7- /2-.// 
 
 ^ PRINCETON, N. J. *jg 
 
 Presented by OVkS C\M'V\nor'. 
 
 Division ■■■■■■ ■■ 
 
 Section 
 
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Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2011 with funding from 
 
 Princeton Theological Seminary Library 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/themesfromstjohnOOIamb 
 
Plate I. From Wilpert's Fractio Panis. 
 
Themes From St. John's Gospel in 
 Early Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 A THESIS 
 
 Presented to the Faculty of Princeton University 
 
 FOR the degree OF 
 
 Doctor of Philosophy 
 
 BY 
 
 CLARK D. LAMBERTON 
 
 Sometime Fellow in Christian Archaeology in the American School of Classical 
 
 Studies in Rome 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Preface v 
 
 List of Illustrations vii 
 
 Abbreviations viii 
 
 PART I. 
 
 Introduction 1-5 
 
 I. Archaeological Evidence on the Date of the Gospel.. 6-62 
 
 The Evidence 9-58 
 
 The Date of the Greek Chapel 11-54 
 
 II. The Early Influence of the Gospel 63-75 
 
 The Purpose and Nature of Catacomb 
 
 Painting 65-70 
 
 The Characteristic of St. John's Gospel, and 
 
 Its Value for Symbolism 70-75 
 
 III. St. John's Gospel the Key to Eucharistic Symbolism 76-97 
 
 IV. St. John's Gospel the Leading Factor in Catacomb 
 
 Symbolism 98-102 
 
 PART II. 
 The Joh annine Cycle 103 
 
 I. Themes Absolutely Johannine 105-124 
 
 1. The Raising of Lazarus 105-108 
 
 2. The Woman of Samaria 108-117 
 
 3. The Miracle of the Wline at Cana of 
 
 Galilee 117-124 
 
 II. Themes Archaeologically Johannine 125-138 
 
 1. The Healing of the Paralytic 125-133 
 
 2. The Lamb of God 133-138 
 
 3. The "Breakfast" by the Sea of Galilee 138 
 
 III. Themes Charicteristically Johannine 139-146 
 
 1. The Eucharist 139-140 
 
 2. Baptism 140 
 
 3. The Vine 140-141 
 
 4. The Good Shepherd 141-144 
 
 5. The Living Water 144-145 
 
 6. Orpheus 145 
 
 7. The Incarnation 145-146 
 

 
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 Plate II. From Wii.pert's Malereten. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 One of the results of the discovery during the past fifty years 
 of such an immense quantity of archaeological material from 
 the earliest Christian centuries has been the presentation of a 
 number of monographs on particular subjects. Among the more 
 recent of these may be mentioned Dr. Erich Becker's Moscsdar- 
 stcllnngen and Professor Morey's Origin of the Fish Symbol, to 
 say nothing of the series by Wilpert on the Consecrated Virgins, 
 styles of clothing, etc. It has seemed to the present writer that 
 it might be useful to investigate in some such specific way the 
 place and influence of St. John's Gospel in the Early Roman 
 Church as illustrated only in the field of Painting. For one 
 thing, it has been tempting to apply the finds of Archaeoloy to 
 a subject treated heretofore only by the methods of Literary 
 Criticism, with what results the reader alone must judge. 
 
 The author has pleasure in acknowledging the kind permission 
 granted him by Herr B. Herder, the German publisher of Wil- 
 pert's writings, to reproduce the illustrations found on Plates 
 I to IX from the works of that author as specified in the List 
 of Illustrations and elsewhere. Most of these are from the 
 Malereien der Katakombcn Rams, which is certainly the most 
 valuable publication in the subject of Christian Archaeology 
 since De Rossi's day. The reproductions given in this book are 
 greatly reduced in size. Furthermore, they are not in color. 
 All that is attempted is to give an accurate idea of the form and 
 composition of the several paintings. For detailed study the 
 reader is referred to the volume of plates in Wilpert's Malereien, 
 or better yet, to the originals themselves. It will be noticed 
 that paintings will be referred to constantly in the Malereien, 
 (Mai.), and at the same time quotations will be made from 
 the Italian text, Le Pitture dcllc Catacombe Romane. The 
 reason for this is that permission for reproduction was accorded 
 by the German publisher, whereas the author had only the Italian 
 text at hand while verifying references. The apparent incon- 
 gruity will be overcome when one remembers that the numbers 
 
vi Preface 
 
 of the plates are the same in the Pitture and Malereien, though 
 obviously this is not the case in the texts. 
 
 The author is under many obligations in the presentation of 
 this book, particularly to Professors Allan Marquand and C. R. 
 Morey of Princeton University for reading and criticising the 
 text, and especially to the latter for his many valuable sugges- 
 tions and kind advice. Acknowledgment is made here also of 
 the courtesy of the authorities in control of the Roman Catacombs 
 in granting permission to enter and study under advantageous 
 circumstances. Especially is it a pleasure to recall the cordial 
 hospitality of Professor O. Marucchi. It is indeed a privilege 
 to be permitted to share his generous enthusiasm in visiting the 
 celebrated localities of the primitive Christian Rome. 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Plate. 
 
 la. a IIP, Greek Chapel. The Raising of Lazarus. From Wilpert, 
 Fmctio Panis, PI. XI. 
 b. a HP, Greek Chapel. The Breaking of Bread. From Wilpert, 
 Die Malereien der Katako>ubeii Roins (Le Pitture delle Cat- 
 acoinbe Romane), PI. 15, i. Cf. also Fractio Panis, PL 
 XIII-XIV. 
 II a.- i/2lIPraet, "Passion Crypt." "Behold the Lamb of God!" Pho- 
 tograph of copy in Lateran Museum. Cf. Mai., PI. 18. 
 
 b. w lie, Sacrament Chapel A6. Scene of Feasting. From Mai., 
 
 PI. 15, 2. 
 
 c. 2/2 lie, Sacr. Cap. A2. Moses striking the Rock, a Fisherman, 
 
 the "Break-fast" of the Seven by the Sea of Tiberias. 
 From Mai, PI. 27, 2. 
 
 III (/. i/2lIPraet, "Passion Cry." The Raising of Lazarus, The 
 
 Samaritan Woman, h'rom Mai., PI. 19. 
 
 b. 2/2IIC, Sacr. Cap. A3. Fisherman, Baptism, The Restored 
 
 Paralytic. From Mai. PI. 27, 3. 
 
 IV a. 2/2IIC, Sacr. Cap. A3. Christ and the Woman of Samaria. 
 
 From MaL. PI. 29, 2. 
 b. ijj IVP&M, Cry. of Wine Miracle. The Miracle of Wine at 
 Cana of Galilee, Noah in the Ark, Miracle of the Multi- 
 plication of Loaves. 
 2/2IVP&M, Cu. XIII. Moses at the Rock, Noah, Fall of 
 Adam and Eve. From MaL, PI. 186, i, 2. 
 V a. 2/2IIC, Sacr. Cap. A2. Vault. The Good Shepherd, Tripod 
 with Fish and Baskets of Loaves, Jonah, Peacocks, Orna- 
 mental Heads, etc. From MaL, PI. 38. 
 b. 1/2IIID, Cu. III. Christ and the Woman of Samaria (re- 
 stored), Miracle of the Multiplication of Loaves. From 
 MaL, PI. 54, 2. 
 VI a. 2/2IIC, Sacr. Cap. A3. Fish on Tripod. From MaL, PI. 41, i. 
 
 b. 2/2IIC, Sacr. Cap. A3. Sacrifice of Abraham. From MaL, 
 
 PI. 41, 2. 
 
 c. 2/2IIC, Sacr. Cap. .\2>. Scene of Feasting. From MaL, PI. 
 
 41, 3- 
 
 d. tit lie, Sacr. Cap. A5. Scene of Feasting. From MaL, PI. 
 
 41, 4. 
 VII a. 1/2IIL, Cry. of Lucina. P'ish with Basket of Loaves. From 
 MaL. PI. 28, 2. 
 b. 1/2IIIP&M, Double Cu. The Miracle of Wine at Cana of 
 Galilee, Baptism. Orant, Moses at the Rock. From Mat., 
 PI. 57.' 
 
viii Preface 
 
 VllI a. 1/2IIL, Cry. of Lucina. Fish with Basket of Loaves. From 
 Mai, PI. 28, I. 
 
 b. \p IVvM', Loc. of Epiphany. Moses at the Rock, Multiph- 
 
 cation of Loaves, Adoration of the Wise Men, Grants, 
 Noah, Raising of Lazarus, Daniel between the Lions, Tobias 
 with his Fish in the presence of Raphael, The Restored 
 Paralytic, Personification of the Tigris. From Mai., PI. 
 212. 
 
 c. 2/2IIC, Sacr. Cap. A2. The Raising of Lazarus, Dove, Dolphin 
 
 and Trident. From Mai., PI. 39, i. 
 IX a. a lllPraet, High Cu. delta spelunca magna. Good Shepherd 
 Protecting Flock. From Mai., PI. 51, i. 
 b. 2/2IIIC, Arco. over Eusebius Cry. The Good Shepherd. 
 From Mai, PI. 51, 2. 
 X \p IVD, Cu. IL Vault. Judgment of Deceased, Multiplication 
 of Loaves, Moses at the Rock, Noah, The Three Hebrew 
 Children in the Furnace, Sacrifice of Abraham, Peacocks 
 on Candelabra. Photograph from copy by Avanzini in 
 Bosio, Roma Sotterranea. Cf. Mai, PI. 196. 
 XI 2/2IVD, Cu. IV. Orpheus, Prophecy of Micah, Moses at the 
 Rock. Photograph from copy by Avanzini in Bosio, R. S. 
 Cf. Mai, PI. 229. 
 XII i/rlVD, Cu. II. Grant, Adam and Eve, The Restored Para- 
 
 lytic. Photograph from copy by Avanzini in Bosio, R. S. 
 Cf. Mai, PI. 197, 2. 
 
 ABBREVIATIGNS. 
 
 1/2 indicates first half of century referred to, I, II, III, IV, etc. 
 2/2 indicates second half of century referred to, I, II, III, IV, etc. 
 
 a indicates beginning of century referred to, I. 11, III, IV, etc. 
 
 \P indicates middle of century referred to, I, II, III, IV, etc. 
 
 w indicates end of century referred to, I, II, III, IV, etc. 
 cu indicates cubiculum ; cry, crypt ; cap, chapel ; has, basilica ; arco, 
 arcosolium ; loc, loculus ; Mai., Wilpert's Malcreicn. 
 
 D Domitilla. M&M . . . Marcus and Marcelianus. 
 
 N Nunziatella. S Sebastian. 
 
 Praet Preatextatus. L Lucina (in Callixtus). 
 
 C Callixtus. P&AI Peter and Marcellinus. 
 
 Cyr Cyriaca. F Felicitas. 
 
 T Thraso. vM Vigna Massimo. 
 
 P Priscilla. H Hermes. 
 
 V Valentine. Pont Pontian. 
 
 G Generosa. Thee Thecla. 
 
 Sotere Sotere. Mains Mains. 
 

 ^^^" 
 
 
 ^^j0fEgr 
 
 Plate III. Fkum Wilpkkt's ]\Iali£reien. 
 
PART I. 
 
 Saint John's Gospel, owing to its marked difference from the 
 Synoptics, offers an especially attractive theme for investiga- 
 tion regarding its influence in the early Church as revealed by 
 Archaeology. It contains incidents and discourses of Jesus 
 not mentioned in the Synoptics. On the other hand, it omits 
 many events and sayings which are reported by one or more of 
 the other three. But, while St. John does not report so many 
 incidents in the life of Christ as do the other Evangelists, he 
 makes each one prominent, and gives the impression that it is 
 selected from a great number because of the particular truth 
 which it is designed to emphasize. To appreciate this, one has 
 only to recall the incidents of the visit of Nicodemus, the conver- 
 sation with the woman of Samaria, the discourse on the Bread 
 of Life following the feeding of the five thousand, the healing 
 of the man born blind, the discourse on the Good Shepherd, the 
 resurrection of Lazarus, the long discourses before the passion, 
 etc. 
 
 Such themes, distinguishing the Johannine Gospel, afford marks 
 for identification of its influence wherever they are found in the 
 catacombs. By considering them together it is possible to esti- 
 mate the influence of the Gospel in the early centuries. It is 
 easier to do this for St. John's Gospel than for any one of the 
 Synoptics from the very fact that in the parts selected by the 
 early Christians for symbolic or realistic treatment the Synoptics 
 present but slight variations one from another,^ and so are much 
 better studied together, whereas the Johannine Gospel stands 
 alone, and permits of separate study with great profit. That the 
 Gospel had an important part in the thought of the Church will 
 be evident when the cycle of themes owning it as a source is 
 discussed. 
 
 ^ One of the most prominent of these is in the cycle of the Christ 
 Child. St. Matthew alone tells of the visit of the Wise Men, hence his 
 Gospel is naturally to be regarded as the exclusive source for the initial 
 treatment of this theme in early Christian Art. The influence of the 
 Apocryphal Gospels becomes apparent in the fourth century. 
 
2 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 It is true that this great influence was due to the marked 
 characteristic of the Gospel, and its pecuHar adaptability to sym- 
 bolism. The second and third century Church seemed to think 
 largely in symbols, judging from the literature which has come 
 down to us. Allegory was carried to the extreme of absurdity 
 in the fantastic interpretations of Scripture as found in the pages 
 of many of the most eminent, and withal pious and sensible, 
 of the ante-Nicene Fathers. For this they were not entirely 
 responsible. They followed the custom of their age, and cer- 
 tainly their practices are conservative when compared with the 
 lengths pursued by their Gnostic opponents. 
 
 Legitimate symbolism, however, of deep truths of the Chris- 
 tian religion is all that is found in the Art of the early Church. 
 For this purpose St. John's Gospel was especially qualified. 
 Hence its prominence in the very beginning of this Art. It seems 
 to be a useful thing, then, to study the Gospel in this connection, 
 remarking its characteristic and noting how this characteristic 
 was observed in the treatment of its cycle of themes. 
 
 It is also tempting to investigate the early history of St. John's 
 Gospel from the archaeological standpoint because of the prac- 
 tical bearing of the results obtained on problems of criticism. 
 While just at present criticism is inclined to be relatively conserv- 
 ative on the question of the date of the Gospel, not many years 
 ago eminent writers asserted with all confidence that its com- 
 position must be placed towards the end of the second century. 
 Archaeology helps this much, at least, that it forbids serious 
 return to such a theory. On the other hand, it lends valuable as- 
 sistance to those who claim for the Gospel a date not later than 
 the early years of the second century, or the decline of the 
 first, even the days of the Apostle himself. 
 
 When Early Roman Catacomb Painting is examined with a 
 view to isolating those themes which are derived from St. John's 
 Gospel, and these in turn are investigated with reference to their 
 
The Gospel in Archaeological Remains 3 
 
 symbolic content, certain important results are obtained. It ap- 
 pears ; 
 
 (i) That the Gospel was in use in Rome at a very early date. 
 By this is meant the declining years of the first century, or 
 the first decade in the second. 
 
 (2) That it exerted very great influence on the popular mind 
 
 of the Roman Church, and at a very early date. By this is 
 meant during the first half of the second century. 
 
 (3) That in it is to be found the key to the understanding of 
 
 various themes in early Catacomb Art, which up to this 
 time have received but a hazy interpretation. Prominent 
 among these are the Fish, and scenes of eating in which 
 bread and fish are served. Their symbolism is seen to be 
 eucharistic when studied by St. John's Gospel. Accordingly, 
 it was probably the source for eucharistic thought and 
 expression, certainly for eucharistic symbolism. 
 
 (4) Further than this, it may be regarded as the leading factor 
 
 in molding the entire cycle of Catacomb symbolism. 
 
