even those of them which seemed the most arbitrary and positive. On the other hand, it was inevitable that the type of religious sentiment produced by such a discipline should par- take, more or less, of a servile character; such, in fact, as, in con- trast with the spirit of Christian piety, it is described by the in- spired writers to have been. “The heir, as long as he” was “a child,” differed “nothing from a servant, though he” was “Lord of all.” With the fundamental idea of such an economy, it was quite in » keeping that a visible symbol of the divine presence should be spe- cially connected with a certain locality; that a human priesthood should be appointed to mediate between God and His people; that that priesthood should be confined to a particular tribe and family, and follow the course of natural descent, irrespectively of moral qualifications; that outward lustrations, and “the blood of calves and goats,” should suffice to cleanse from legal defilement; that par- ticular sacrifices should be appropriated to particular transgressions; and that there should be an excessive minuteness, and elaboration of detail, in all parts of the national worship. The Epistle to the Hebrews teaches us that the Jewish priesthood and ceremonial law had a special office of its own to fulfil, —viz. to enforce the great truth, that fallen man cannot, save through a mediator, ap- proach the divine presence, and to habituate the Jewish mind to the ideas of sacrifice, atonement, and purification: but, independ- ently of these, its typical purposes, the Levitical ritual was in perfect harmony with a legal system of religion. Under such a system, the forms of religion are of paramount importance, for it is by these forms that the inner spirit is to be called into existence. What the Word and the Sacraments are to the Christian, the Law was to the pious Jew, — viz. the instrument of the Holy Spirit in producing certain inward habits of mind. Instead, therefore, of the ritual and polity being the manifestation of the inner life, they were to be the means of creating, and cherishing, that life; instead 100 CHURCH OF CHRIST. of taking their colour from, they were intended to give colour to, the religious sentiment within: and to enable them to effect this object, it behoved them to be rigidly defined, to abound in ceremony and to appeal largely to sense. Under such a system, the object is, to hold human nature in a fixed mould of religious discipline until it has received the desired impression, and imbibed the spirit, which lies latent, or imprisoned, in the form: the mould therefore must be of inflexible material, and elaborate finish; and must press from without upon all parts of the religious life, prescribing every function of it, and regulating every detail of holy service. Where the inner sentiment is presumed to be in a state of childish immaturity, no other course is open to the founder of a religious system than to endeavour to supply its place by the multiplication of forms: thus he gains at least an external hold upon human nature; he secures a fact of religious worship to be- gin with, by means of which (if he has ulterior views of such a nature) he may prepare the way for the introduction of a more _ spiritual system. Hence it is that the same characteristics (as re- gards the points above mentioned) which the Levitical worship presents, are found in most of the systems of Paganism which have exercised a lasting sway over mankind; such, for example, as the Brahminical system of India. The constructors of these systems, feeling that they must work upon man, if at all, from without inwards, delivered the external framework of the religion, finished in all its parts, and fixed by law: aiming, by means of varied and muitiplied observances, and an imposing ceremonial, at the gradual formation of the type of religious sentiment, what- ever it might be, which it was their object to create. Finally, with a correspondence of proportion which at once approves itself to the reflecting mind, the sanctions of the Mosaic Covenant were exclusively temporal: the rewards and punish- ments annexed to obedience and disobedience, respectively, took their range within the present life. Indeed, the whole religious life of the Jew was one of sight, not of faith; in which point that of the Christian presents a strong contrast with it. Visible mani- festations of the Divine presence, a local sanctuary, a histrionic worship, and present retribution;—these external aids to piety were vouchsafed to the Jew, because in his case the eye of faith was too feeble to bear a stronger light. But more particularly :— a law which appeals only to a future state of reward and punish- ment will never be obeyed, for upon the mass of men considera- tions of this kind exercise but a feeble influence. Hence the law THE LAW OF MOSES AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. 10] of Moses was enforced by temporal sanctions, and by them only. The tendency, natural to a Christian, to introduce more of Chris- tianity, its doctrines and its sanctions, into the Old Testament than can be fairly inferred from the declarations of the latter, has operated to induce the belief that a doctrine without which Chris- tianity would be a shadow, must have formed part of the earlier revelation; but, in point of fact, not a hint is dropped, in the promulgation of the law, of a future state of retribution, indeed of a future state at all; nor can any passage be adduced from the Pentateuch, in which explicit mention is made of such a state. True it is that the “old fathers” did not look only for transitory promises, as it is also true that ‘both in the Old and New Testa- ment everlasting life is offered to mankind by Christ :” but, just as the great truths connected with Christ’s atonement were not de- clared by the law, save in the way of type and figure not at the time understood, so the expectations which the “old fathers” cherished of a future state of bliss were derived not from any puplic revelation, but either, as in the case of Abraham, from special intimations given to individuals, or from primitive tradi- tion, or from such hints upon the subject as were dropped in the Pentateuch, and, still more abundantly, in subsequent prophecy. And, after all, it was but a hope which such expressions were calculated to raise; knowledge they could not impart. Some of them indeed needed the aid of the Christian revelation to unfold their meaning, and were probably, until that revelation was given, unintelligible.