 The paintings in the Roman catacombs executed in the second 
 century reveal to us a state of affairs in thought and practice 
 which no one ever suspected from the literature of the period. 
 The reason for this, of course, is that the second century litera- 
 ture is so scanty, particularly of the Roman circle, that it would 
 be very unreasonable to expect to find in it a complete portrayal 
 of the state of the Church. Further, the literature, as one would 
 anticipate, is devoted largely to the conflict of Christianity with 
 paganism, or with heresy, or to exposition of the Scriptures, or 
 to discussion of Church policy and government, or to exhortations 
 to faith and good works. In such a specific kind of writing 
 as we have from the pen of Clement of Rome, Ignatius of Antioch, 
 Justin Martyr and Irenaeus, as well as in various fragments, we 
 would hardly expect many hints as to the things that interest 
 us particularly; viz., the ordinary practices of daily life, what the 
 people thought, and how they acted. ^ 
 
 *The celebrated letter of Pliny the Younger to the Emperor Trajan 
 is one of the most valuable. Also certain statements in Justin M. Cf. 
 Apol. 65, 66, 67. 
 
4 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Accordingly it was with a mild degree of surprise that investi- 
 gators during the second half of the last century, excavating in 
 the catacombs of Rome, discovered that Daniel with his lions, 
 Noah in his ark, and Jonah with the sea-monster enjoyed a prom- 
 inence in popular thought entirely denied them by contemporary 
 literature. Not to be wondered at, however, was the discovery 
 that the Good Shepherd was the most popular of all the themes 
 selected for catacomb decoration. But the finding in various 
 catacombs of pictures representing a group of persons reclining at 
 table and partaking of a meal, the viands of which consisted of 
 bread and fish and wine, and nothing more, aroused to a high pitch 
 the interest of all who learned of them. When, in addition to the 
 food, it was observed that certain features of these paintings 
 were invariable, such as the number of those feasting which was 
 seven, and the fact that baskets of loaves were painted beside 
 the table, it was impossible to escape the inference that they 
 formed a cycle of distinct significance. The early date of a com- 
 plete series of these paintings accentuated their importance. They 
 are rightly set down as being of eucharistic import, but thus far 
 no person has explained satisfactorily just why such and such 
 features in the pictures appear to the exclusion of an imaginary 
 list of others which might have been just as much to the point.' 
 
 When, however, bearing in mind these distinctive features of 
 
 ' Thus, Mgr. Dr. Wilpert, the eminent discoverer of the leading one 
 in the series, the Fractio Panis in the Greek Chapel in the catacomb of 
 Priscilla, finds in it the first representation of the sacrament of the 
 Communion, a realistic representation of the liturgical eucharistic feast, 
 a faithful portrayal, doubtless, of what was enacted in the very chapel, 
 whose apsidal arch the painting adorned. "Es war mir nunmehr klar, 
 dass hier die BRODBRECHUNG (fractio panis, ^ k Aacrt? Toi) a/arou), also 
 die der Communion vorausgehende Handlung des eucharisfischen Offers 
 dargestellt ist. Wir haben demnach ein liturgisches Gemalde vor uns, 
 das in der gesamten altchristlichen Kunst einzig in seiner Art dasteht." 
 Wilpert : Fractio Panis, p. 5. On the other hand, Matthaei, writing 
 upon the Death Meal, or the feast held in commemoration of the de- 
 ceased, and observing the opportunities afforded thereby of deriving 
 Christian customs from pagan practices, includes in his list of such 
 representations the Fractio Panis. Die Totenmahldarstellungen i. d. 
 altchr. Kunst. pp. 9, 44, etc. And so others, more or less according to 
 their various interpretations of Catacomb Art. 
 
The Gospel in Archaeological Remains 5 
 
 the paintings, we compare them with certain passages from St. 
 John's Gospel, a reasonable interpretation suggests itself. They 
 are seen to possess a deep meaning, which can be appreciated only 
 by him who is familiar with the eucharistic passages in the Gospel. 
 The problem of the Fish thus comes a Httle nearer to solution. 
 One can understand better how it came to symbolize the Eucharist, 
 and to be a sign for Christ Himself. 
 
I. ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE ON THE DATE 
 OF THE GOSPEL. 
 
 As an illustration of the practical assistance furnished by Chris- 
 tian Archaeology to the historical science, it is now proposed 
 to discuss the bearing of the results attained by subterranean 
 excavation upon the question of the date of the composition of 
 St. John's Gospel. As suggested above, this can be done with 
 greatest satisfaction in the case of the Gospel of the divine Evan- 
 gelist because of its unique isolation from the other three which 
 are more or less similar in method and composition. The Synop- 
 tics do not posses so many individual points selected for treatment 
 in Catacomb Painting and on which an argument may be hung. 
 
 Besides, there is hardly the same reason for archaeological in- 
 vestigation of other parts of the canon. Naturally, there is none 
 whatever in the case of writings from the Old Testament from 
 which themes are selected. Few there are who have the temerity 
 to date even the book of Daniel after the first century A. D. 
 So perhaps the chief value that pictorial themes from the Old 
 Testament possess in the field of historical criticism is the testi- 
 mony that they bear as to the canonical acceptance in the Church 
 of the books from which they were selected. With this must be 
 coupled the evidence of the acceptance of certain writings classed 
 by the English Bible in the Old Testament Apocrypha, notably 
 the last chapters of Daniel containing the story of Susannah and 
 the Elders, and the Book of Tobit. 
 
 In the case of the other Gospels there is not the same reason 
 to use the archaeological evidence for their date that there is for 
 that of St. John, because few are disposed to deny that they 
 were composed before the dates at which archaeological evidence 
 can be brought to bear upon them specifically. Even St. Mat- 
 thew's Gospel, alone containing the story of the adoration of the 
 Wise Men, is certainly to be dated before the painting of the 
 scene in the Greek Chapel in the early second century. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 7 
 
 But St. John's Gospel was written among the last of the books 
 of the New Testament canon, and so approaches very closely in 
 date of composition to the days when Catacomb Painting began, 
 whatever the dates may be that we give to either. Indeed, the 
 catacomb of Domitilla may have been presented to the Church 
 by the niece of the Emperor Domitian before the words of the 
 Gospel were written. We are thus conducted by Archaeology to 
 a time when the dividing line from apostolic days is decidedly 
 indefinite. We are taken back to the beginnings of things, to the 
 days when the Church, being left without apostolic control, had 
 to do creative work. So in the times of uncertainty, the period 
 of which we know least, it is a matter of great satisfaction that 
 we are able to bring the Catacomb Art into connection with a 
 period in which the Gospel must have been written if composed 
 by the Apostle himself. 
 
 It is not to the purpose to discuss the numerous theories of 
 literary critics on the question of the date of the Gospel. That 
 is an entire treatise in itself, and many works have been pub- 
 lished which outline the theories at length. The Fourth Gospel 
 is still an absorbing field for study and investigation, to judge 
 from the constant stream of books devoted to the various 
 questions involved. Chief of these is the question of date. 
 But it is to be noticed that the great reason for investigating the 
 date is that by so doing we may approach nearer to a settlement 
 of the question of authorship. The present trend of criticism 
 is expressed happily in this statement of Professor Bacon (The 
 Fourth Gospel in Research and Debate, p. 21), "The Modern 
 Form of the Johannine Question scarcely concerns itself with 
 the question of date. It is a question not of date, but of author- 
 ity and historicity. Therefore, the kind of external evidence 
 once relied upon to prove the existence of the Gospel in the times 
 of Polycarp, Ignatius, Justin, and Tatian, is almost totally ir- 
 relevant. To-day nobody denies the kind of existence this evi- 
 dence is alone competent to prove ; while on the other hand, 
 evidence competent to prove acceptance of the Gospel as authori- 
 tative and apostolic, or even as sharing in the respect accorded to 
 the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and (somewhat later) Luke, is 
 
8 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 wanting until the period of Tatian and Theophilus of Antioch 
 (170-180 A. D.)." The writer believes that he meets exactly 
 this demand for competent evidence in the presentation of the 
 archaeological argument for date in the following pages. It will 
 be observed that themes from St. John's Gospel appear in the 
 same series with themes from the Synoptics, as well as from the 
 Old Testament. It will therefore appear that they share in the 
 respect accorded to the Synoptic Gospels and to the Old Testa- 
 ment canon. From this it will follow that the Johannine Gospel 
 was accepted as authoritative and apostolic in exactly the same 
 way as were the Synoptics with which it is intimately associated. 
 And all this is true for a date earlier than that mentioned by 
 Professor Bacon, that is for the first half of the second century, 
 indeed for the early part thereof. 
 
 Archaeology is indeed unable to present evidence that affirms 
 in so many words that St. John was the author of the Gospel 
 that bears his name. All that is done is to strengthen the existing 
 supposition. Wherefore it will be seen that the following dis- 
 cussion of the archaeological evidence on the date of the Gospel 
 includes the inference concerning authorship, and it is in this 
 expansive sense that the word "date" is used. By it is meant 
 not only first appearance, but all of the things that depend on 
 first appearance, including authorship, apostolicity, and acceptance 
 as authoritative and canonical. 
 
 The present tendency in literary criticism is conservative. The 
 existence of the Gospel in the first half of the second century, 
 even in the first quarter of the century, is commonly admitted. 
 So the situation is not so interesting as it was when the Tiibingen 
 School of critics attempted to find the date of composition at 
 about 170 A. D. The archaeologist can only insist that such a date 
 be never mentioned again. With this demand all seem willing 
 to join at present, and indeed, as far as to the year 150. Back 
 of that, now, what can archaeology do in assisting to solve the 
 problem ? What evidence can be produced by archaeology bearing 
 on the question of the date of St. John's Gospel that goes back 
 of the middle of the second century ? 
 
 Before entering upon this discussion, however, the position of 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel g 
 
 the archaeologist should be made clear. He is not to be regarded 
 as desiring to force his way into the field of criticism by con- 
 ducting a search for evidence that may possibly bear on some im- 
 portant question involved. His contribution is rather one of 
 inference. His science has to do with the material remains of 
 antiquity. But if, in the work of investigating such material re- 
 mains, in classifying and interpreting the same, and in assigning 
 a date to each particle, he makes the observation that if such and 
 such material objects bear the dates he has given them, and that 
 if this is so they bear testimony to the existence and influence 
 of this and that portion of Scripture at those dates, then he is 
 indeed justified in drawing the inference that his archaeological 
 material constitutes evidence of value that demands consideration 
 in pronouncing judgment on the parts of the canon in question. 
 That is to say, if he determines dates of the early second century 
 for objects owning St. John's Gospel for a source, he may legit- 
 imately be allowed to draw the inference that the Gospel was in 
 existence before that time, and also to point out the bearing of his 
 inference upon the question of the date of the Gospel. 
 
 The Evidence. 
 
 Coming then to the evidence : 
 
 There are certain themes treated in the Art of the Roman cata- 
 combs that find their source in St. John's Gospel, and nowhere 
 else. These themes may be termed absolutely Johannine. There 
 are other themes the subject matter of which may be found in 
 other parts of Scripture as well as in the Fourth Gospel, or which 
 cannot be connected specifically with any portion of the sacred 
 canon. Yet by reason of sundry evidence, purely archaeological, 
 they are to be regarded as Johannine in source. Such may be 
 termed archaeologically Johannine. There are also certain themes 
 illustrating other portions of Scripture as well as St. John's 
 Gospel, or which cannot be located in the Scriptures at all, which 
 yet seem to express chief of all the characteristic of the Fourth 
 Gospel. These may be termed characteristically Johannine themes. 
 The themes then, that own St. John's Gospel as a source are to be 
 
10 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 divided into these three classes ; Johannine absolutely, archaeol- 
 ogically, and characteristically. 
 
 In discussing the question of the date of the Gospel, only 
 those absolutely Johannine will be considered. These are cata- 
 comb themes, the Johannine source of which no one can success- 
 fully dispute. They are found only in St. John's Gospel, and in 
 no other parts of Scripture. The absolutely Johannine themes, 
 about which there can be no question, are : 
 
 (i) The miracle of converting water into wine at the wedding 
 feast at Cana of Galilee (Jn. 2 : i-ii). 
 
 (2) The incident of the conversation of Jesus with the woman 
 
 of Samaria at Jacob's well (Jn. 4: 1-42). 
 
 (3) The Raising of Lazarus (Jn. 11 : 1-46). 
 
 The catacomb paintings in which these themes are treated con- 
 stitute the materia for study in investigating the date of the 
 Gospel. The whole matter, of course, hinges on what dates may 
 be assigned to these paintings. It is therefore necessary now 
 to investigate their several dates. It will suffice for our purpose 
 to treat only of those admittedly early. There would be but small 
 point in including in our investigations those that everybody re- 
 gards as works of the third century and later. For this reason, 
 the entire theme of the miracle of the Wine at Cana of Galilee is 
 excluded. There are only two paintings of this theme that have 
 come down to us (with a probable third), and the earliest dates in 
 the first half of the third century. Only two paintings of the 
 incident at the well of Samaria come under discussion, and the 
 great majority of those of the Raising of Lazarus are excepted 
 because of their admittedly late date. The investigation is thus 
 narrowed to a very few paintings. But the force of their testi- 
 mony is ample for the purpose. 
 
 The first of these absolutely Johannie themes is that of the 
 Raising of Lazarus. The earliest painting in the series is in the 
 so-called Greek Chapel in the catacomb of Priscilla on the Via 
 Salaria Nuova, about a mile and a half from the city wall. A 
 treatment of the Lazarus theme is found on the inner wall of the 
 
Archaeology on tlic Date of the Gospel ii 
 
 arch separating the "presbytery" from the "nave".'* It is un- 
 doubtedly the first in the series of the absolutely Johannine 
 themes. It will be to the point, therefore, to consider the matter 
 of the date of this Greek Chapel, in which the painting is found. 
 
 The Date of the Greek Chapel. 
 
 In 1895 Mgr. Dr. Joseph Wilpert, who has taken for his spe- 
 cial province the entire field of Roman Catacomb Painting, pub- 
 lished a book called "Fractio Panis", which is a complete descrip- 
 tion of this chapel, fully illustrated with plates and drawings, as 
 well as a discussion of the themes therein portrayed, and the 
 questions pertaining thereto. This book was the result of his 
 archaeological exploration of the chapel and parts contiguous, 
 which he had commenced in 1893, ^^d which resulted in the dis- 
 covery of several exceedingly valuable paintings. The most cele- 
 brated of these is a scene representing seven persons at table, 
 the end one of which is engaged in breaking a loaf of bread, 
 hence the title given the scene by Wilpert, "Fractio Panis". ^ 
 
 * The Greek Chapel is cross shaped in ground plan, roughly speaking. 
 It consists of a long room with barrel vault ceiling, divided into two 
 parts by an arch. From the three sides of the farther of these three 
 recesses project. The end one and the one to the right are apsidal, 
 and the one to the left has a barrel vault ceiling. The chapel thus 
 has the ground plan of a one aisled basilica with transept and apse, 
 and seats in the nave and presbytery were furnished by artificial loculi, 
 or shelf-like, side-opening graves, the tops of which consisted of flat 
 arches of brick. Paintings adorn the face of the arches of these 
 apses and vault, as well as both sides of the triumphal arch which 
 separates the nave from the presbytery, and the face of the arch over 
 the entrance wall. The vaults of the nave and presbytery were also 
 decorated with paintings, as well as the walls of the nave. The under 
 sides of the arches were decorated with a stucco design of acanthus 
 leaves and rosettes in relief, and the edge in places with an egg 
 moulding. The lower wall of the nave consisted of an imitation marble 
 stucco decoration, after the first two Pompeian styles. Because of 
 the size of the chapel and its arrangements for seating (as well as its 
 architectural peculiarities), it is believed generally that Eucharistic feasts 
 were often held within its walls. 
 
 ^Fractio Panis : Die Alteste Darstellung des Eucharistischen Opfers 
 in der "Cappella Greca". Freiburg im B. 1895. Herder'sche Ver- 
 lagshandlung. 
 
12 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Naturally Dr. Wilpert gives his opinion on the date of the chapel, 
 and the paintings contained therein, and devotes a chapter to 
 argument on the same.® He concludes his reasoning with the 
 declaration, "Since, therefore, all indications speak for the time 
 of Trajan, or Hadrian at the latest, our paintings are to be 
 located, with certainty, in the first decades of the second cen- 
 tury."^ 
 
 Mgr. Wilpert's opinion deserves respect. He has spent years 
 in studying the paintings of the catacombs, and has done the ex- 
 ceeding great service of publishing a complete corpus of the 
 paintings of the catacombs of Rome, the best preserved and most 
 important of which are reproduced in color, and with a faithful- 
 ness that no one who has studied the originals can question.* 
 In addition to this corpus, Wilpert has issued numerous mono- 
 graphs upon separate cycles of paintings and studies upon mat- 
 ters pertaining to Catacomb Art. He is the man best qualified 
 to express an opinion upon all questions that belong to the paint- 
 ings of the Roman catacombs. Accordingly, his book on the 
 Greek Chapel may be regarded as fundamental and authoritative.^ 
 
 " "Chronologische Bestimmung der Malereien", p. 2gfi. 
 
 'P. 32. 
 
 *Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms, one vol. of plates and one 
 of text. 1903. Freiburg im B., Herder'sche Verlagshandlung. An 
 edition of the same in Italian was issued at the same time : Le Pitture 
 delle Catacombe Romane; Rome, Desclee, Lefebvre &C. It is not to be 
 understood that all the paintings are reproduced in this great work. Some, 
 usually in a very fragmentary state or in utterly inaccessible positions, 
 are omitted, but descriptions and full notices are given of all, not only 
 of those now existing, but also of those now lost but once observed 
 and described or copied by earlier excavators. The errors of the corpus 
 in this respect are remarkably few. Those who at the present day 
 examine the original paintings sometimes criticise the color plates of this 
 corpus. They say that the colors do not correspond with the frescoes 
 themselves, that they are too bright. Sometimes they say that the plates 
 are "treated," "re-touched," etc. Such critics forget that several years 
 have elapsed since these copies were made, also the fact that they were 
 made under the best possible conditions of light and when the paintings 
 were carefully cleansed for the purpose. 
 
 ° Mgr. Wilpert is regarded as the leading authority on Catacomb 
 Painting. This does not imply that he holds a similar position in all 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 13 
 
 In the following pages an effort will be made to put in order 
 the chief points that Wilpert makes in support of the date he 
 assigns, as well as all others that may be advanced. The argu- 
 ment can be best appreciated by those who have examined the 
 chapel itself, or at least have seen the plates in Wilpert's Fractio 
 Panis and Malereien (Pitture). 
 
 First of all, he affirms that all of the paintings in the chapel 
 are of the same date. The complete list of these paintings in- 
 cludes the Raising of Lazarus, the Breaking of Bread, Abraham 
 sacrificing Isaac, Daniel and two Lions before the palace of the 
 Babylonian King, decorative figures, one in the attitude of prayer, 
 called an "Orant", the Adoration of the Wise Men, scenes from 
 the story of Susannah, Moses striking the Rock, a man pointing 
 to the Three Hebrew Children in the Furnace at Babylon, an 
 ideal head, one of the personifications of the four seasons, and 
 the Restored Paralytic carrying his bed. There are also vases, 
 vine designs and flowers. In the destroyed ceiling of the vault 
 of the nave Wilpert says was probably painted a scene of the 
 Baptism. 
 
 Because the paintings on the arches of the presbytery are in 
 darker, heavier colors, Noah, for example, being on a back- 
 ground of the richest Roman red (Malereien, PI. 16) and the 
 Fractio Panis being treated in dark red (Mal., PI. 15, i), some 
 critics declared that they are of a different date from those of 
 the nave which are on lightly tinted backgrounds. They were 
 unfortunate in making the date later, for the bold red of the Noah 
 picture recalls the best period of Pompeii. This marked differ- 
 ence in color scheme Wilpert explains in a very rational way. 
 He says that in the presbytery the pictures were viewed by the 
 
 branches of Christian Archaeology; though from the wealth of his 
 knowledge and experience his statements are given due consideration. 
 It is not to be inferred, either, that all of his pronouncements in the 
 field of Painting are correct, and are to be received without question. 
 His interpretation of various pictures is rejected by many persons who 
 do not consider his arguments conclusive. But in the scientific study 
 of technique his position is first. His book on the styles of clothing 
 of figures in catacomb frescoes is an illustration. In it he shows how 
 styles of clothing form an exact test for date of paintings, and scientifically 
 outlines the criteria. 
 
14 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 direct light of the luminarium, or opening from the surface ad- 
 mitting the Hght of day. Wherefore, stronger, darker colors 
 could be used to advantage, while in the darker nave, illumin- 
 ated only with artificial light, the ground colors would have to 
 be as light as possible. Moreover, several of the figures treated 
 upon this light ground, notably two of the Hebrew children in 
 the Babylonian furnace, are in a tint of red found in the presby- 
 tery part. In this appreciation of the problem of light consists 
 an unique characteristic of the chapel. It contributes largely 
 to its artistic merit, and thus constitutes a strong argument for 
 its early date. 
 
 All that Wilpert is disposed to allow is the hypothesis of two 
 artists working side by side. The one dealt in light, delicate 
 strokes, and preferred light colors. He was more lyric in treat- 
 ment. The other used heavy strokes and strong tones. The 
 work of both is found in both parts of the chapel, showing that 
 they worked at the same time. The lyric artist executed the 
 lightly tinted Susannah scenes of the nave, and the entire vault 
 of the presbytery with its graceful vine designs and corner figures 
 of an orant and ideal figure, and the scene of Daniel with his 
 lions. The attitude and drapery of the orant correspond exactly 
 with that of Daniel as orant in the third of the Susannah pictures. 
 Likewise, the ideal figure in the presbytery vault agrees exactly 
 in dress, and in the circumstance that he supports his garment 
 with his left hand, with the man who points to the three Hebrew 
 children in the furnace, which scene is on the entrance wall of the 
 nave. The inference is plain that they are the work of the same 
 hand.^° The same inference is to be drawn from the scenes of 
 the Epiphany, on the nave side of the triumphal arch, and the 
 Raising of Lazarus, on the presbytery side. They are the work 
 of the artist who used stronger treatment. Judging from his 
 heavier style one might also venture the observation that the bar- 
 rel vault of the nave, containing the Restored Paralytic and the 
 personification of Summer, was done by the man who executed 
 Noah, the Sacrifice of Abraham, and the Breaking of Bread. 
 These specific instances should be sufficient to demonstrate the 
 
 ' Fractio Panis, pp. 24, 30, etc. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 15 
 
 truth of the declaration that the paintings of the chapel are of 
 equal value in seeking for evidence as to the date of one of them. 
 Arguments derived from any one of them apply with exact force 
 upon the question of the date of the painting under consideration, 
 the Raising of Lazarus. 
 
 An outline of the arguments in favor of the date of the early 
 second century for this chapel, and accordingly for the painting 
 of the Raising of Lazarus, may now be given, as follows : 
 
 I. Technique of the Paintings. 
 
 (a) The stucco on which these frescoes are executed is of 
 the finest quality. This is a sure sign of early date in catacomb 
 paintings, for very rapidly great carelessness was shown in the 
 preparation of the materials used. Coarse grained sand, marble 
 dust and brick dust took the place of the fine powders of the 
 better and earlier period. 
 
 (b) The stucco is in two strata. Vitruvius^^ recommended six 
 strata to Roman architects, but at Pompeii one stratum only is 
 frequently found. We do not have enough material left from 
 Rome to form accurate conclusions as to the different periods of 
 Roman mural painting, but in the catacombs it is an invariable 
 rule that frescoes on two layers of stucco are earlier. To observe 
 that a fresco is on one layer is sufficient to mark it as third 
 century, while the fourth century ones frequently confirm the 
 rule by exhibiting an immature crudity. (However, the fact that 
 a painting is on one layer of stucco does not necessarily imply 
 that it is a poor painting. Many excellent paintings are on one 
 layer, but even so are of a later period.) 
 
 (c) The colors employed are of the best. The pigments are 
 of the best to be found in all Catacomb Art. The colors are ab- 
 solute in each case. Whatever the tint used it is always consist- 
 
 Cf. Vitruvius : De Architectura, VII, 3. 
 
i6 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 ent. It is not offensive by falling short of what we would wish 
 or expect. In later frescoes there is often a manifest failure in 
 the mixing or in the application of the colors (their selection 
 will be discussed presently). They are not what they ought to be. 
 In later paintings they were often improperly or carelessly ap- 
 plied. Many of the later paintings have a faded appearance, 
 caused by the neglect of the workman, who did not apply the 
 colors at the proper time. He painted his picture when the stucco 
 was too far dried, so the colors did not endure. 
 
 None of these things happened to the paintings of the Greek 
 Chapel. The colors are full and rich, or light and delicate, but 
 in the complete tone that was intended. Several of these paint- 
 ings have indeed suffered severely, and are by no means in 
 appearance as originally painted. But this is due to the effects 
 of time and ruin. A stalactite formation, the result of the con- 
 stant dripping of water, as originally let in through the luminar- 
 ium, destroyed the effect of several. Yet we have to thank this 
 same stalactite formation for preserving them to us. When 
 once covered they were protected as under glass, and no one 
 could remove them, and no one knew of their existence. Careful 
 treatment with chemicals in our own day has at last revealed 
 them, though in a ruined condition. 
 
 The colors employed in these pictures are the same as those 
 we see so constantly repeated in Pompeian frescoes. Particularly 
 do the ground tones strike us as being similar, the red in the 
 Noah scene, for instance. These paintings, therefore, belong to 
 the very earliest period of Catacomb Art, the period in direct 
 chronological relation to the Pompeian. 
 
 (d) The chapel contains decorations in stucco relief. Acan- 
 thus leaves ending in rosettes are worked on the under surface 
 of several arches. Such work in the catacombs is exceedingly 
 rare, and marks an early period. In the Flavian section of the 
 catacomb of Domitilla a tomb is faced with stucco decoration in 
 relief in order to give to it the appearance of a carved sarcopha- 
 gus. The Flavian section of the Domitilla catacomb is at the very 
 entrance, and in its primitive part. It is dated generally in the 
 latter part of the first century, that is, in the reign of Domi- 
 
Plate IV. I'kiiM Wili-ekt's ]Ma;.eue]ex. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 17 
 
 tian (81-98). Work in stucco is usually a sign of early date. 
 The stucco work in the Greek Chapel is of a remarkably fine 
 order. It is somewhat heavy, but is regular and in graceful 
 lines. It forms a valid argument for early date. 
 
 2. Artistic Merit of the Paintings. 
 
 (a) They recall the Pompeian cycle. Pompeian paint- 
 ings possess this advantage in the matter of dating, that 
 they are furnished with a terminus ad quern. Professor 
 Mau investigated them scientifically, and from his observa- 
 tions classified them into four "styles", which correspond 
 with four several periods, though the styles overlap and 
 undergo revivals. In this work he demonstrated what may be 
 accomplished in the scientific dating of ancient paintings by de- 
 ducing criteria and applying the various pictures to them for 
 judgment. It is customary when one thinks of the history of 
 painting, to place a gap from the days of Pompeii to sometime 
 along in the middle ages, for, as is well known, the remains of 
 Roman painting are exceedingly rare. But it must be understood 
 that this gap is exactly filled by the period of Catacomb Painting. 
 This period begins when Pompeian Painting ceases, and pre- 
 serves the connection, so that now one may study the history of 
 painting in unbroken succession from the period of the Greek 
 masters on down to our own day. It is not out of place, there- 
 fore, to point out the important position of Catacomb Art in the 
 history of painting, a position somewhat too lightly regarded 
 by those who write upon the history of Art. While the frescoes 
 of the catacombs are by no means as numerous as those at Pom- 
 peii, they are in sufficient quantity to allow accurate study, and are 
 as important in illustrating the subterranean city as those at Pom- 
 peii are for the city above ground. It is true that they mark a 
 decline in Art, and in this respect are not so interesting as those 
 at Pompeii. Their interest lies rather in their content. But 
 they supply a defect in the Pompeian cycle, for at Pompeii no 
 ceilings are preserved, while in the catacombs they are very num- 
 erous, so that the catacombs allow us to judge how the Pom- 
 peian ceilings were decorated. It is easy to restore ceilings to 
 
i8 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Pompeian houses from the Crypt of Lucina, the Sacrament Cha- 
 pels, the Johannine Crypt, the Greek Chapel, and numerous other 
 catacomb chambers. In return for this service, Pompeian Art 
 displays the sources of the later Art and in the Pompeian cycle 
 we find the beginnings of Catacomb Painting. 
 
 The paintings in the Greek Chapel very nearly approach this 
 cycle. This argument appeals best to those who have examined 
 both. But to those who have seen Pompeian pictures, or repro- 
 ductions of them, it will be sufficient to remark that in the Greek 
 Chapel we have the same Roman firmness and fulness in reason- 
 able limits, not in the crude strength into which Catacomb Paint- 
 ing degenerated when plenty of ground color took the place of 
 gradation of tone. A distinct reminiscence of Pompeii is found in 
 the group of buildings in the scene of Daniel between the Lions. 
 The small size of this painting, as well as the capricious way in 
 which it is introduced into the scheme of decoration of the vault 
 of the presbytery, argue for similarity with late Pompeian styles. 
 Further, the dado of imitation marble which runs around the 
 nave points to the same conclusion.^- The decorations of this 
 
 " Fractio Pants, p. 28. "Zuletzt woUen wir uns der Ausschmiickung der 
 untern Wandtheile zuwenden, welche die Archaologen bisher entweder 
 ganz unbeachtet liessen oder mit ein paar abfalligen Worten in eine viel 
 spatere Zeit als die bildlishen Darstellungen herabsetzen. Es liegt indes 
 auch hier ein Irrthum vor : da sie sich noch ganz an die antike Decora- 
 tionsweise anlehnt, so legt sie ein nicht unterschatzendes Zeugniss fiir 
 das hohe Alter der Kapelle und ihrer Fresken ab. 
 
 "Professor Mau, einer der grossten Kenner der antiken Malerei, hat 
 auf Grund seiner fleissigen und scharfsinnigen Untersuchungen die einzel- 
 nen Phasen in der Entwicklungsgeschichte der decorativen Wand- 
 malerei in Pompeji festgestellt und vier verschiedene Stilarten unter- 
 schieden : den Incrustations-, den Architecturstil und zwei ornamentale. 
 Die zwei ersten — nur diese kommen hier in Betracht — stimmen darin 
 iiberein, dass der untere Theil der Wand des auszumalenden Raumes, 
 abgesondert und mit einer der Quaderimitation mehr oder weniger 
 nahestehenden Marmorincrustation decorirt' wird ; bei beiden folgen 
 iiber dem Sockel stehende Rechtecke zur Andeutung der Marmorplatten ; 
 bei beiden werden die einzelnen Decorationstheile getrennt : der Sockel 
 durch einen Gurt oder Leiste und die Rechtecke durch ein Gesims, 
 welches den Abschluss nach oben bildet. Der Hauptunterscheid zwischen 
 diesen zwei Stilen besteht darin, dass im ersten die Bekleidung mit 
 Marmorplatten wie auch die Trennungsglieder in plastischer Stuckarbeit 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 19 
 
 chapel are in undoubted and immediate succession to the Pom- 
 peian paintings. They are among the finest in all Catacomb Art, 
 and approach very nearly in excellence to many of those at Pom- 
 peii. ^^ 
 
 (b) Attention has been called already to the admirable appre- 
 ciation and handling of the light problem. The presbytery, 
 lighted by the luminarium, is treated in darker colors than the 
 more obscure nave in which the colors are light and delicate. 
 This indicated the use of judgment rarely found in later paintings 
 when such niceties in Art were forgotten. 
 
 (c) Individuality on the part of the artist or artists is shown, 
 a In the delicacy of touch employed. It is necessary to men- 
 tion only the vine design in the vault of the presbytery,^* and 
 the sketching in the Susannah scenes," as well as the man who 
 points to the three Hebrew children in the furnace,^" and the ideal 
 
 nachgeahmt sind, wahrend im zweiten alles dieses in Malerei aiif flacher 
 Wand ausgefuhrt ist. 
 