* In short, there is no evidence to prove that the doctrine of a future state formed a part even of the popular belief until a period of Jewish history considerably later. It is well known that this omission in the law of Moses has been by the infidel laid hold of as an argument against the divine origin of that law; while by the Christian apologist an exactly opposite use has been made of it. And, in truth, if the law had been intended to give life, —if it had had an immediate connexion with salvation, —the omission might appear strange. Not so, however, * For example, the famous passage, Exod. iii. 6. ‘I am the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob.” To us, who enjoy the benefit of our Lord’s exposition of this passage (Matt. xxii. 32.) it seems to involve very clearly the doctrine of a future state ; but the question is, was the truth contained in it seen before He brought it to light; and especially when Moses first delivered the law? It may have constituted one ground, among others, of a pious surmise; but more that this we cannot affirm. From the words of St. Mat-~ thew which follow, — viz. that ““when the multitude heard it, they were astonished at his doctrine,” it would rather seem that our Lord’s exposition of it was new to them. See Mr. Dayison’s remarks on the passage, Discourses on Prophecy, p. 126. 3rd edit. 102 CHURCH OF’ CHRIST. if the primary object of it was to afford a temporary shelter to religion, and to prepare the chosen people for the reception of that better covenant which was to bring life and immortality to light. Such was the nature, and such some of the leading features, of the Mosaic economy. If it should appear strange that a system, so rudimental in its general characteristics, and so manifestly in- adequate to express the true relation existing between man and his Maker, should have emanated from a Divine source, we have only to recollect the spiritual condition of the Jewish people at the time when it was imposed upon them. At the period of their departure from Egypt, the Israelites were a people of such rude conceptions, as regards religion, as to render them incapable of a more spiritual system than that which they received. The idola- trous practices of Egypt had acquired so firm a hold upon their minds that it took centuries of discipline, and the temporary dis- solution of the whole polity, to purge out the taint. Their notions, therefore, of the Divine nature and attributes had become, to the last degree, childish and corrupt, and their moral sentiments pro- portionably perverted; for conscience, unless it be vivified with just views of the power and holiness of God, offers but a feeble resistance to passion, and soon learns to call evil good and good evil: idolatry and a vitiated standard of morals are always found to go together. Both as regards religious knowledge, therefore, and moral sentiment, the Jews, at the time when they were placed under their law, were in such a low condition that no other system could have produced any impression upon them; unless, indeed, it had pleased God to deviate from the ordinary course of His spiritual dispensations, by dissipating miraculously, and instanta- neously, the clouds of spiritual darkness in which, with the rest of the world, they were at that time involved. If even after centuries of training under his law, the Jewish believer was, as St. Paul declares, a child, not yet emancipated from the restraints of discipline, we can well conceive that when he was led forth by Moses from Egypt, he needed to be dealt with as an infant in religion. And as such he was treated. Fenced round on every side against the encroachments of heathenism, he was taught the elements (στοιχεια) of piety by such means as were suited to his infantile capacity; by type and symbol, and, as he was able to receive it, by the “line upon line” of prophecy. Meanwhile the “Theocracy, with its temporal sanctions, never released its hold upon him; jealously guarding its pupil until the time should come for resigning him to a more efficient Teacher. Nothing more than a consideration of the state of the world, even in its more civilised THE LAW OF MOSES AS'X RELTTEMOUS SYSTEM. 108 portions, at that early period, is needed to account for the elemen- tary character of the elder dispensation. To have promulgated Christianity among a people of such gross conceptions as the inspired history shows the Israelites to have been in the time of Moses, would have been as unsuitable as it would be to plant the English constitution in all its integrity among the rude inhabitants of some recently discovered island of the Pacific ocean. The moral and intellectual condition of the first Israelites may also, perhaps, serve to account for the length of time which was permitted to elapse between the promulgation of the law and the coming of Christ; and which, unless we take this consideration into account, may seem unaccountably protracted. In fact, nothing is of slower growth than national sentiment, either in political matters or in religion. What a length of time have some of the most admired structures of modern civilisation taken to arrive at their present maturity! It has required the schooling of centuries to teach the lessons of political wisdom, and to imbue the nation with the spirit of the constitution under which it is to live. But in time the lesson is learned. The errors of one gen- eration are perceived, and corrected, by that which succeeds ; the past supplies warnings for the future; occasional jarrings in the several parts of the body politic lead to a more skilful adjustment of them; and eventually, by slow degrees, an objective type of national feeling is formed. So it is in morals, and in religion. Slavery is now almost universally reprobated by Christian na- tions; but what a length of time elapsed before the spirit of Christianity achieved this victory over the corrupt passions of human nature. Of still more recent growth is the recognition, now become pretty general, of the purely spiritual nature of Christ’s kingdom, and the consequent unlawfulness of attempting to establish it by other methods than those of persuasion and argument. 16 Christians of a future generation will wonder’ how their ancestors could have so far mistaken the spirit of the Gospel as to employ pains and penalties as instruments of con- version; yet toleration is one of the very latest fruits of the progress of religious illumination. So slow is the process by which great truths, rejected perhaps and derided at their first promulgation, win their way in spite of opposition, and gradually interpenetrate the whole mass of society. When we contrast the degree of culture which existed in the Hebrew nation, when first placed under its law,* with that to which it was necessary it * Vor a fuller view of the nature of the Mosaic Economy, See the Author’s Bampton Lectures. 104 CHURCH OF CHRIST. should be brought, in order to be prepared for the Gospel reve- lation, we shall perhaps no longer consider it strange that many centuries had to elapse before the preparatory discipline could effect its purpose. If the nature of the elder economy has been dwelt upon at greater length than its relation to the subject of these pages would seem to warrant, it has been not merely on account of the intrinsic interest attaching to the first covenant under which God placed his people, but because a true insight into the structure of the Mosaic system is nothing less than a true insight into the leading ideas which lie at the root of the Romish conception of the Church of Christ. Every student of the principal writers of the Romish communion must have observed that, in arguing in favour of the system of their Church, the analogy furnished by the Mosaic dispensation is, as far as Scripture is concerned, the stronghold to which they constantly resort. That Christ is a lawgiver in the same sense in which Moses was* and the Gospel a new law, presenting, in a spiritualised form, the same features which the old did; —these are the two main pillars on which the Tridentine edifice rests. It would be easy to show that the intro- duction of this mode of reasoning was the first symptom by which the early Church betrayed its commencing decline from Apostolic Christianity, and its entrance upon that downward course which finally issued in the Papacy of the middle ages. This is percep- tible, not merely in the universal transmutation of the Christian ministry into a sacrificing priesthood, but in the general aspect which, in the pages of the early Latin fathers, the Church begins to assume, as a system of Law; that is, of positive ordinances, pretending to a Divine origin, and intended to operate upon man from without inwards. And it is a significant fact, that as Nitzsch, in his reply to Moehler, has pointed out,} the productions in which this view of the Church is most strongly presented are, the spurious writings of the second and third centuries; such, for example, as the pretended Apostolical Constitutions. “The law was given by Moses, but grace and truth came by Jesus Christ :”t how is it that the Church of Rome expounds the opposition here intimated? It is admitted, indeed, that the Law was introductory to the Gospel, and that in several important » * “Si quis dixerit Jesum Christum a Deo hominibus datum fuisse ut redemptorem cui fidant, non etiam ut legislatorem cui obediant; anathema sit.”— Cone. Trid. Sess. 6. Can. 21. + Protestantische Beantwortung der Symbolik Moebler’s, p. 209. ὦ John, i. 17. THE LAW OF MOSES AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. 105 points the latter differs from the former. A new dispensation was introduced by Christ, of which the preceding one contained but the outline; the one was local, the other is universal; the one transitory, the other to last to the end of time;—by the acknow- ledgment of such points of distinction as these, the observation of the Apostle is, it is conceived, sufficiently explained. Meanwhile, no difference in kind is admitted to exist between the two dis- pensations. So far from this, the Gospel, we are told, is a new law, presenting, not merely the substance of which Judaism con- tained the shadow, but an exact counterpart of the features of the ancient system; so that, instead of the temple at Jerusalem, to which the Jews, wherever they might be, looked as the central seat of their religion, we have now the Apostolical chair at Rome, the centre of Unity to all Christians ; instead of priests by natural, we have priests by spiritual, descent; an unbloody sacrifice takes the place of the “blood of calves and goats;” a graduated hierar- chy succeeds to the threefold order of the ancient ministers of the altar; and we have a liturgical ceremonial which, it is avowed, finds its “parallel in the worship and ceremonies of the old law, ordained by God himself.” * It is in the Romish theory of sanctification, philosophically con- sidered, that the identity of principle between the Law and the Tridentine version of the Gospel becomes chiefly apparent. Every one acquainted with that theory knows that its ethical basis is the Aristotelian doctrine of habits, applied to Christianity. The phi- losopher tells us, and tells us truly, that moral habits are formed by repeated acts,t the mere rudiment of the habit being that which is implanted by nature: if for moral we substitute spiritual habits, and for the rudiments of natural virtue, a power of doing holy actions, imparted to all in baptism, we have here the Romish doc- trine of sanctification in its ultimate form. By acting out the holy nature supposed to be at the baptismal font communicated in germ, whether in the way of good deeds or of bodily mortifi- cations, the Christian grows in grace, and is gradually disciplined into the image of Christ: obedience, at first’ painful, becomes by degrees habitual, and at last pleasant. Thus men are now, as of old, schooled into religion from without inwards. And the Church is the great institution of discipline in which the work is carried on. The Church, by her prescriptions and ordinances, operates upon * Milner’s End of Controversy. Letter 20. + Οὕτω dé καὶ τὰ μὲν δίκαια πράττοντες δίκαιοι γινόμεθα, τὰ δὲ σώφρονα σώφρονες, τὰ δ᾽ ἀνδρεῖα ἀνδρεῖοις “- Ethic. Nic. 1. ii. c. 1. ¥ 106 CHURCH OF CHRIST. the undisciplined will of man, and brings it into subjection to Christ. In one point, however, there is a wide difference between the system of discipline under which God placed the Jews, and that to which Christians are subjected; a difference which makes the latter a yoke far heavier than that which preceded it. Burden- some as the Jewish ritual was, it was, once for all, distinctly laid down in the written books of the law, which lay open to all, and from the precepts of which the priesthood was not permitted, in the smallest particular, to deviate: a regulation which effect- ually nipped the growth of sacerdotal usurpation over the con- sciences of men. Whereas, under the new law, the discipline by which men are to be made Christians is administered, not accord- ing to a