 "Ein Blick auf die Ausmalung der untern Wandtheile in der 'Cappella 
 greca' zeigt, dass sie ein Gemisch der Decorationselemente der zwei 
 ersten Stilarten aufweist. Nehmen wir zunachst die rechte Wand des 
 Schiffes. Der Sockel enthalt eine Imitation von geld — und rothgeadertem 
 Marmor und ist durch eine vorspringende Leiste von weissem Stuck 
 begrenzt ; oberhalb des Sockels sind grosse Rechtecke, die den gleichen 
 Marmor nachahmen und von einem doppelten Rahmen eingefasst sind : 
 einem weissem, welcher zuriicktritt, und einem rothem, welcher vor- 
 springt; ein Consolenfries mit stark profilirtem Gesimse bildet den Ab- 
 schluss und trennt die Incrustationsflache von derjenigen, in der die 
 Bilder gemalt sind. Bei der linken Wand ist der Sockel durch die 
 gemauerte Bank eingenommen, und die Rechtecke sind in ahnlicher Weise 
 wie gegeniiber behandelt ; der Consolenfries mit dem Gesims fehit und 
 ist durch ein ausserst primitives Ornament, das vielleicht dem Eierstabe 
 nachgebildet ist, ersetzt. In dem Raume mit den Nischen wurde infolge 
 der gegebenen Verhaltnisse die Marmorbekleidung nur in Malerei auf 
 glatter Flache nachgeahmt." 
 
 "When it is considered that they were executed by lamp light, in dif- 
 ficult postures, in underground crypts illuminated by artificial means, 
 and not by the skilled workmen that wealthy pagan Romans could 
 afford, it is a wonder that they are as good as they are. 
 
 ^* Fractio Panis, PI. XII and fig. 2. 
 
 «Mal., PI. 14; Fractio, PI. IV and V. 
 
 ^"Mal., PL 13. 
 
20 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 head on the entrance wall.^^ A man of taste evidently exe- 
 cuted these. 
 
 /8 There is an attempt made at perspective. In the first of the 
 Susannah scenes the two elders approaching Susannah are de- 
 picted one behind the other. The result is not a success. But it 
 is unique, for in Catacomb Painting the action is regularly all on 
 the same plane. So an argument may reasonably be drawn that 
 in this instance of attempt at perspective a reminiscence is main- 
 tained of days when perspective was employed more success- 
 fully. 
 
 y Landscape is attempted. A tree is included in the scene of 
 Moses striking the rock, also a mountain in the scene of Abraham 
 sacrificing Isaac. Trees frequently enclose the representations 
 of the Good Shepherd in catacomb paintings, but in other scenes 
 of the open air such natural features of the landscape are omitted 
 in later pictures, unless absolutely necessary for the symbolism. 
 By the fourth century a tree became a sign that the scene of 
 the painting was laid out of doors, and a solitary tree was sup- 
 posed to suggest to the beholder a verdant landscape with moun- 
 tains in the background. But in earlier paintings, the fact that 
 some attempt is made at landscape indicates the first catacomb 
 period. 
 
 8 The figures are well handled. In a large measure they 
 really portray the action or the emotion they are supposed to rep- 
 resent. The picture of the Breaking of Bread is the best. The 
 persons at table are in the natural and graceful gestures of con- 
 versation or of picking up morsels of food.^^ Abraham looks as 
 if he really intends to slay his son Isaac. ^^ Susannah when ac- 
 cused does not raise her arms in the mechanical attitude of the 
 
 "Mai, PI. 13. 
 
 ^^Fractio, PI. XIII-XIV; Mai., Pi. 15, i. Marucchi, in his book Le Cata- 
 combe Romane, p. 429, says, "lo faro notare che mentre nelle altre pitture 
 del Banchetto eucaristico le figure hanno tipi ideali ed appena accennati, 
 qui I'artista ha voluto rappresentare del veri ritratti. E cosi, per es., puo 
 osservarsi che il ministro nella pittura del III secolo, la Consecrazione 
 eucaristica, al cimitero di Callisto, ha un tipo ideale, mentre qui e un 
 vecchio barbarto che presenta qualche somiglianza con quello di san 
 Pietro ; il che e importante per I'accennata memoria dell'Apostolo." 
 
 ^'Fractio, PI. X. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 21 
 
 customary orant, but holds them at different levels and angles. 
 She seems to be really in trouble, and her prayer for deliverance 
 is most earnest.-*^ Also the three Hebrew children in the fiery 
 turnace by their gestures and attitudes express their distress, and 
 the man who points to them is realistic in his gesture.-^ Atten- 
 tion is also to be called to the excellent portrait head on the en- 
 trance wall, above the door. 
 
 Each separate picture represents action. In several cases the 
 scenes are particularly well handled. They are among the best 
 in all Catacomb Art in this respect, and are, therefore, to be 
 classed among the very first in point of time. 
 
 c Realism does not entirely give place to symbolism. The 
 chief excuse for the entire cycle of catacomb paintings, aside 
 from those which are frankly decorative, is that they are symbolic. 
 That is, by a simple portrayal of a few essential details such as 
 Jonah, a ship, and a sea-monster, deep spiritual truths were sug- 
 gested to the beholder, at least to one who had the requisite 
 knowledge. In the case of Jonah, for example, it made no dif- 
 ference for the symbolism that Jonah was often painted larger 
 than the ship, and in no instances could the ship carry a crew of 
 more than three or four men — not to mention a ship's company, 
 or that, physically speaking, it would be difficult for Jonah to 
 thrust even his arm into the throat of the sea-dragon. Such 
 details made no difference. The symbolic purpose was served by 
 a ship of any size, and a monster of any description. Likewise, 
 an ark shaped like a box, large enough to contain Noah alone, 
 was sufficient to symbolize the truth in the history of the patri- 
 arch. It made no difference that Noah's family and all the 
 animals were excluded. They were not necessary for the sym- 
 bolism, and no notice was taken of them. In a sense, the sym- 
 bolism of Catacomb Art is hieroglyphic. 
 
 "^Fractio, PI. V; Mai., PI. 14, i. 
 
 ^ Mai., PI. 13. This man is probably Daniel who records the incident 
 in the book of his prophecy. A similar instance of a sacred writer point- 
 ing to the picture which illustrates his words is in this same catacomb, and 
 scarcely any later in date. It is a picture of Isaiah pointing to the Ma- 
 donna and Child, evidently illustrating his prophecy, "Behold a virgm 
 shall concieve, etc." Is. 7 : 14. 
 
22 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 But in the Greek Chapel this symbolic brevity is not yet fully 
 organized. We see it in its beginnings. Daniel is pictured be- 
 tween two lions, as in all later instances, but he is clothed, and 
 the lions' den is represented, as well as Nebuchadnezzar's palace 
 in the background. This effort to indicate the location of the 
 scene is never repeated. Such things were not necessary for 
 the symbolism, and so were omitted. But in this early painting 
 (there is one earlier, but very greatly damaged, in the Flavian 
 gallery in the catacomb of Domitilla), we observe that the sym- 
 bolic treatment was not yet stereotyped, and that the artist 
 thought that there should be some attempt made at realism. 
 
 Another illustration is the painting of the Fractio Panis itself. 
 Here also the two ideas merge. The action is natural and realis- 
 tic, yet symboHsm is manifestly intended by the number of those 
 feasting, by the viands served, and by the twelve baskets of bread 
 standing at either side. 
 
 In this conflict between realism and symbolism there lies a 
 sure indication of early date. It will be shown directly that not 
 one of the themes treated in the chapel corresponds even in de- 
 gree with the later representations of the same. 
 
 3. Unnaturally long and slender figures a mark of early date. 
 If one observes the figures of Susannah on the side walls of the 
 
 nave he will notice that she is abnormally long and slender. Her 
 figure is out of proportion, and her arms are not long enough 
 to correspond with her body. The same criticism applies to the 
 figures at the corners of the vault of the presbytery.-- A similar 
 failing appears in much of the Pompeian and Roman Art. It oc- 
 curs especially in frieze decoration. One of the best known 
 illustrations is to be found in the celebrated Pompeian painting 
 representing a sacrificial ceremony before the temple of Isis. 
 With these elongated priests Susannah may be compared, and, 
 inasmuch as the fault does not continue in Catacomb Art, the in- 
 ference as to connection in date is unmistakable. 
 
 4. The fact that Daniel is clothed is a certain indication of 
 
 early date. 
 In only three known paintings is Daniel clothed when repre- 
 
 '■ Fractio, Pis. IV, V, XII ; Mai., PI. 14. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 23 
 
 sented between his lions. They are all in the earliest sections of 
 three of the earliest catacombs; in the Flavian hypogeum in the 
 catacomb of Domitilla, a painting dated in the first century, in the 
 picture under consideration in the Greek Chapel in the cata- 
 comb of Priscilla, and in the Crypt of Lucina on the Via Appia, 
 of the early second century. In all other cases he is depicted 
 naked.-^ This mode continues on down through the period of 
 the sarcophagi as well, on which there are many illustrations. 
 
 The change was probably made in the interests of symbolism. 
 The fact of his being in a condition of punishment could be indi- 
 cated in no better way. Criminals suffered nude, and so Daniel, 
 being punished by royal decree, would represent that fact better 
 to the Roman mind if depicted as a condemned criminal. Jonah 
 also, undergoing punishment, is naked. So are Adam and Eve 
 (PI. XII), but for a different reason in symbolism. It is to 
 be noted, then, that in the Greek Chapel Daniel is in the style 
 used before the stereotyped form of treatment was devised. It 
 therefore adds to the evidence for early date. 
 
 5. Unique treatment of Daniel among the lions. 
 
 Such treatment of this theme in Catacomb Art is absolutely 
 unique. In no other painting is the enclosure of the lions shown, 
 nor is there an attempt to give a realistic presentation of the 
 scene by adding Nebuchadnezzar's palace and neighboring build- 
 ings. In only two other paintings, as just remarked, is Daniel 
 depicted clothed. The only feature continued in later paintings 
 is that of the prophet standing between two lions. Two lions were 
 enough for symbolism, and symmetry of design, so carefully and 
 noticeably maintained in catacomb paintings,-* was attained by the 
 
 ^Fractio, PI. IX; Mai., PL 5-1, 25. Cf. Biillettino di Archeologia Crist- 
 iana, 1865, p. 42, 2. Also Mai., PI. 89-1 2/2IIIC, 103 1/2IVD, will or 
 alVPraet, o) &2/2IIIP&M, 104 2/2IIIP&M, 106-1 2/2lIIPraet, 169 
 i/2lVMaius, 200-2 i^IVD, 212 i^IVvM, etc. In several instances the 
 prophet is provided with the perisoma. 
 
 ^When the Madonna and Child are placed between the Wise Men, 
 the Magi number two or four, one or two on either side ; but when She is 
 at one side and the Wise Men approach they number the traditional 
 three. Fractio, PI. VII; Mai., PI. 60, 116-1, 144-1, 166-2, 231-2, 239, etc. Cf. 
 also PI. Vlllb. 
 
24 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 pyramid effect of Daniel between the two crouching beasts. In 
 the Greek Chapel, then, we have a free effort of the artist's im- 
 agination. It was executed before the canons of symbolism were 
 introduced, and enforced as invariable. There can be no doubt 
 that it is the earliest painting of the theme save the one in the 
 Flavian hypogeum (in the Domitilla catacomb), for which the 
 evidence points to the first century without question. 
 
 6. N ehuchadnezzar' s palace, and all the buildings painted are 
 classic in design. 
 
 In the series of buildings in this chapel numerous structures 
 are depicted. Nebuchadnezzar's palace has been referred to. It 
 is a long structure of which we see a colonnaded fagade with 
 architrave, above which are two rows of windows. It bears 
 strong resemblance to restorations that are proposed for the side 
 fagades of the Basilica Julia or the Basilica Aemelia in the Roman 
 Forum. Beside it are gable roofed structures, and circular, 
 domed buildings of which there are numerous examples in classic 
 remains of the period, not only at Pompeii, but also at Rome. 
 Such structures, whether temples, or buildings of public or private 
 use, are very common in the friezes or in small panel landscape 
 pictures at Pompeii. -° The round building to the right of the 
 palace confirms its classic appearance by having a statuary group 
 on top. 
 
 Other buildings in the Greek Chapel series are a structure with 
 gable roof in one of the Susannah paintings, identified as the 
 bath house, and the tomb in the scene of the Raising of Lazarus. 
 One may be permitted to remark, also, concerning the tomb of 
 Lazarus that the building is Greek. Its architecture is Greek, 
 and it would seem that even the style of masonry is Greek.-^ 
 
 ^Examples at Rome may be noted in Wand-und Deckenschmuck Eines 
 Romischen Hauses aus der Ze'it des Augustus, Lessing and Mau, PI. IX. 
 Monumenti Inediti. Vol. VI, PI. LIII, contains examples from a tomb 
 on the Via Latina. 
 
 '" Cf. Vitruvius : De Architectura, n.8.7. "Graeci vero non ita ; sed 
 plana (coria) collocantes, et longitudines chororum alternis coagmentis 
 incrassitudinem instruentes, non media farciunt sed e suis frontatis per- 
 petuum et in unam crassitudinem parietem consolidant. Praeterea interpo- 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 25 
 
 This fact that the buildings are depicted in classic style may 
 at least be regarded as adjunctive evidence for early date for the 
 paintings of the chapel. 
 
 7. The treatinent of the Epiphany is unique and indicates a 
 period ivhen the mode zvas not determined. 
 
 A similar grouping does not appear until the late third or early 
 fourth century. The Madonna seated, and holding the Child, is 
 on the right, while the three Wise Men approach bearing their 
 gifts before them.-' In succeeding pictures of the Madonna cycle 
 of the third century the Virgin sits in the midst of two or four 
 Magi ; or else she is depicted without them entirely, as in similar 
 themes such as the painting of the "Madonna of the Prophet", 
 in this same catacomb, in which Isaiah points to the Virgin and 
 Child and to a star over their heads. The Magi lack some of 
 the articles of attire that characterize them as orientals in later 
 pictures. So far as can be seen they are dressed only in tunics 
 and shoes, and lack the mantles that mark them as travellers, and 
 the Phrygian caps that indicate their oriental origin in succeeding 
 representations. Besides, the Virgin seems to be unveiled, which 
 is not regular in the theme of the Epiphany. In the presence of 
 the Wise Men, and bearing the Sacred Child it seemed more 
 proper in the mind of the artist that she be veiled. The picture 
 has been so injured by the stalactite formation that covered it 
 that further details are exceedingly difficult to make out, but Wil- 
 pert asserts that the Child is wrapped in swaddling clothes. If 
 this is so it is an exception in pre-Constantinian Art. In the 
 Madonna of the Prophet, of a contemporary period, the Infant 
 is entirely naked, and so in others in which we can be certain 
 of the details, down to the fourth century. ^^ 
 
 nunt singulos perpetua crassitudine utraque parte frontatos, quos Starovovs 
 appellant, qui maxime religando confirmant parietem solitudinem." 
 
 ^Fractio, PI. VII. Cf. Mai., PI. 22 1/2IIP, 60 1/2IIIP&M, 81 2/2IIIP, 
 83-1 2/2IIID, loi 2/2IIIP&M, 116-1, 141 1/2IVD, 143-1 1/2IVC, 144-1 1/2 
 IVC, etc. 
 
 '^ To show the pressing need of an accurate publication of the paint- 
 ings of the catacombs we may cite the statement, correct as far as the 
 author knew or could determine from existing publications, made by Mr. 
 
26 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 The painting in the Greek Chapel, from the features just men- 
 tioned, and because of a decided difference in the handhng of 
 the figures, is unique in its series, and also shows that it was 
 executed before the ideas on how the theme should be treated be- 
 came stereotyped and invariable. Hence it is at the head of the 
 list as regards date. 
 
 8. The Sacrifice of Abraham and the Story of Susannah are 
 
 uniquely treated. 
 Susannah^® is rare in the catacombs, and her story is variously 
 treated, but here we have more of her unpleasant predicament 
 illustrated than in any other place. The theme of Abraham^" 
 sacrificing his son is fairly common, but the present example is 
 the earliest in the series. The painting is very greatly damaged. 
 A good part of Abraham, and all of Isaac but his head, are 
 destroyed, but enough remains to enable us to note that the 
 arrangement of the scene is independent of all later representa- 
 tions. Isaac is probably kneeling. An attempt at realism and 
 agreement with the Biblical account is observed in the intro- 
 duction of a mountain. Here also the artist was not fettered 
 in his imagination. The same point as to an unformed canon 
 applies here as to the instances stated above. 
 
 9. The theme of the Raising of Lazarus is absolutely unique 
 
 in treatment, and must have been executed before its 
 type was fixed. 
 There is no painting like it in early Christian Art (PI. la).^^ 
 To the right in the picture is the tomb. It is a small, rectangular 
 structure, with gable roof, and it is impossible to say from its 
 present condition whether it was approached by steps or not, 
 though it is probable that two or three are to be understood. 
 