well-defined prescription emanating from God himself, but according to the varying will of man; the Christian priest- hood, represented in the Pope, possessing a right divine to add to the existing law whatever regulations may seem to them proper. To those acquainted with the natural affinities existing between systems it will be no matter of surprise that, in the point last mentioned, an identity of sentiment should appear between the theory of Rome and that of the Church system as recently revived amongst ourselves: that by a writer of the latter school, the Church should be described as an institution which “not only forms by an outward and political coercion the exterior course of obedience, but shapes by a lighter and unerring hand the full lineaments of Christ’s image. Its correction reaches the un- written moralities: it enters into the inner heart of man; it forbids unforgiving thoughts; it commands a man to render good for evil, blessing for cursing; it obliges him to love God and man, and rebukes him if he disobey.” (It has been usually supposed that these are the commands of Christ himself. But not to dwell upon this, it may be remarked that the passage contains, in short compass, the natural history of the Confessional.) ‘By her au- thority,” we are told, “as God’s vicar upon earth, she subjugates the whole energy of man which struggles against the will of God. _ By her inward discipline she checks, and, through grace, subdues to the conscience the aggressive and importunate affections of our nature.” ‘Through the one objective discipline, the will is once more enthroned supreme, and its energies united with the will of God. Obedience passes, by little and little, from deliberation and ‘conscious effort, to a ready and almost unconscious volition.” | “We are placed, as it were, under the discipline of childhood ;” ὦ. θ.,) under an outwardly coercive law, like the Jew of old. And ied s THE LAW OF MOSES AS A RELIGIOUS SYSTEM. 107 since to a law, if it is not to be a dead letter, there must be added a living authority to execute its provisions, we are further in- formed that, under the new Christian law, such an authority has been actually established,—viz. the clerical order, —which now stands to the Christian people in the same relation in which God himself did to the Jews; “God having constituted an order which shall bear rule over his people, and shall bring them under the yoke of obedience to himself.” * A sentiment which the Romish Catechism expresses more succinctly when it tells us, that obedi- ence to the Church (by the Church being meant, as usual, the Clergy) is one of the chief duties of a Christian man.t It is, in fact, this false view of the Church, according to which it is, not a community of those who are Christians, but an insti- tution to make men so, that identifies the Church system, funda- mentally, with that of Rome, leading both the one and the other to transform the Gospel into a spiritualised Judaism. For, as is evident, on this supposition the external polity of the Church becomes that in which its true being lies; it becomes, what the Jewish law was, the divinely-appointed instrument of the Holy Spirit in working upon the spirit of man, by holding, as the sys- tem of Moses did, human nature in a fixed inflexible mould. On this hypothesis, too, an alteration of the exterior framework of the Christian polity is necessarily regarded as equivalent to the destruction of the spirit within; for such, in fact, would have been the effect of a similar alteration in the case of the elder economy. This is not the place for the inquiry, how far some particles of truth may be contained in the above representations of the func- tions of the Church. There is no doubt a sense in ‘which, even now, the Christian society is a school of discipline to its members. It is especially so to the children and young persons within its pale, whose condition, therefore, so far approximates to that of the Jew under the Mosaic law. Even towards its adult members, especially those of them who are not yet fully under the influence of divine grace, the Church—. 6. the Christian community—stands in the relation of a school of education operating from without inwards. But the difference is this: —the Church, so far as it is a school of discipline, a schoolmaster to lead men to Christ, operates not, as the Mosaic system did, by means of law, by positive ordi- * Manning, Unity of the Church, pp. 230. 251. 254. + “Hee autem ecclesia nota est. . . . Namcum illi ab omnibus parendum sit, cognoscatur necesse est.” — C. x. s, 11. 108 CHURCH OF CHRIST. nances and outward prescriptions, but by what is comprised in the expression, Christian influences, —7.e. the teaching, the life, the example, the spirit, the general standard of practice of those who compose the Christian community. There is all the difference in the world between a system of influences of this kind and a system of law. The latter is artificial and arbitrary, the former is natural, as being the spontaneous result of the new creation in Christ: the latter is fixed, rigid, and unbending; the former is plastic, and variable, operating invisibly and insensibly upon those subjected to it. It is only in this sense that the Church can be called a school of discipline, and in this sense it is so; not, however, any particular order in the Church, but the whole society itself. Ac- cording to the other view, which regards the Church as an insti- tution of legal discipline, the Saviour’s prayer, “Sanctify them through thy Truth, thy Word is Truth,” loses all its import. Not faith, but, as of old, the law, purifies the heart; and, as in the mat- ter of justification, the Church, not Christ, is made the mediator between man and God, so in the matter of sanctification, the Church —7.e. its external system,—not the Word through the Spirit, becomes the instrument of the Christian’s transformation into the image of Christ. Section II. THE SPIRITUAL OPERATION OF THE MOSAIC LAW. WHEN the Romanist presents us with a conception of the Church which makes the latter essentially one with the religious polity under which the Jew was placed, the question at once occurs, Has there been no progression in the course of God’s dispensations towards our fallen race; no gradual unfolding of the scheme of revelation; no advance from an elementary to a more mature stage of religious knowledge and experience? Did Christ, when He came, find the pious Jew no further advanced towards just views of religion than his ancestors were at Sinai, and