 Hulme, (Sytnbolisni in Christian Art, London, 1891, p. 44), in which he 
 says, "Christ as the infant was always, until the fourteenth century, de- 
 picted clothed, and it was only at the decadence of Christian Art that 
 He was represented as nearly or quite naked." 
 
 "^Fractio, PI. IV, V; Mai., PI. 14. 
 
 "^Fractio, PI. X. 
 
 "■^Ibid., PI. XI. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 27 
 
 It was built of rectangular blocks of travertine or marble, appa- 
 rently of the customary dimensions. The artist made a mistake 
 in sketching the roof, for in his effort to show the entire front 
 of the tomb he misjudged the perspective and arranged the 
 ridge in such a manner that it does not appear to be in the 
 middle, but to one side, so that the right slope of the roof (as 
 one looks at it) seems to be less broad than the other. In 
 the doorway, leaning diagonally across it is a mummy, wrapped 
 quite differently, as far as one may judge, from those of later 
 pictures. At a little distance from the tomb stand two figures, 
 of which one may say that one is undoubtedly a woman. She 
 is veiled, and has long, smooth hair parted apparently in front. 
 The other figure is, to all appearances, a man, in pallium which is 
 white. He is looking at the tomb. The woman has placed 
 her left hand on the man, and her right arm is raised. Wilpert 
 says that in this first painting of the Raising of Lazarus Christ 
 is not pictured at all, but that Lazarus is seen twice. He is 
 painted first as the mummy, and then as the resurrected Lazarus.^- 
 In the second case he is represented resurrected and looking at 
 his own mummy in the act of resurrection. Wilpert refuses to 
 identify Christ in this picture (although his second Lazarus 
 holds an attitude ordinarily taken by Christ in later paintings), 
 doubtless because of the familiar attitude of the woman, ivahr- 
 scheinlich Maria, as well as from the fact that he is clad in 
 white and has his arms crossed over his breast, and looks back 
 at the aedicula with "great eyes". The fact that we have in this 
 picture the tomb and the mummy, the prototype of all later 
 forms, as well as the group nearby, makes it reasonably certain 
 that it is the Resurrection of Lazarus that is portrayed. These 
 elements are invariable in the later representations, so it is un- 
 doubtedly correct to see in this fresco the first existing form 
 of the theme, and the origin of the type of the later paintings. 
 
 This painting is extraordinary, then, in the following respects : 
 
 (a) Christ is omitted. 
 
 ^Fractio, p. 4. For this "continuous" method of representation, which 
 arose in Roman Art toward the end of the first century, cf. Wickhofif : 
 Roman Art (trans, by Mrs. Strong), passim. 
 
28 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 (b) Lazarus is painted twice. 
 
 (c) Mary is prominent. ^^ 
 
 In this picture, above all others of the series, the fact is 
 evident that no one had attempted to restrain the artist in his 
 imagination. No canon for the theme had been suggested and 
 accepted. No sketches had been given to the artist for him 
 to copy with what care he could. If the clergy did have the 
 chief voice in deciding these canons, as Wilpert thinks, they 
 had made no ruling when this picture was painted. If later 
 paintings were more or less faithful reproductions from an official 
 sketch-book, the book had not been composed at the time of the 
 Greek Chapel frescoes. This one picture allows the affirmation 
 that it, and the series to which it belongs, must be regarded as 
 being among the very first in all the long list of catacomb paint- 
 ings. Wherefore we are allowed to strengthen our position on 
 the early date of the Greek Chapel by applying to it all the 
 force of the subsidiary and plentiful evidence as to the early 
 origin of the Christian catacombs of Rome.^* The catacombs 
 originated in the first century, and this painting is one of the first 
 that covered their walls. ^^ 
 
 lo. Christ is not painted in this chapel. This is an undoubted 
 sign of early date. 
 
 Christ is always painted in the subsequent pictures of the 
 Raising of Lazarus and of the Healing of the Paralytic. Some- 
 times He appears with the Three Hebrew Children in the furnace 
 at Babylon. This fact is exceedingly significant in the matter 
 of date. The early Christians were extremely reluctant to por- 
 
 ^^ Mary, or one of the sisters is indeed painted in the second picture 
 of the series (PI. Ilia), Mai., PL 19-1 i/2lIPraet., in the Johannine crypt. 
 One of the sisters was also probably painted in the third of the series, in 
 the Sacr. Cap. A2 in the catacomb of Callixtus 2/2II (PL VIIIc), MaL, 
 PL 39-1. 
 
 ** The detail of this evidence forms a work in itself which, naturally, 
 does not concern the present investigation. 
 
 ^ A confirmatory bit of evidence on the unique treatrrent of this picture 
 is the fact that Lazarus is painted in white. I. e., he, being resurrected 
 from the dead, possesses some of the nature of a heavenly being, and so 
 is appropriately robed in white. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 29 
 
 tray the form and features of their divine Lord. But it is 
 possible to trace the development of the Christ-type from the 
 decline of this hesitation, and to indicate how this hesitation wore 
 away as time went on. 
 
 In the paintings dating before the Greek Chapel, that is in 
 the pictures in the Flavian section of the catacomb of Domitilla, 
 there is no material left for consideration, since the only Bib- 
 lical themes are Noah and Daniel among the Lions, and the Good 
 Shepherd. There was no difficulty about the Good Shepherd, for 
 He was idealized from the very beginning into the comely 
 shepherd boy, quite similar in type to the pagan Hermes Crio- 
 phoros. 
 
 But in the very next series of pictures Christ is portrayed, 
 though ideally. In the Johannine crypt in the catacomb of Prae- 
 textatus on the Via Appia, across the road from the catacomb 
 of Callixtus, the Raising of Lazarus is again treated, but there 
 Christ appears, also in a painting of His conversation with the 
 woman of Samaria, and in all succeeding paintings of these 
 themes, or in any others in which He would naturally appear. 
 But these representations are all ideal. There is positively no 
 attempt at portraiture that may be regarded seriously as such 
 for several centuries. In the fourth century in catacomb frescoes 
 all feeling of hesitation at painting the glorified Christ disap- 
 pears. There are numerous paintings of Christ in the midst of 
 apostles or saints or in scenes of judgment, but all in His state 
 of glorious exaltation. These paintings were influenced largely 
 by the Apocalypse. But never, in the catacomb period proper, 
 did the Christian artist get over his repugnance to depicting the 
 crucifixion or passion of Christ. There is only one painting 
 of the crucifixion in all the catacombs, and it is a fragment. It 
 is a seventh century fresco in the catacomb of St. Valentine.^" 
 
 From the above sketch the position of the Greek Chapel series 
 
 ^^ Marucchi : La cripta sepolcrale di S. Valentino sulla Via Flaniinia. 
 The nearest approach to any representation of a scene of the passion is 
 in the fourth century theme of Peter's Denial. Mai, PI. 242-1 2/2lVCyr. 
 Here also are to be remembered several sarcophagi of the fourth century 
 and later, in which the passion is treated in part. Cf. Garrucci : Storia, 
 PI. 350, 351. 
 
30 St. Joints Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 is evident. Christ was not even represented ideally (unless we 
 accept Wilpert's conjecture that the Baptism, presumably the 
 baptism of Christ in the Jordan, was depicted in the destroyed 
 ceiling of the nave). It is true that the Infant Jesus is repre- 
 sented on the lap of His mother, but the picture can hardly 
 be said to bear upon the question. In this chapel we have to do 
 with a period before the artists could bring themselves to paint 
 Christ in any form, either ideally or realistically (utterly exclud- 
 ing the idea of portraiture), even in scenes where He naturally 
 belongs. They wanted to avoid all necessity of painting a form 
 that would supposedly bear the sacred features. Later artists 
 compromised in the theme of Lazarus, and all others in which 
 Christ belongs, by painting the form, but with capriciously 
 changed features, so that their ideal character was manifest. 
 Only when the Apocalyptic cycle arose was realistic portraiture 
 attempted, and then it was too late for it to claim authenticity. 
 A strong inference for the early date of the Greek Chapel is 
 accordingly to be drawn from these facts, which emphasize its 
 priority in Catacomb Art. 
 
 II. The garments depicted in this chapel indicate an early date. 
 
 It is possible to trace changes in styles in costume of the 
 Roman citizen, and in the pictures tmder consideration we find 
 styles that belong to the latter half of the first century and to 
 the first half of the second. Thus, the tunics of the men are 
 sleeveless or with short sleeves. The toga by that time was not 
 worn except by official personages or on official occasions, so it 
 does not appear at all in the chapel. But the pallium, or outer 
 garment worn by all classes, is in correct style both for men and 
 women. With the latter it falls exactly to their feet, and in the 
 proper folds, not in the careless usage of a later day. The pro- 
 phet who points to the Hebrew children in the furnace, as well as 
 the man on the console in the vault of the presbytery, are in 
 especially graceful and attractive mode. The end of their gar- 
 ment is gathered and folded gracefully over their left arms. Sus- 
 annah might have appeared in the very best society of the late 
 first century, or even at Trajan's court, as far as her dress is con- 
 cerned. Indeed, a specific instance of good classic usage appears 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 31 
 
 in the costume of Susannah. As a Roman matron appearing in 
 public, she has her palla arranged so that it covers her head, 
 acting as a hood. The face is not concealed, but the palla falls 
 over the sides and back of her head. Instances in first century 
 statues are very numerous. They are rare in the catacombs, 
 and do not extend beyond the second century, though two in- 
 stances are found in the third. One, on a female orant, is found 
 in the same catacomb, beside the painting of the Madonna of the 
 Prophet.^" 
 
 Not only is the above true, but in addition to this we observe 
 a noticeable absence of the barbarous styles of the succeeding age, 
 when the dalmatic was introduced into Rome, with its long 
 wide sleeves, rather like a kimona, as well as extensive capes 
 and mantles. It seemed as if such things marked a demand for 
 greater comfort, and a corresponding decline in civilization. It 
 is to be noted, finally, that the only decorations on the garments 
 painted in this chapel are the clavi, or purple stripes that fall 
 in straight lines from the shoulder. None of the pecviliar mark- 
 ings on the corners of garments of a later age appear, such 
 as crosses, letters and signs. 
 
 The styles of clothing in this chapel are what we should expect 
 to see at the period suggested, and are so consistently so that 
 they constitute strong evidence therefor. 
 
 12. The style of hair-dressing offers a specific date. 
 
 Up to the time of Hadrian beards were not fashionable in 
 Rome.^^ They had been considered a distinctive mark of the 
 philosopher, or of a man in mourning. Hadrian (i 17-138) intro- 
 duced into Rome the style of wearing beards, and his successors 
 followed him as a rule. His subjects quickly took up the style, 
 though it never became absolute. Many doubtless clung to the 
 manners of their fathers, and both styles existed side by side, 
 just as at present. Beards were recommended to Christians gen- 
 erally by Clement of Alexandria'^ on the ground that they added 
 dignity and sobriety to a man's appearance. It would seem, then, 
 
 ''Mai., PL 21 1/2IIP. Cf. also Mai., PI. 25 1/2IIL, 96 2/2IIIP&M. 
 '* Cf . Marquardt : Privatleben der R'dmer, II p. 582 ff. 
 ^^ Paedag., 3:11. 
 
32 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 as if in the late second century the custom of beards was general. 
 Even in the first century many men of the lower orders of society 
 did not shave the beard. Especially in the Christian community 
 of Rome might we expect to find bearded men in numbers, for 
 most of them were foreigners, men of Hellenistic birth and civil- 
 ization, with whom beards were always popular. The Jewish 
 members of the Christian community would also prefer their 
 ancestral beards. 
 
 The frescoes in the Greek Chapel are indeed badly damaged, 
 but in the paintings not decidedly symbolic the faces are bare. 
 This is the case in the group at the table of the Breaking of 
 Bread. Only the venerable man at the end has a beard.*" It is 
 particularly noticeable in the portrait head above the door on the 
 entrance wall.*^ Abraham and Moses have beards, and they, as 
 well as Old Testament patriarchs and prophets, are given beards 
 generally in later pictures, because they were regarded by the 
 Church as true philosophers, inasmuch as the philosophy which 
 they had presented was by far better than the wisest reasonings 
 of Socrates, Plato, and all the Greek Schools. Justin Martyr 
 insisted that the best thoughts in Greek philosophy were culled 
 directly from the Old Testament.*- Exceptions in the list of pa- 
 triarchs and prophets were Noah, Job, Daniel between the lions, 
 Jonah, the three Hebrew children, etc., all of whom symbolized in 
 more or less degree the deceased, now in a state of release from 
 troubles and every cause for mourning.*^ 
 
 It is indeed true that unbearded faces greet us in catacomb 
 paintings thoughout the first three centuries. But aside from 
 those who are ideally youthful such as the Good Shepherd, they 
 are usually orants or the characters above-mentioned who sym- 
 bolize the happy deceased. The orant is a theme in Art not well 
 understood, but there are undoubted instances of bearded orants.** 
 
 ^Pl. lb. Cf. Fractio. PI. XIII-XIV; Mai., PI. 15-1. 
 
 ^Mal., PI. 13. 
 
 ■" Cf. numerous declarations in his Apology (59), Address to the Greelis, 
 9, 10, 20, 26, 28-33, etc. 
 
 *^In this chapel cf. Mai., PI. 13&16. 
 
 ** One of the first orants in the series is bearded. It is in connection 
 with the Madonna of the Prophet, Mai, PI. 21 1/2IIP. 
 
Plate V. From Wilpert's Malereien. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 33 
 
 The other cases where unbearded faces occur are in pictures 
 symboHcal of the Eucharist, as in the Breaking of Bread. It 
 may be that they have carried down this feature also from the 
 first one in the series. The significance of the fact that non-sym- 
 boHc men are without beards in this series of pictures cannot be 
 denied. In addition to offering a strong comment on the Roman 
 quahty of the early church of the city, it indicates that these 
 paintings are early, and while, in itself, it is not enough to prove 
 that they were painted before the days of Hadrian, it permits a 
 strong inference that they were. 
 
 When we consider the feminine styles of hair dressing, Wilpert 
 claims exact dates. He studied the paintings under the best 
 possible conditions, and in the instances of the Madonna and 
 the woman in the scene of the Breaking of Bread he says that 
 their hair was combed up smooth behind from the neck and 
 gathered into an artistic knot on the top of the head,*^ after the 
 style afifected by Marciana, the sister of Trajan, who died in 115 
 probably, and her daughter, Matidia, who was the mother of Sa- 
 bina, the wife of Hadrian, and married him possibly about 100 
 A. D., that is, during the life time of Trajan (98-117). From 
 coins of these ladies it appears that their hair was put up in 
 this way, though more elaborately than seems to be the case in 
 the frescoes of the Greek Chapel. Here, therefore, is a date 
 with which the paintings of the chapel may actually be connected. 
 They may be dated specifically in the reigns of Trajan or Hadrian 
 at the latest.^^ 
 
 ""Fractio, PI. XIII-XIV & VII; Mai, PI. 15-1. 
 