therefore needing, like them, in common with his Gentile believing brethren, to be placed under a new law, which, like the old, and in the same sense, should operate from without inwards? In the following SPIRITUAL OPERATION OF THE MOSAIC LAw. 109 observations, the natural effect of the Mosaic law, when it met with a pious and reflecting temper of mind, will form the subject of consideration. We have seen how it operated as regards the nation at large, raising up a fence between it and heathenism, under cover of which the true Israel might be nursed into a state of pre- paredness for Christ: we have now to consider what its effect must have been upon the pious part of the Jewish people, the spiritual seed of Abraham, which eventually was to form the nucleus of the Christian Church. The fact is that, as Nitzsch observes in his answer to Moehler,* the law must, in the case of the pious Jew, have tended, by a natural and inevitable process, to its own dissolution as a system of outward prescriptions, and to the substitution of an inward and spiritual, for an outward and formal, worship of God. Even during its continuance, the letter must have become antiquated in favour of the spirit, and the pious Jew could not long have remained a legalist. “The law was our schoolmaster,”—a system of educational discipline, — “to bring us to Christ.” This it was on account both of the elementary knowledge of the Christian scheme which it imparted and of the moral dispositions which it produced in those cases in which it met with a personal sense of religion. And first, as regards knowledge. The law, in its priesthood, ritual, and worship, contained a shadow, or faint adumbration, of the verities of the Gospel: it is reasonable, then, to suppose that, though but ‘a shadow of good things to come, and not the very image of the things,” it conveyed to the pious Jew a measure of information concerning them, and led his mind beyond its own ritual enactments. How far this information may have extended, is one of the most obscure and doubtful questions in the whole compass of theology. The remark has already been made that it is extremely difficult for the Christian, possessing as he does the key to the Levitical ritual, to realise the position of those who, living under it, were destitute of this advantage; the consequence of which has been a tendency to attribute to the Jewish believer a more accurate acquaintance with the specific doctrines of the Gospel than there is reason to believe he actually possessed. So far as we have means of judging, it should seem that the specific references to the Gospel which the Ceremonial Law contained were, during the existence of the Jewish economy, imperfectly, if * Prot. Beant. ὥς.» p. 195, 110 CHURCH OF CHRIST. at all, understood, and that the Levitical types and sacrifices were much more a prophecy than an explanation of what was to come. The great fact to be here considered is, that neither at the time when the Ceremonial Law was given, nor subsequently, was any recorded disclosure made of its ulterior signification. Unless, then, we conceive that an esoteric doctrine upon this point, not found in the Old Testament, was delivered to Moses, and by him handed down to future generations, we must admit that the types were to the ancient believer a system of ciphers, the interpretation of which it needed the Gospel to make known. Moreover, it must be recollected that, if the Hebrew worshipper had really been acquainted with the latent meaning of the types, the law could in no proper sense have been called a schoolmaster to bring him to a knowledge which he already possessed. It would be, however, an error in the opposite extreme to maintain that the ceremonial law afforded no assistance towards a perception of the great doctrines of the Gospel. The effect of it must have been to habituate the mind of the Jew, not so much to any specific doctrine of the atonement, as to the general notion of atonement by means of sacrifice, and the necessity of purity in those who would approach God. The idea also of mediatorship between man and God, on which the Christian scheme rests, must have been created, or cherished, by the appointment of the Levit- ical Priesthood. In short, the notions expressed by the words expiation, atonement, priesthood, purification, and the like, were rendered so familiar to the Jew, that when the great doctrine with which they are connected was offered to his acceptance, he had only to transfer to a new object the old elements of his religious life, exchanging at the same time the shadow for the substance. And just in proportion as it produced this effect, would the insuf- ficiency of the legal sacrifices and lustrations become more clearly understood. That they were intrinsically worthless, —that “it is not possible that the blood of bulls and of goats should take away sins;’—this must have become evident to the Jew as he advanced in spiritual discernment: and the more this feeling pre- vailed, the more would he turn away from the symbolical system by which he was surrounded, and feed in faith upon the idea which it suggested, the hope which it raised, of some better sacri- fice to come, which should really take away the guilt of sm. In this way, the very ideas which the ceremonial law prompted must have operated to the depreciation of that law in the mind of the devout worshipper. SPIRITUAL OPERATION OF THE MOSAIC LAW. ill But the law, as has been remarked, was intended, not only to symbolize the truths of Christianity, but to be a preparatory dis-— cipline, by means of which such a disposition of spirit should be produced in those placed under it, as should lead to a cordial reception of the Gospel whenever it should be proposed to their acceptance. This is the second aspect under which we are to consider its operation upon the piously inclined Jew. ‘The inspired writings of the Old Testament contained the basis of historical evidence upon which Christ’s mission was to rest: one chief object, as has been remarked, of the selection of the Jewish people, being the safe custody of those oracles of God in which the leading particulars of the Messiah’s descent, of the manner of His appearance, of the miracles He was to perform, and of the moral features of His doctrine, were recorded, for the instruction of the devout expectants of “the consolation of Israel ;” so that when the latter should appear, He might be at once recognised as He “of whom Moses and the prophets did write.” Our Lord expressly referred to this sort of evidence as