 *" In the case of Susannah and Martha, the other woman in the chapel, 
 it is impossible to determine about their hair. They are so badly damaged, 
 and besides, they are veiled, their hair being thus concealed. Wilpert's argu- 
 ment is as follows : {Fractio, p. 27) "Sie (Mary) ist en face gemalt, ihr 
 Haupt unverschleiert, und die Haartracht gleicht derjenigen einiger 
 Kaiserinnen aus der ersten Halfte des 2. Jahrhunderts, was fiir die 
 Datirung der Gemalde der Krypta kein unwesentlicher Factor ist." (p.31) 
 "Wir bemerkten zunachst, dass die Haartracht der beiden Frauengestalten 
 in manchem an diejenige der Kaiserinnen aus der ersten Halfte des 2. 
 Jahrhunderts, namentlich an Sabina, die Gemahlin Hadrians, und an 
 die Schwester Trajans, Marciana, mit deren Tochter Matidia erinnert. 
 Die Aehnlichkeit ist keine vollstandige ; das Gemeinsame beider Haartrach- 
 
34 St- John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 13. The painting of the Breaking of Bread illustrates a techni- 
 cal phrase that goes back to apostolic days. 
 In all of the accounts of the institution of the Eucharist it is 
 said that Jesus broke bread and gave it to the disciples. "And 
 as they were eating, Jesus took bread, and blessed it, and brake 
 it, and gave it to the disciples, and said, Take, eat ; this is my 
 body."'*^ In all the instances of the miraculous feeding of the 
 multitudes it is stated that Jesus blessed and brake the loaves, or 
 gave thanks and distributed the loaves.*^ When Jesus appeared 
 to the disciples on the sea of Tiberias after His resurrection, and 
 the seven disciples drew the ship to land, "Jesus then cometh," we 
 are told, "and taketh bread, and giveth them, and fish likewise."*® 
 At the village of Emmaus two disciples saw their risen Christ 
 when He "took bread, and blessed it, and brake, and gave to 
 them," and reported to the others at Jerusalem "how he was 
 known of them in breaking of bread. "^° Of the early converts 
 in Jerusalem we are told that they "continued steadfastly in the 
 apostles' doctrine and fellowship, and in breaking of bread, and 
 in prayers". ^^ Before setting out on his final journey to Jerusa- 
 lem, the apostle Paul tarried seven days in Troas : "And upon 
 the first day of the week, when the disciples came together to 
 break bread, Paul preached unto them, ready to depart on the 
 morrow, and continued his speech until midnight. "®- 
 
 There can be no doubt that the fresco of the Fractio Panis 
 figures a miracle of the multiplication of loaves (seven baskets 
 of loaves are disposed in the scene), and that it is an eucharistic 
 symbol. The argument for this will be presented in more de- 
 ten besteht darin, dass die Haare hinten glatt heraufgekammt und auf 
 dem Scheitel zu einem zierlich geformten Wulst zusammengelegt sind. 
 Hierdurch unterscheidet sie sich wesentlich von jener der spatern Kaiser- 
 innen, bei denen die Haare in der Mitte gescheitelt und iiber die Schlafen 
 zum Hinterkopf gefiihrt werden, wo sie einen Wulst bilden. So zuerst 
 bei der jiingern Faustina, der Gemahlin Marc Aurels." Cf. also in Pit- 
 ture. p. gSf. and p. 122. 
 
 *' Mt. 26:26. Cf. Mk. 14:22, Lk. 22:19, I Cor. 11:23, 24. 
 
 ^'Mt. 14: 19; 15: 36, Mk. 6:41 ; 8:6, Lk. 9: 16, Jn. 6: 11. 
 
 *'Jn- 21 : 13. 
 
 ''Lk. 24:30, 31, 35. 
 
 "Acts 2:42. 
 
 " Acts 20 : 7. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 35 
 
 tail later. It is enough for the present purpose to state that 
 from a complete series of early paintings in the catacombs, 
 headed by the Fractio Panis, it is evident that the mutliplication 
 of loaves and fishes symbolized the Eucharist. This is exactly 
 what we see in the picture of our chapel. In the first century we 
 know that the Eucharist and the Agape, or love feast, were 
 scarcely distinguished, so it is possible that the realism in the 
 painting is derived from the Agape feast. ^^ A part of this 
 symbolism consisted in the fact that in the multiplication of 
 loaves Jesus took the loaves and gave thanks, blessed them, and 
 brake them, and gave them to the disciples, just as at the occa- 
 sion of the institution of the Eucharist. The action of breaking 
 the loaves was significant. So when we see the Breaking of 
 Bread manifestly treated in this painting, and not in later 
 paintings (at least not in the same way), we are justified in 
 concluding that we have to do with a time when the phrase 
 was technical, and in common use as referring to the Agape- 
 Eucharist feast. We are therefore taken directly to apostolic 
 days in seeking a date for the picture. 
 
 14. The location of the chapel in the catacomb is ipso facto 
 evidence for its early date. 
 
 An exceedingly weighty argument for the early date of the 
 Greek Chapel is to be found in its location in the catacomb, and 
 in the evidence to be had from the nearby galleries. 
 
 (a) The chapel is located in the primitive section of the cata- 
 
 ^' Cf. Leclercq in Cabrol's Dictionnaire d'Archeologie Chretienne et de 
 Liiurgie, art. "Agape," torn. I, p. 801. "De la fresque que nous etudions 
 (i. e., the Fractio Panis) nous devons conclure 1° qu'a Rome, au II* 
 siecle, I'idee d'un repas etait etroitement associee a I'idee de la cel- 
 ebration de I'eucharistie; 2° que les personnages couches sur notre fresque, 
 ne pouvant faire la communion en cette posture, representent les con- 
 vives celebrant le repas de I'agape preside, ainsi que I'exige saint Ignace 
 d'Antioche, par I'eveque a qui il appartient de faire aussi I'eucharistie ; 
 3° que, vers le temps 011 la fresque fut faite, la celebration de I'eucharistie 
 etait jointe a I'agape et I'une et I'autre etaient figurees par le miracle - 
 de la multiplication des pains dont le symbolisme nous permet seul de 
 reconnaitre ici une agape suivie de I'eucharistie au lien d'un simple- 
 banquet funebre." Cabrol gives a reproduction of the fresco rather- 
 clearer than in Wilpert's publications (p. 799, 800). 
 
36 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 comb, which is one of the very oldest in Rome.'"'* It is at the 
 very beginning of the catacomb, of its complex arrangement of 
 galleries. Its doorway opens into an "atrium", into which the 
 original stairway from the surface level descends. ^^ 
 
 The entrance to a catacomb was sometimes a formal archi- 
 tectural doorway upon the public road, which opened into a 
 vestibule from which a leading gallery ran back into the hill 
 side,^** or from which stairs descended to the level of the gal- 
 leries of the first piano. Sometimes a tomb or a building on 
 the area above ground constituted the entrance, from which 
 stairs descended to the first level. •'^' So it is in the catacomb 
 
 " It is antedated possibly by the catacomb of Domitilla on the Via 
 Ardeatrna, and by the cemetery of St. Paul (or Lucina) on the Via 
 Ostiensis, and by that of the Vatican, supposing that SS. Paul and Peter 
 were interred in them respectively. More probably they are of identical 
 period in origin, being the result of the first impulse towards catacomb 
 construction in the Roman church. 
 
 " This atrium was known to early mediaeval pilgrims as the spelunca, 
 or grotto, because of its size. Whatever saints and martyrs had been 
 interred in it during the period under consideration, such as Prisca, 
 Aquila, Pudens, Praxedis, Pudentiana, etc., were eclipsed at this time 
 by the glories of the martyrs of the Diocletian persecution, and by the 
 series of powerful bishops who started the Church on her career of 
 earthly empire and influence, several of whom were buried in this cata- 
 comb. The route of these pilgrims in visiting the sacred shrines in the 
 catacomb seems to be reverse of that of the early Christians in con- 
 structing it. The stairs leading into the atrium, and to the surrounding 
 primitive section, were the stairs by which pilgrims sought the open air. 
 According to their guide-books and itineraries they first visited the 
 church of St. Sylvester, above ground, situated some little distance 
 away. Here, and in its neighborhood they venerated the remains of the 
 bishops Marcellinus (though see later on Marcellinus), Marcellus, Celest- 
 inus, Siricius, Liberius, etc. They descended to the catacomb by a stair- 
 way in the church itself, and after wanderings came to the spelunca, and 
 visited last of all a room at the end whence they turned to go out. It 
 was accordingly described as the cubiculum "quando exeas." 
 
 "' As in the case of the catacomb of Domitilla. 
 
 ^ It cannot be too much emphasized, in view of popular misconceptions 
 (Cf. Myers, A History of Rome, p. 152), that the catacombs were not 
 constructed for purposes of concealment in times of persecution. From 
 the above it is clear that there was no attempt made to disguise or ob- 
 scure the entrances. Any person who passed along the road might know 
 of them. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 37 
 
 of Priscilla. As one stepped forth from the last stair he found 
 himself in a long narrow room (3.72m x 13.74m), generally desig- 
 nated the "atrium". Directly opposite four rooms open out, 
 of which the last one to the left is the Greek Chapel. From the 
 end to the right one room, with three arcosolium tombs, extends, 
 which is usually admitted to be of later construction. To the 
 right of the stairs two rooms open out, and at the left is an arched 
 niche and the entrance to a small chamber. In the left end 
 wall, beside the Greek Chapel, a doorway opens into a piscina, 
 the fountain of which was enclosed by a cement basin, which 
 may have been covered by a wooden lid. 
 
 Of the four room's opposite the stairs the end one to the 
 right was extended into a wide gallery (into which the modern 
 entrance gallery opens), from which a series of rooms and gal- 
 leries branches out. Many of these are in a state of ruin, but 
 a gallery that runs back of the apse of the Greek Chapel is 
 important. It is older than the chapel itself, as is shown from the 
 fact that the apse of the chapel broke into its wall and destroyed 
 stucco on the same. It was lighted with a luuiinarinm , and ad- 
 vantage was taken of this in the chapel by constructing a small 
 window in the apse wall.^^ 
 
 This gallery is important. It is a connecting artery with a 
 section that is probably of equal age with the Greek Chapel 
 section. It leads to the section of the Acilian family, not far 
 away. Indeed, directly back from the apse of the Greek Chapel 
 is a chamber which Marucchi declares is a nymphaeum belong- 
 ing to the villa of the Acilian family above ground. It is a 
 room, the roof of which was supported by a column in the center. 
 The base of the column is still in position. At four corners 
 are niches, as in an ordinary nymphaeum. Among the tiles dis- 
 covered in the walls of this room was one bearing the brick 
 stamp, 
 
 L • CORNELI • PVPVL 
 EPICRATE 
 
 ^ It is to be noted that the stucco in this gallery is of two strata, 
 and in part it consists of imitation opus alexandrinum, as is to be found 
 in the Flavian house on the Palatine, Fractio, p. 40. In this gallery also 
 are to be found the two oldest instances of the crux gainmata. 
 
38 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 This stamp is very rare. Marucchi asserts that only one other 
 exists, having been discovered near the catacomb of Thraso. De 
 Rossi regarded it as anterior to Augustus/''^ 
 
 The room was Hghted by an extensive luiniiiarium., which is 
 of such an extraordinary character and of such ihuminating 
 effect upon the white walls that Marucchi identifies it as the ciibi- 
 cnlwn claruni, the "well-lighted chamber", in which the Liber 
 Pontificalis informs us the bishop Marcellinus (d. 304) was in- 
 terred by the deacon Marcellus after his martyrdom. ''° This 
 cubiculuni clarum, Marucchi says, was a nymphaeum of the 
 villa, which the Acilian family, after conversion to Christianity, 
 connected with the catacomb, or rather it may be said perhaps 
 that they were originators of the catacomb. It may be that 
 they even started the catacomb, supposing that there was some 
 relationship between them and the family of Pudens, for whose 
 mother Priscilla the catacomb is said to be named. 
 
 It had long been suspected from the language in which Sue- 
 tonius mentions the charge laid against M. Acilius Glabrio, who 
 was consul with Trajan in the year 91, and on which he was 
 executed, that he suffered because he was a Christian. He was 
 an instigator of new things,"^ molitor rerum novarum. At any 
 rate there was strong reason to suspect that his family during 
 the second and third centuries was Christian, because it is on 
 the ground that it had a long Christian tradition that historians 
 can best explain the rather solitary position it occupied in the 
 fourth century among the ancient and aristocratic families of 
 Rome as prominently Christian. It was not with much surprise, 
 therefore, but with very great satisfaction that the burial chamber 
 of this exceedingly wealthy and influential family was discovered 
 not far from the Greek Chapel and the cubiculuni clarum.^- 
 
 ^^ Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1873, pp. 50, 51; 1901, pp. 295, 296; 1902, p. 115; 
 De Rossi : Piante di Roma, p. 20, n. 3 ; C. I. L., XV, 953. Another 
 stamp of the end of the second century was also found there. 
 
 ^ Lib. Pont., in loc. De Rossi had located this chamber in the Syl- 
 vester section of the catacomb. 
 
 *^ Suetonius : Domitian, 10, 12, 15. Dion. Class.: Hist., LXVII, 13 
 & LXII, 13. 
 
 *^De Rossi : Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1888-9, PP- 7-66, 103-133. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 39 
 
 That the cubiculum was the burial chamber of a family of 
 wealth and distinction was evident at once from the fact that it 
 was adorned with marble and with marble columns. It contained 
 sumptuous sarcophagi, and the slight remains of fresco in the 
 locality are of the very earliest period. They consist only of 
 decorative elements, such as dolphins, stars, geometric designs, 
 and peacocks turned towards a vase. The inscriptions, how- 
 ever, prove the ownership. They are of the family of the 
 Acilii Glabriones, and of collateral lines, as the Acilii Veri, 
 Acilii Valerii, and Acilii Rufini. The inscription of the consul 
 of 91 A.D. has not been found, but the one of his son may 
 exist in, 
 
 ACILIO GLABRIONI 
 FILIO 
 The Christian faith of the family is shown by an early Greek 
 (i. e., early Christian Greek) inscription, 
 
 KIAIOC POY<}>INOC 
 CHCHC EN OEOJ 
 
 The formula ^170-35 €v ^euJ i^vivas in Deo) is very early. A 
 
 third century inscription is of some importance, 
 
 M ACILIVS • V 
 
 C • V • 
 
 PRISCILLA • C • F 
 
 This inscription, taken in connection with a graffito (of fourth 
 
 century probably), not far away in the "confession" of the 
 
 basiHca of St. Sylvester at a place which another graffito names 
 
 the liniina sanctorum, and which speaks of a blessed lady Priscilla, 
 
 "domnae Priscille beate", led to the conjecture that the Prisca 
 
 or Priscilla of the New Testament narrative might have been a 
 
 freedwoman of Priscilla the mother of Pudens, for whom the 
 
 catacomb is named, it being included in the conjecture that 
 
 Pudens belonged to the Acilian family. With this is coupled the 
 
 conjecture that Aquila, her tent-maker husband, was a freedman 
 
 of Acilius Glabrio, his name being derived, Aquila, Aquilius, 
 
 Acilius.*'^ 
 
 *^Acts 18:1-3, 18, 19, 26. Rom. 16:3-5. I Cor. 16:19. II Tim. 4:19. 
 Priscilla (or Prisca) and Aquila, who was born in Pontus, being Jews, 
 
40 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 The value of the evidence afforded by the Acilian section of 
 the catacomb, and by the "cubicukim clarum", is simply collateral. 
 It tends to confirm the early date of the catacomb, and with this 
 agree the early traditions that in the catacomb of Priscilla were 
 buried not only Priscilla, the mother of Pudens, as well as Pudens 
 himself (II Tim. 4 :2i), but also his daughters Praxedis and 
 Pudentiana, in memory of whom churches were erected at an 
 early date.*'* 
 
 were deported from Rome under Claudius. They came to Corinth, and 
 the Apostle Paul lived with them and worked with them there, "for by 
 their occupation they were tentmakers". When Paul then went to 
 Ephesus he took them along. Here they resided, and acted as teachers 
 to Apollos. Here they may have conducted a "house-church". Paul 
 wrote to the Corinthian church, "The churches of Asia salute you. 
 Aquila and Priscilla salute you much in the Lord, with the church that 
 is in their house", I Cor. 16:19. It is certain that they had a house 
 church in Rome, but they must have been in Ephesus when Paul sufifered 
 martyrdom in Rome, judging from H Tim. 4: 19. In order to make 
 connection with Roman tradition, which affirms that they were both 
 interred in the catacomb of Priscilla, though no archaeological evidences 
 of their tombs remain, it is necessary to suppose that they returned to 
 Rome some time after the death of Paul, or after his last epistles, 
 and reestablished the "church that was in their house". And this is 
 not improbable in view of their extensive record as travellers, and be- 
 cause old home ties would draw them back to Rome. As for later 
 traces of them it is to be noted that Leo IV says {Lib. Pont., XLI) that 
 he discovered the graves of Aquilinus, Aquila and Prisca in the catacomb 
 of Priscilla, recognizing them by inscriptions. The relics were sent to 
 Germany in 837 with the express statement that they were persons 
 mentioned in Scripture {Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1867, p. 405). li the above 
 be true, they must have been overlooked in the general translation of 
 bones of eminent martyrs and persons, undertaken by various Roman 
 bishops because of the insecurity of their catacomb resting places during 
 barbarian invasions. 
 
 °* As is well known, the tradition that finds credence in Rome to-day, 
 with sundry variations in detail, is to the effect that Pudens was host 
 in Rome not only to Paul, but also to the Apostle Peter, that he conse- 
 quently founded in his house on the Esquiline a community of Christians, 
 a house-church, just as Aquila and Priscilla (or Prisca) had done (Rom. 
 16:5) on the Aventine. His house-church was named both for himself, 
 "titulus Pudentis", or "ecclesia Pudentiana", surviving in S. Pudenziana 
 on the slopes of the Viminal. Also the one not far away on the Esquiline 
 was named for his daughter Praxedis. (Cf. the mosaic in the apse of 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 41 
 
 Returning then to the "atrium" and the chambers that sur- 
 round it, there are found to be several indications of early date 
 that are noteworthy. 
 
 And first of all, considering again the Greek Chapel itself, 
 its peculiar form and disposition mark it as early. It is cross- 
 shaped in plan, and has every indication of having been used 
 for religious purposes. It contains no original loculi in its walls, 
 
 Sta. Pudentiana.) Marucchi says, regarding the documentary evidence, 
 "Les documents qui nous fournissent des indications sur I'origine de 
 I'eglise de Ste Pudentienne sont, les recits dits de Pasteur et de Timothee, 
 les lettres de Pie P"' a Juste de Vienne et le Liber pontificalis. Les deux 
 premieres classes sont apocryphes; mais nous avons plusieurs motifs de 
 penser qu'elles continnent un fond de verite." {Elements d'Archeologie 
 Chretienne, III p. 365.) Both these churches are mentioned in inscriptions 
 of the fourth century : 
 
 MIRAE • INNOCENTIAE ■ ADQ • EXIMIAE 
 BONITATIS ■ HIC • REQVIESCIT • LEOPARDVS 
 LECTOR • DE • PVDENTIANA • QVI • VIXIT 
 ANN • XXIIII ■ DEE • VIII • KAL ■ DEC ■ 
 RICOMEDE • ET • CLEARCO • CON • (year 384) 
 
 In the catacomb of Hippolytus is an inscription mentioning the church 
 of S. Prassede, dated an. 395 : 
 
 HIC REQVIESCIT IN PACE ARGVRIVS QVI VIXit 
 
 DEPS SVB D III NON MAIS CONS PROVINIV quem locum 
 
 compaRAVIT FILIA EIVS FAVSTA A PRB TIT PRAXedis 
 
 In the fourth century and later the catacomb of Hippolytus must have 
 
 been a favorite one for persons connected with these two churches. In 
 
 it were found these inscriptions : 
 
 LOCVS 
 ROMVLI 
 PRESBYTERI 
 TITVLI PVD 
 enTIANAE 
 
 + HIC REQVIESCIT IN PACE HILARVS 
 LICTOR TT PVDENTIS 
 QVI VIXIT ANN PLM XXX 
 
 DEP VII IDVS IVL PC MAVORTI V C (year 528) 
 Since 1901 Marucchi has prominently defended the connection of the 
 Apostle Peter with the Roman catacombs, which was recognized in 
 antiquity. Cf. the incident of Liberius (3S2-366), as narrated in his 
 Acts : "Constantius iussit eum (i. e., Liberius) extra civitatem habitare; 
 habitabit autem ab urbe Roma milliario tertio quasi exul in cymiterio 
 
42 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 by which fact its unique and primitive character is emphasized. 
 In the apse are to be found traces of a grave which was of size 
 sufficient to contain a child of under a year old, but which may 
 have held the ashes of a martyr who had suffered by fire, and 
 which would account for the evident importance of the crypt. 
 
 Novellae via Salaria. Veniens autem dies Paschae, vocavit universos 
 presbyteros cives romanos et diaconos et sedit in cymiterio." There he 
 baptized catechumens and called to mind the example of Peter who had 
 baptized in the neighboring Ostrian catacomb, "Erat enim ibi non longe a 
 cymiterio Novellae cymiterium Ostrianus, ubi Petrus apostolus baptizavit". 
 In the catacomb of Priscilla in the Sylvester section, a baptistry has been 
 discovered, partly of ancient construction. This is across the road from 
 the catacomb of Novella, and Marucchi argues that it is the one to which 
 the tradition of Peter clings. His argument is voluminous. It is im- 
 portant as showing that there was an early tradition that may connect 
 Peter with the catacomb of Priscilla. All of which tends to confirm the 
 extreme antiquity of the catacomb of which the Greek Chapel is in the 
 earliest part. 
 
 Cf. also the martyrologies, itineraries, etc., of the early middle ages, 
 as follows, remembering that the catacomb of Priscilla was known also 
 to pilgrims under the name of Sylvester : Index coemeteriorum & 
 Notitia regionum, "Coemeterium Priscillae ad S. Silvestrum via Salaria." 
 Salzburg Itinerary, "Postea ascendens eadem via ad S. Silvestri ecclesiam 
 ibi multitudo sanctorum pausat : primum Silvester sanctus papa et con- 
 fessor et ad pedes eius S. Syricius papa et in dextera perte Celestinus 
 papa et Marcellus episcopus ; Philippus et Felix martyres et multitudo 
 sanctorum sub altare maiore et in spelunca Crescentius martyr et Fimitis 
 pausat in cubiculo quando exeas et in altera S. Potenciana et Praxedis." 
 De locis Ss. martyrum, "luxta eandem viam Salariam S. Silvester re- 
 quiescit, et alii quamplurimi, id est S. Caelestinus, S. Potentiana, S. 
 Praxedis, S. Marcellus, S. Crescentianus, S. Maurus, S. Marcellinus, 
 S. Prisca, S. Paulus, S. Felicis unus de septem (i. e., one of the seven 
 sons of Felicitas, the most celebrated martyr under Marcus Aurelius), 
 S. Philippus unus de septem, S. Semetrius, et in una sepultura CCCLXIII." 
 Itinerary of William of Malmeshury, "Deinde basilica S. Silvestri ubi 
 iacet marmoreo tumulo coopertus et martyres Caelestinus, Philippus et 
 Felix et ibidem martyres CCCLXV in uno sepulcro requiescunt, et prope 
 Paulus et Crescentianus, Prisca et Semetrius, Praxedis, Potentiana 
 (Pudentiana) pausant." Index coemeteriorum and Mirabilia, "Coemeter- 
 ium fontis S. Petri (?). Coemeterium Priscillae ad pontem Salarium." 
 The tombs of some of these persons have been determined archaeolog- 
 ically. Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1901, flf. De Rossi : Roma Sotterrannea, 
 PP. 176, 177- 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 43 
 
 The grave occupied the prominent place in the chapel, and was 
 of such construction that it would readily serve as a table from 
 which to distribute the eucharistic feast. It is well known that 
 in the earliest times the eucharistic tables were called altars, and 
 from the catacombs came the idea that it was proper that under 
 the altar should be placed if possible the remains of one of the 
 martyrs of Christ. This idea was doubtless fortified by Scrip- 
 ture, "And when he had opened the fifth seal, I saw under the 
 altar the souls of them that were slain for the word of God, 
 and for the testimony which they held, etc." Rev. 6 : Qfif. In 
 the Greek Chapel it may be that we find one of the earliest of 
 these grave-table-altars. Along one side of the chapel extends 
 a bank, under which are loculi graves, which served also as a 
 seat. The peculiar form and arrangement of the chapel was 
 never repeated in later times. It is unique in the catacombs of 
 Rome. 
 
 In the "right transept" were discovered the two inscriptions 
 
 in Greek, because of which the workmen, or "fossors" so-called 
 
 gave to it the name "Greek Chapel". They are as follows : 
 
 OBPIMOC TTAAAAAIUJ 
 
 TAYKYTATUJ ANGYIUJ 
 
 YNCXOAACTH MNHMHC 
 
 c c c 
 
 XAPIN 
 
 OBPIMOC • NGCTOPIANH 
 
 MAKAPIA rAYKYTATH 
 CYNBIUU MNHMHC XAptv 
 These inscriptions, from their simple formulas and from their 
 palaeography are dated in the second half of the second century. 
 This date is confirmed by the fact that they are written in red 
 paint. They were applied on the white stucco of the niche, 
 and therefore point to and urge a date by some years earlier for 
 the finishing of the chapel in the original stucco. The suggestive- 
 ness of this fact will be apparent when we consider the group 
 of red-painted inscriptions in the catacomb of Priscilla. Suffice 
 it to say that they are some of the earliest in date yet discovered 
 in the Roman catacombs. 
 
44 ^f- John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Concerning the atrium and the adjacent chambers it may be 
 remarked that what little painting remains is of the same period 
 as the Greek Chapel. The same rich colors and delicate shades 
 are used, and the style is the same in details. In a niche opposite 
 the chapel the Good Shepherd and vine decorations have been 
 identified, recalling the primitive paintings in the catacomb of 
 Domitilla. 
 
 The room at the end of the atrium was added in the third 
 century, and the one to its right was subjected to extensive 
 restorations, in which marble replaced stucco. The fact that a 
 stand for oil lamps is found there marks it as a place of im- 
 portance, probably containing the graves of martyrs. Second 
 century inscriptions, however, were discovered in the room. 
 They are in Greek, and are of classic brevity, and contain names 
 common to the apostolic church, such as Lucius and Phoebe.''^ 
 A sarcophagus of the style recognized as earliest in Christian 
 Art was also found. It is of ordinary classic form, both sides 
 have strigil decoration, and on one side is the bust of a woman 
 with tablet for inscription, and on the other the bust of a man 
 with crossed horns of plenty, and Genii at the corners. It was 
 placed under the floor and so had no inscriptions. It is pagan 
 in form, but that made no difference for Christian use. It 
 rather confirms the early date at which it was used for Christian 
 burial, as it was doubtless bought in a pagan shop at a day 
 when Christian styles in sarcophagi had not as yet been devised. 
 
 One of the most satisfactory of the indications for date that 
 we have in the atrium consists of the stamped tiles used for 
 covering graves in the floor. Tiles have been found there with 
 stamps of the reigns of M. Aurelius and Commodus, specifically 
 of the years 159 and 164. The point lies in the fact that they 
 were used for graves dug in the floor of the atrium. Graves 
 excavated in the floor are the last resort. They come after the 
 wall spaces assigned for the loculi, or shelf graves, were used 
 up. So if graves of the second and third quarters of the second 
 century mark the last period before new cuhicnla were excavated, 
 
 '*Rom. 16:21, Acts 13:1, Rom. 16:1,2. The praenomen Aurelia may 
 mark one inscription as of the period of M. Aurelius. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 45 
 
 the original period of excavation must have been by so much 
 earlier, even the first century. (The objection usually urged 
 against the argument for determining dates from stamped bricks 
 has little force here. It is true that tiles were used over again 
 in later years, as in the Aurelian wall so-called, in which bricVs 
 of all dates are found side by side. But this was more character- 
 istic of later periods, when buildings of earlier construction were 
 rai:ed and the materials thus obtained made use of a second 
 time. It is not valid here, because tiles of later dates do not 
 appear. Further, the economic tendency would always be to njt 
 manufacture new bricks until old stores were exhausted, just a> 
 at the present day. So, granting that a few years might have 
 elapsed after manufacture before the tiles were used, they could 
 not have been very many.)"" 
 
 (b) The early date of the Greek Chapel and atrium is con- 
 firmed by the evidence afforded by galleries in adjacent sections. 
 This evidence is largely epigraphic. 
 
 The intimate connection of the Acilian hypogeum with the 
 Greek Chapel section has already been discussed. An extensive 
 amount of confirmatory evidence is also afforded by the arenarium 
 section,"^ which lies back of the piscina beside the Greek Chapel. 
 Investigation is confined to the first piano, the second being, 
 from that very fact, later. 
 
 Only one painting of importance is found in this section. It 
 is the one of the Madonna of the Prophet, already noted. "^ In 
 style and technique it compares very favorably with those of the 
 Greek Chapel, and is regarded by some as fully as early. Tlie 
 painting is found in the primitive gallery of the arenarium section, 
 the gallery in which niches were made for sarcophagi, and that 
 led from the stairs of entrance. In addition to this, inscriptir.ns 
 
 ""Fractio, p. 41. 
 
 *^ The arenarium or sand pit section of the catacomb is worked in 
 pocollana, instead of in the granular tufa. By reason of this fact the 
 ordinary characteristics of an arenarium are evident. The galleries are 
 broad and arched, and rounded. They describe arcs, and appear con- 
 centric in plan. The rounded surface marks an arenarium, as do the 
 square corners and clean cut angles the ordinary granular tufa cata- 
 comb. 
 
 •*Mal., PI. 22. 
 
46 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 containing the name Ulpia, belonging to the Flavian period, were 
 found below this painting. They were cut in marble and the 
 letters painted in red, and the loculi were excavated at a level 
 lozver than the original floor, hence are of a period later than the 
 painting, the inference being obvious. The painting betrays a 
 boldness of touch and graceful originality altogether lacking in 
 later work. It exhibits entire freedom from restraint of traditi. n 
 in handling. The painter worked out his own idea, or that of 
 the men by whom he was employed. The composition is alto- 
 gether charming, and might well be classed with Renaissance 
 masterpieces if it were not for certain technical defects which 
 attach it to the classic age, such as, for example, the dispro- 
 portioned figure of the prophet. Isaiah's head is much too small 
 for his elongated body.*^^ 
 
 The chief evidence afforded by the galleries of the arenarium 
 is epigraphic, as remarked above. So remarkable are the in- 
 scriptions pertaining to the catacomb of Priscilla that they are 
 recognized as being in a class by themselves. This entire class 
 is known as the "Priscilla type". They are admittedly among the 
 earliest in all the thousands of Christian inscriptions. They are 
 of two general classes, (i) red-painted tiles, and (2) incised in 
 marble. 
 
 (i) The terra cotta tiles were used to close the loculi graves. 
 Three of them were generally sufficient. They were fastened 
 against the shelf-like opening with cement, and this mode of 
 closing, along with the precaution of interring the body of the 
 deceased in lime, made the galleries reasonably free from noxious 
 gases. Upon the exterior surface of these large Roman bricks, 
 as upon marble slabs used for similar purpose, the name of the 
 deceased or some designating mark, or appropriate sentiment was 
 inscribed. Upon the bricks they were painted in heavy strokes 
 with a generous brush in paint of full Roman redness. Such 
 inscriptions are almost unique in the Roman catacombs. De 
 Rossi said that he found some in the galleries of the Flavian 
 
 " The Madonna and Child in this painting have frequently been com- 
 pared with Raphael's Madonna delta Seggiola in Florence. The arrange- 
 ment is similar. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 47 
 
 hypogeum, the primitive section of the catacomb of Domitilla/° 
 Some of them have been removed from the catacomb of Priscilla 
 and may be inspected in the Epigraphic section of the Christian 
 Museum at the Lateran, (Sec. XVIII)." 
 
 In style of calHgraphy they are very similar to the election 
 notices so numerous in the streets of Pompeii.^- In content 
 they are extremely brief. They consist usually of the bare name 
 of the deceased, often of the single name by which he was 
 known in the Christian community, which in some cases was a 
 baptismal name. Most of them are in Greek, as is the case 
 with those incised in marble. Primitive symbols only appear, the 
 anchor and the palm branch. Some graves were marked in no 
 other way, only with the painted anchor as the seal of their 
 faith. The primitive Christian regarded his name by which he 
 was known in the world as of no importance. In most of the 
 inscriptions, however, the name appears as a matter of infor- 
 mation for surviving relatives. In several tiles of the early third 
 century the fish appears as an isolated symbol." 
 
 These painted tiles of the earliest period of Christian inscrip- 
 tions were used undoubtedly by those who were too poor to afford 
 marble slabs. They exist in the same galleries and side by side 
 with marble inscriptions of the finest cutting, and of similar age. 
 All this illustrates the composite character of the Christian com- 
 munity. The rich and the poor were together in death as in 
 life. But the poor man was doubtless consoled for his mean 
 bricks by the thought that the need of them would be but brief. 
 The Christians of the apostolic age and later confidently expected 
 the end of all things and the resurrection of their bodies at any 
 day in the immediate future, so much so that their leaders had 
 
 ''"Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1865, p. 39. They are very few in number and 
 were painted in black. One brick bore the stamp of the year 142. 
 