satisfactory to all candid inquirers. But this was not enough. There needed not only a body of external proof which should convince the inquiring Jew that Jesus was indeed the Christ; but a preparation of the heart which should predispose him to accept the Christian faith when proposed to him. It is a matter of com- mon remark, and was signally exemplified in the great mass of the Jewish people, that a wrong state of the heart impedes the due exercise of the understanding, and that the clearest evidence often fails of producing conviction, simply because the truths which it establishes jar with the moral habits of the inquirer. It was necessary, therefore, that provision should be made for form- ing in the serious Jew such moral dispositions as should prepare him for the Gospel, and render it an easy act of transition for the “Israelite indeed, and without guile,” to become a devout Christian. With a view to this end a singular provision was made, which distinguishes the Mosaic law from all other civil codes, —viz. the incorporation in it of the immutable moral law of God, which, from the first, though not so distinctly as afterwards, enjoined the great moral duties of love to God and to man, and required purity of the heart. No human laws have ever attempted to prescribe these duties; and, unless we bear in mind the peculiar character of the Jewish economy, we shall be tempted to think them out of place in a national code of legislation. Religion, as well as civil 112 CHURCH OF CHRIST. government, was the object which the Divine Legislator of the Jews had in view; and the latter was throughout framed with a reference, and in subordination, to the former. Hence the moral law, the proper province of which is the interior obedience of the heart, formed part of the national constitution; and this, as St. Paul tells us, for the special purpose of producing conviction of sin. ‘By the law is the knowledge of sin:” it reveals the con- demning nature of it: it produces a sense of personal implication in it. The application of the moral law to the conscience awakens its dormant susceptibilities, irritates the evil nature within, and infuses new life into its workings (Rom. vi. 7.); but while it thus teaches man his guilt and his pollution, it opens to him no means of relief; it makes the sinner sensible of his chain, and leaves him under it. It is this conviction of sin, or deep feeling of per- sonal demerit, which, coupled with a feeling of spiritual helpless- ness, constitutes the true preparation of heart for the reception of the Gospel; and accordingly, in the discipline under which the Jew was placed, provision was made, as aforesaid, for producing it. In this particular, as in others, the Jew, from his possessing “the oracles of God,” enjoyed a signal advantage over the heathen. The heathen world, having no knowledge of the moral law except what might be gathered from the faint traces of it “written upon their hearts,” and attested by the accusing or else excusing voice of conscience ;* having no express revelation of it which they could not modify, or adulterate; fell into the natural course of lowering the requirements of the law so as to come within the capacities of fallen human nature. They proposed to themselves an ideal of holiness, not such as God requires, but such as they felt they could attain to: instead of endeavouring to raise them- selves to the law, they brought the law down to their own level. Hence, in all the ancient systems of practical philosophy, whether as applied to individuals or to communities, confidence in the powers of unassisted human nature is the conspicuous and fatal defect: in truth, to reach the standard of morals which men had framed for themselves, nothing was needed but the strenuous application of the natural faculties. The Christian sentiment, which we call conviction of sin, or contrition, and which consti- tutes the essential point of identity between the religion of the pious Jew and that of the Christian, never appears in the pages of ancient philosophy: the philosophers did not feel that their * Rom. ii. 16. SPIRITUAL OPERATION OF THE MOSAIC LAW. 118 inward state was such as called for contrition. From this error, so destructive of all true religious sentiment, the Jew was pre- served by the incorporation of the moral law, in its proper in tegrity, in the written code of Moses: by which means it was secured from the fluctuations of human opinion, and rendered independent of any subjective standard of moral purity. Even so, indeed, the law might be explained away, or superseded by cor- rupt glosses, as was actually done by the Pharisees in a later age; but it could not be obliterated from the written record: it re- mained there for the instruction, and conviction, of all those (and doubtless in each age they were not a few) who, under serious impressions of religion, had recourse to the Word of God, with a sincere purpose of discovering and obeying his revealed will. Τὸ needs but a slight acquaintance with the workings of the human heart to perceive that exactly in proportion as, under the discipline of the moral law, the Jew became enlightened as to the spiritual nature of sin, the legal system of religion by which he was fenced round would sink in his estimation. For a sense of inward defilement in the sight of God necessarily gives rise to a desire for an inward cleansing, and renders the mind dissatisfied with a mere outward ceremonial. Hence may be explained most of the doctrinal differences existing between Protestants and Ro- manists. The semi-Pelagianism to which the theology of Trent has always inclined, has produced a corresponding tendency to dwell more upon the outward than upon the inward side of Chris- tianity ;—upon the sacraments, upon the polity of the Church, upon the intrinsic value of religious ceremonies, and upon the effi- cacy of particular outward acts of piety: naturally so, for the idea which is framed of the remedy will always bear a relation of proportion to the presumed nature of the disease. The decision of the Council of Trent, that “concupiscence hath” not “of itself the nature of sin,” but is called sin by the-Apostle merely because it may lead thereto,* or, in other words, that the essence of sin con- sists, not in the inward propension, but in the outward act; and the received doctrine of Romish theologians, that original sin consists merely in the deprivation of the gift, superadded to man’s nature, of original righteousness; these dogmas sufficiently ex- plain why all the steps of man’s restoration from the effects of the fall assume in Romanism an external, rather than an internal, * “Hane concupiscentiam, quam aliquandoApostolus peccatum appellat, sancta synodus declarat eccles. Cath. nunquam intellexisse peccatum appellari, quod vere et proprie in sanctis peccatum sit, sed quia ex peccato est, et ad peccatum inclinat.” Sess. y. 8. 5. 114 CHURCH OF CHRIST. aspect; why the Sacraments are multiplied, and in the Sacraments the opus operatum, or performance of the act, is regarded rather than the inward preparation of the heart. To cleanse from an external pollution an external ceremonial is very appropriately applied. Protestantism, with its deeper view of the effects of the fall and the nature of sin, adopts, as might be expected, a more inward view of the process of recovery: it teaches an inward, in- stead of a sacramental, method of justification (justification by faith) ; it subordinates the visible signs of Christianity to the in- ternal work of the Spirit of which they are the signs. The same must have been the direction of thought in the case of the pious Jew. The clearer his insight into the spirituality of the law, and_ the deeper therefore his conviction of sin, the less account would he make of a ritual worship, or a legal righteousness. In propor- tion as the truth became more vividly felt, that God regards the state of the heart more than the outward act, the weakness and imperfection of the whole system by which he was. surrounded would become apparent. Its preparatory, its symbolical, character would be a conclusion forced upon him. It offered no adequate atonement to take away the guilt, no sufficient help to destroy the power, of sin, viewed as the transgression of the moral law; and its insufficiency in these respects must have become clearly dis- cerned. The appointments in being, “the gifts and sacrifices” of the Levitical ritual, “could not make him that did the service perfect as pertaining to the conscience ;” and the cleansing of the conscience was that which the worshipper, with his growing spi- ritual perceptions, chiefly craved. The devout Jew would still scrupulously comply with the ritual forms, prescribed as they were by God Himself; but they would be more and more felt to be but carnal rudiments: inward purity, and an inward sprink- ling from guilt, would come to be with him the main objects of desire. In a word, the essential elements of a Christian temper would spring up within him; and while the discipline of the law led him to desire, the announcements of prophecy gave him the sure promise of, “a better covenant,” to be ‘established upon bet- ter promises,” and by means of “ better sacrifices,” than those with which “the patterns of things in the heavens” were “purified.” * It is obvious that the two spheres of operation which we have above attributed to the law, would be supplementary, and a mutual aid, the one to the other. The convictions of sin, produced by the * Heb. vili. 6; ix. 23. SPIRITUAL OPERATION OF THE MOSAIC LAW. 115 high requirements of the moral law, would dispose the Jew to de- sire a more perfect atonement than the ceremonial law supplied ; and at the same time the ceremonial law itself would give a mute promise, or raise an expectation, of some such better atonement: and thus both would combine to carry him forward from the region of symbol and outward prescription to that of a more spiritual re- ligion. Even then if we had no evidence of the fact, we should con clude, from a consideration of the effect of the moral and ceremo- nial law combined, that, in the case of the pious Jew, it must have led to an emerging from the oldness of the letter, into a sphere of religion of a more spiritual and interior character. Even the com- mon analogies of nature would lead us to anticipate such a result. For, to return to those furnished by political systems and the work of education, both the lawgiver and the instructor have, in placing those for whom they frame enactments under an outwardly coercive system, higher ends, ulterior results, in view: the one aims at the formation of national, the other of individual, charac- ter. And the end aimed at does, in most cases, really follow. Thus the mass of floating sentiment which constitutes national character is the result of the gradual operation of the laws by which the na- tion is governed; though it is also true that laws are the expression of the national character. There is, in fact, a process of action and reaction constantly going on; the external enactment giving a direction to the national sentiment, and the latter again producing such enlargements, or modifications, of the enactment as circum- stances may require; or sometimes even abrogating the original letter, to make way for a fitter expression of the spirit embodied init. In like manner, in the work of education internal habits are actually produced, in all save the most untoward natures, by a judicious system of discipline: custom becomes second nature, and obedience, from being a painful effort, assumes the character of spontaneous action. Wherever men are placed under an exter- nal system, the requirements of which are in accordance with their innate moral capacities, the result, sooner or later, is the formation of an inner sentiment which, to the individual, abrogates the literal prescription, or rather the prescription in its letter. There is no reason to doubt that a somewhat similar process must, in the case of the devout Jew, have taken place. By degrees, more enlight- ened perceptions of religion would take the place of the rudi- mental ideas of an earlier age; and a mass of objective religious sentiment, true as far as it went, would establish itself in the na- 110 CHURCH OF CHRIST. tional mind. And once the process commenced, it would continue. For religion, when, as was the case under the Mosaic dispensation, its fundamental conceptions are just and true, is essentially pro- gressive; developing surmises into matters of belief, bringing to light views of truth before unnoticed, and handing down the stock of truth which belongs to each generation to a succeeding one, to be added to, or corrected. But we are not, in this matter, left wholly to the conclusions of reason. One book of Scripture there is, which clearly proves the direction which the religion of the early Jews took, —the book of Psalms. These inspired compositions may, like the writings of the New Testament, be considered under a twofold aspect; they are not only a manual of divine instruction vouchsafed to the church, but records of the spiritual experience of the authors: the sacred lyrists of Israel expressed their own interior convictions, and feel- ings, while penning, as the instruments of the Spirit, hymns for the use of God’s people in every age. The book of Psalms, there- fore, presents us with an authentic picture of the religion of the pious Jew, more than a thousand years before Christ. And what is its prevailing tone? Is it a religion of ritual and ceremonial; of rigid exactness in the details of outward service; but of compar- ative indifference to the spirit in which that service was performed ? It is needless to observe that the very opposite is its character. That the writers of the book of Psalms lived wnder the law, is easily discernible from their compositions; but it is equally evident that they were not of the law; that is, that they had passed out of the region of a literal symbolical worship, into that of spiritual religion. ‘There is, throughout, a studied dis- paragement, not of the law itself, but of that legal spit which made more account of the outward lustration than of the cleansing of the heart, and was satisfied with the ceremonial rites of atonement, without desiring a more efficacious propitiation. ‘Who shall ascend into the hill of the Lord? or who shall stand in his holy place? He that hath clean hands, and a pure heart; who hath not lifted up his soul unto vanity, nor sworn deceitfully. He shall receive the blessing from the Lord, and righteousness from the God of his salvation:” ‘Iwill praise the name of God with a song, and magnify it with thanksgiving. This also shall please the Lord better than an ox or bullock, that hath horns and hoofs:” “ Will I eat the flesh of bulls, or drink the blood of goats ? Offer unto God thanksgiving, and pay thy vows unto the Most High :” — this is the general strain of the book of Psalms. That SPIRITUAL OPERATION OF THE MOSAIC LAW. I17 remarkable composition, the 5lst Psalm, is of itself sufficient to mark the progress which religion had made from the ceremonial system of the Pentateuch, to a religion of spirit and of truth. In- deed, when we consider the psalmist’s convictions of original and ac- tual sin; his feeling that God requires “truth in the inward parts,” or purity of heart; his expectation of a more perfect atonement, of which he regarded the legal rites as but a figure; his prayer for the restoration of spiritual joy, and for the pardon of sin; and the sentiment to which he gives utterance, that the sacrifice of “a broken and contrite heart’’ is of more value in God’s sight than all the legal offerings; we recognise in him a spirit which makes him one with us. His religion is essentially Christian, the only points of difference being, that the oljects of faith are not as yet distinctly apprehended, and that the fair blossoms of spiritual religion are still sheltered by the outward fence of the law, lest, in their com- parative immaturity, they should perish by exposure. Finally, religion, as pourtrayed in the book of Psalms, has, as compared with its aspect at an earlier period, advanced, not only in its ob- jective views of divine truth, but in its subjective character. In- stead of being national, or corporate, under which aspect it almost exclusively presents itself to us in the Pentateuch, it has become personal. The sorrows, temptations, and perplexities; the hopes and the joys of the individual believer; these, and, only in a sub- ordinate degree, the fortunes of the nation, constitute the subject matter of the sacred songs of Israel. It is the contrast which they present in the points above mentioned to the ceremonial character of the Mosaic ordinances, that renders it so easy a matter to trans- fer these compositions to the uses of Christian worship, both private and public. We conclude, then, that the law could not, in the nature of things, and in fact did not, operate towards the reproduction of itself under whatever modification of form: that, on the contrary, its inevitable tendency, in the case of the pious Jew, was to anti- quate its own mutable and temporary portions, —viz. all that con- cerned the external worship of God, and, in place of the artificial system under which the nation as such was placed, to introduce a cast of religion in which the letter was made subordinate to the spirit. But it has been remarked in passing that prophecy came in opportunely to meet the wants and desires which the discipline of the law had called forth; and indeed it is impossible adequately to estimate the effect of the religious influences which were brought to bear upon the Jew, if we leave out of view the important part 118 CHURCH OF CHRIST. which prophecy fulfilled, both in fixing the impressions which the law by itself had produced and in communicating information upon points which the law had passed over in silence. It is when viewed in combination with the prophetic institute that the law is most clearly seen to have been a schoolmaster to prepare men for Christ. We pass on, then, to make some remarks upon the matter and scope of the prophetic teaching of the Old Testament. Section III. THE PROPHETIC REVELATION. Our Lord, adopting the current language of the age, spoke of the elder revelation under the threefold division of the law, the psalms, and the prophets;* and the distinction is, for practical purposes, convenient and intelligible. It is not, however, strictly accurate. For the Pentateuch contains not only the civil and re- ligious polity of the Jewish people, but moral and predictive mat- ter also, as well as some lyrical compositions; and the psalms, it is well known, are as prophetical as the writings of the prophets themselves. Indeed, nothing is more probable than that the two characters of prophet and poet were, among the Jews, as in other nations, commonly combined, and designated by the same name. The essential point of distinction lies in the form of composition : the psalms are lyrical poems intended to be set to music; whereas the prophetic writings, though often highly poetical, and even containing a few specimens of sacred song, had, in general, no such character.t In other respects, the psalmists of Israel were teachers of religion, and instruments of the Spirit in foretelling what was to come, not less than they to whom we usually appro- priate the appellation of prophet; and indeed, from their being in constant use in the public devotional exercises of the temple, the * Luke, xxiv. 44. + Another distinction, of a personal kind, has been pointed out by Hengstenberg