 "Reproductions appear in plates of the Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1880, 
 1881, 1886, 1892, also in Marucchi : Le Catacombe Romane, p. 442 ff. 
 The Coemeterium Maius also contains some. 
 
 "De Rossi notes especially Nos. 156 and 159 in his list in Bull, di Arch. 
 Crist., 1886. 
 
 "On the fish as a Christian symbol cf. Prof. C. R. Morey, of Prince- 
 ton University, in the Princeton Theological Review, 1910, also A. J. A., 
 XIII, pp., 57, 58. 
 
48 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 to warn them against the effects of idly waiting for it to come 
 upon them.''* Since his tomb was but a temporary resting place, 
 why should a man adorn it elaborately ? It certainly was not 
 worthy of much care or expense. We may be sure that those 
 who painted the red inscriptions never expected them to do 
 service unto our day, and would probably be as much surprised 
 as we at their brightness. This feeling throughout the Church 
 well accounts for the simplicity of the earliest inscriptions. 
 (There are other ways of determining the early date of these in- 
 scriptions in the catacomb of Priscilla, to be discussed directly. 
 It is observed that they are brief and simple. Hence simplicity 
 in an inscription is rightly regarded as a test for early date.) 
 
 The distinct advantage of these painted inscriptions is that 
 they can be dated with a reasonable degree of precision. Many 
 of the tiles are marked with brick stamps. Almost all are of 
 the second century, and among them we find the exact dates, 
 no, 123, 147, 159, 164, and probably of the first century also. 
 It is true that several have been found of the third century, but 
 they are accounted for when we consider that the catacomb was 
 used freely during the first four centuries, and by deepening a 
 gallery it was possible to place a late grave in the immediate 
 neighborhood of earlier ones. These third century tiles in gen- 
 eral come from the boundaries of recognized later sections, and 
 were influenced by their earlier neighbors. It is not necessary 
 to repeat what has been said above as to the value of brick 
 stamps as evidence for date. They are persuasive evidence of 
 contemporary date when found in the galleries of the catacomb 
 of Priscilla. Especially is this true when they are found intact 
 in their original positions. If stamps of all periods were found 
 in common profusion the evidence of the earliest would not be 
 so valuable, but when they are found to be of the second century 
 predominantly, the situation is different, and argues strongly for 
 the dates they specify. Here as elsewhere the ravages of the 
 barbarian invasions are to be greatly deplored.^^ They left only 
 a part of all the things that fell into their hands, and wrought 
 
 '*I Thes. 4:15-5:11, II Thes. 2:1-17, H Peter 3:1-13. 
 '' De Rossi : Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1880, p. 37ff. 
 
Plate VI. From Wilpert's Malereiex. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 49 
 
 special execution in the catacomb of Priscilla, notably in the 
 Acilian and the Greek Chapel sections. But enough stamped 
 tiles have come down to us to permit the conclusion that if 
 all were preserved they would be found to be in general of the 
 same dates and kind.'^'' 
 
 (2) These painted-tile inscriptions are enough to confirm the 
 date of the first quarter of the second century for the primitive 
 section of the catacomb ; and to allow the very reasonable deduc- 
 tion that the galleries were constructed even in the first century. 
 But in addition to these inscriptions we find along with them a 
 series of epitaphs incised in marble slabs with cuttings of such 
 fine quality that they are recognized as being in a class by them- 
 selves. Many of them had the incisions colored with red paint, 
 which adds to their unique value. They are in Greek and Latin 
 indiscriminately. In either case the style of calligraphy marks 
 them as second century, the same date as the painted tiles. '^^ 
 DeRossi published the series of all the inscriptions of the primi- 
 tive sections of the catacomb. These, discovered up to 1892, 
 numbered 370.'** 
 
 This style of calligraphy is so distinctive in its deep, full cutting, 
 regularity, well-rounded curves and clear-cut angles, that when 
 one is familiar with it he speedily is able to discern later imita- 
 tions, as well as epitaphs that are frankly dififerent. 
 
 The inscriptions that are composed in this Priscilla style of 
 writing are almost as distinctive as are those in the famous 
 
 '*The list of stamped tiles of the primitive sections of the catacomb 
 is given in De Rossi's publication of the inscriptions found there. They 
 are noted in Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1886, pp. 40, 58, 63, 68, 72, 74, 75, 79, 80, 
 
 81, 83, 115, 120, 121, 142, 144, 159; 1887, pp. 22, 113; 1892, pp. jz, 74; 
 
 Marini: Iscr. Doliari nn. 15, 74, 84, 109, 121, 122a, 172, 174, 177, 185, 188, 
 190, 207, 214, 215, 218, 223, 245, 2Q7. 323 or Z2,7, 5oS, 522, 524, 828 (?), 837, 
 880, 923, 948, ii9off., 1214, 1389. Cf. also in part C.I.L., XV, I, 155, 163, 
 164, 237, 37ia,b, 399, 4o8d, 762a, 764, 1622; Supplementary Papers of the 
 American School of Classical Studies in Rome, I, Art. "Stamps on Bricks 
 and Tiles from the Aurelian Wall at Rome", nn. 16, 19, 20, 30, 52, 
 53, 58, 61, 135, 137, 212. 
 
 " Not all are of this period. Some are fourth century, but they are 
 accounted for in the same manner as the third century tiles. 
 
 ''^ Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1886, pp. 34-171; 1887, 109-117; 1892, 57-96, 
 and corresponding plates. 
 
50 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 metrical epitaphs of Damasus, known as the Damascene or 
 Philocalan script. Their second century date is attested by the 
 following characteristics : 
 
 ( a ) Simplicity. They are scarcely any longer than are those 
 on the painted tiles. 
 
 ( /8 ) The use of the three names, praenomen, nomen, and cog- 
 nomen. 
 
 ( y ) The presence of good Roman family or gentile names 
 commonly found in the first and second centuries. The 
 chronological order ran as follows : Julius, Antonius, 
 Claudius, Flavins, Ulpius, Aelius, Aurelius. 
 
 ( 8 ) The presence of names found in the Roman church in 
 apostolic days and mentioned in New Testament refer- 
 ences to Roman Christians, such as in Rom. i6, Julia, 
 Asyncritus, Lucius, Phoebe, Claudia. Here also may 
 be noted the significant use of the names Peter and 
 Paul, especially TTETPOC • The fact that Christians 
 named themselves for the chief apostles is not to be 
 wondered at. This is, of course, more significant in 
 the case of Peter. When a series of seven inscriptions 
 bearing that name is found in one section of a catacomb 
 of Rome, and they are of early date, this seems to 
 indicate that the apostle had exerted considerable influence 
 in the Roman church, an influence that can hardly be 
 proved from literary sources. The use of Paul is to be 
 expected. Besides, it is common enough in pagan in- 
 scriptions.'^^ 
 
 (e ) The use of symbols and formulas of the very earliest 
 period, which are seldom if ever used later, such as the 
 
 "The earliest example in the catacomb of Priscilla is the following, 
 (Marucchi : Le Catacomhe Romane, p. 439). 
 LVCRETIO PAVLO INFANTI DULCIS 
 SIMO QVI BIXIT ANNO VNO MENS 
 HIDIES XVI LVCRETIVS EVTYCHES 
 ET LVCRETIA MAXIMILLA PARENTES 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 51 
 
 anchor, palm, VALE,«o GN GIPHNH, pax tecum,^^ 
 pax, pax tibi.^" 
 
 The noteworthy thing about this entire series of inscriptions 
 in the first floor of the catacomb of Priscilla is that they are 
 extremely brief and simple. They form a class by themselves 
 m the entire field of Greek and Latin Epigraphy, whether pagan 
 or Christian. They come before epigraphic Christian symbols 
 and formulas had been invented. While they contain elements 
 usual in pagan inscriptions, such as the full name of the de- 
 ceased and his length of life, and the names of those who set up 
 the inscription, they yet show a decided breaking away from 
 pagan forms. There is nothing of pagan cult about them, nothing 
 that could give offence to Christian belief. In many one name 
 only is given, and this not because of servile rank, but because 
 of the practice of humility, and belief in the simplicity of 
 Christian brotherhood. Pagan forms to which they had been 
 accustomed were used because they did not know what else to 
 do. It is in the decline of the second century that distinctive 
 Christian inscriptions have their origin, and the development 
 can be traced step by step down to the fulsome epithaphs of the 
 fourth century and later. 
 
 De Rossi, after noting these characteristics in publishing 252 
 of the inscriptions, concludes as follows, "Putting all things to- 
 gether it seems to me that the period dominating or prevailing 
 in the sepulchres of the primitive nucleus of sand pit grottoes, 
 especially in those farthest distant from the points where the 
 excavation of the Christian cemetery proper began (i. e., in the 
 granular tufa), is anterior to that period, and may climb in the 
 scale of years from about the middle of the second century 
 through the long reigns of Aelius Antoninus and Hadrian (117- 
 161), and perhaps also farther, even to the Flavii and Claudii. 
 
 "° De Rossi in Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1864, pp. 12, 13. 
 
 " De Rossi, op. cit., 1873, p. 54, "Sull'antico saluto sepolcrale pax tecum 
 
 conchiudo, che I'uso alquante frequente della formola predetta in 
 
 Roma fu proprio degli antichissimi epitaffi del cimitero di Priscilla, la cui 
 apostolica origine dalle archeologiche e critiche osservazioni e scoperte 
 ogni di piu e confermata." 
 
 "De Rossi, ibid. 1892, p. iigff. 
 
52 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 With which chronological deduction correspond the gentile 
 names Julius, Atitonius, Claudius, Ulpius, Aelius, Aurelius, and 
 their groups ; the general system of nomenclature which is ex- 
 tremely diverse from that employed in the greatest number of 
 Christian epitaphs of the other cemeteries, and similar to that 
 of the special epigraphic family of the neighboring Ostrian 
 (Maius) cemetery; the archaism of the epigraphic style and of 
 the Christian symbol writing, the origins of which we here 
 discover ; the isolated anchor, frequently repeated, and always 
 without the symbolic fish, the use of which was introduced in the 
 beginning of the third century; finally the comparison of this 
 series with the catacomb epitaphs of the known period of the 
 third century, or about the end of the second. "^^ 
 
 ^ Bull, di Arch Crist., 1886, pp. 160, 161. A few of these inscriptions 
 may be selected for purposes of illustration: (The numbers are those in 
 De Rossi's list in his publication in the Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1886, 1887 and 
 1892.) 
 
 EIPHNH, 94, 273, 349. ASCLEPIODOTus, 363. TTETPOC, i. IVL- 
 CALPVRNIA I AGRIPPINO AIVMNO | POS., 3. ACPIC, 13. CEL- 
 SUS, 16. CLAVdius, 29. FELICITAS (anchor), 40. CALPVRNIA 
 PRIMITIV//, 47. EVTHYCES, 48. K AC TaJP( anchor), 100. DOMI- 
 TIAE MARCIAE, 109. SABINAE BEATAE, 114. M- ZOYCTINOC, 
 117. (The M in front is of a smaller size, and if it may be understood 
 as an abbreviation for MARTYR instead of MARCVS, as there seems 
 to be some ground for supposing in inscriptions of the series, the guess 
 has been hazarded that this inscription may mark the tomb of Justin 
 Martyr, the celebrated philosopher and apologist.) 
 
 FLAVIA EVFROSyne, 123. SVSANNA, 156. 
 ARSINOE, 158. FLAVIA DONATA, i94eYeATTICT0C | EVELPIS- 
 TVS (anchor), 88. 
 
 P • TVLIVS MARON • QVI • VIXIT ArATTHTOC 
 
 ANN • II • M • II • D • XXVII ■ N • VID NOV GNeiPHNH (55) 
 • D • VIII ■ ID • MART (28) CAELESTINA 
 
 PAX (68) 
 
 ..CLAVDIO • EPICTECTO Qui 
 
 viXIT • ANNIS • IIII MESiBVs V.... "UeTPOC EZH 
 
 DIEBVS • III CANNIIA • SATVRNINA CeNGTH GIH 
 
 ALVMNO CArlSSIMO MCPAC' NA- (149) 
 
 CI • VII O (133) 
 
 AVG • LIB • PRAEPOSITVS • TABERNACVLOrum 
 
 Fecit sibi et chrysIDI SORORI BENEMERENTI QVAE VIXIT -ANnis. . 
 ^t..SORORI • QVAE • VIXIT • ANNIS • XVII • SERAPIoni av(?)0 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 
 
 53 
 
 In addition to the above epigraphic evidence it remains to point 
 out yet two facts concerning these primitive centers which are 
 extremely significant for early second century date, (i) the pres- 
 ence of mosaic decoration in the Acilian hypogeum, and (2) the 
 stucco imitation sarcophagi in the main gallery of the arenarium. 
 Remains of sarcophagi in marble (probably the oldest method 
 of burial employed in the Christian catacombs) have been found 
 in the debris of the galleries as well as in the niches constructed to 
 
 qui vixit annis..XXXV- CHRYSOMALLO- PATRI QVI VIXIT ■ ANnis 
 
 I FRATRI • QVI VIXIT • ANNIS • XXII • NICENI filiaE 
 
 quae vixit. . . .eX VOLVNTATE- EIVSDEM • CHRYSIDIS (213) Bull., 
 1880, PI. II, I. C. I. L., VI, 9054. Cf. on the title praeposittis taber- 
 naculorum Orelli-Henzen, 6101, 6361, 6362, C. I. L., 5339, 9053a. 
 
 ONHCIMOC 
 TITVS FLA TITUU <}>AABIUJ 
 
 VIVS FE > ONHCI^t^OPUJ- TeKNUI 
 
 LICISSIMVS TAYKYTATUUZH 
 
 POSITVS EST (214) GTH- C (282) 
 
 De Rossi discusses these two inscriptions, and connects them both with 
 the Flavian family. He says that Felicissimus was certainly a freedman 
 of Titus, or a foreigner given Roman citizenship by him. He also points 
 out the coincidence of the two f05rno?;n'Ha ONHCIMOC ONHC ll'OPOC, 
 both of which are mentioned in the epistles of St. Paul, Phil. 5: 10; Col. 
 4:9; II Tim. 1:16, 4:19. Cf. Immaglni scelte della b. Vergine, Rome, 
 1863, p. 18; Roma Sotterranea, I, p. i88ff ; Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1880, p. 19, 
 1886, p. 131, 1892, pp. 59, 60. On the palaeographical value of the H cf. 
 De Rossi: Bull, 1865, p. 38; Inscr. Christ., II, p. XVII. 
 KHIA<t>OIBH 
 TH4>IAANAPUU- KA 
 TTITUUN- OCYNBIOC 
 KAI- CAYTUU- (247) 
 CORVINIO • SECVNDIONI 
 VOLGIT MARITO 
 MERENTI (283) 
 
 This inscription was found in a room 
 opening onto the atrium in the Greek 
 Chapel section. 
 
 The gentile name Corvinius is rare in 
 epitaphs, pagan or Christian. It was used 
 by the Valerii Mesalla in the first century of the empire. 
 ATINIAE PAVLINAE Q ■ V • A • XXVII The gentile names, Cocceius 
 COC- VICTOR PET AT COC LVIDVS and Ulpius came into use 
 FR • ET FLOR • CANDIDA • ET VARIVS under Nerva and Trajan. 
 ROMANVS • FILI HEREDES POSV On the formula erogante 
 erVNT EROGANTe VLP • INGENVO curam corpori cf. C. /. L., 
 curam cORPORI EIVS (285) VI, 2613, 2648; VIII, 205; 
 
 Bull, di Arch. Crist., 1892, 
 p. 62. 
 
54 S^t- John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 contain them. Because of these niches the arrangement of the 
 early Acilian section of this catacomb is similar in many respects 
 to the Flavian hypogeum in the catacomb of Domitilla. And in 
 the main artery in the arenarium section, leading from the en- 
 trance stairs, remains of loculi have been discovered with stucco 
 covering designed to imitate the decorations on sarcophagi. (What 
 fragments of marble sarcophagi have been found are of classic 
 pagan type, free from things offensive to the Christian. They 
 date from the period when wealthy Christians purchased their 
 sarcophagi from pagan marble shops, before the time when Chris- 
 tian artisans designed distinctly Christian sarcophagi.) De Rossi 
 saw in this stucco imitation of sarcophagi the origin of the locu- 
 lus, or shelf-like tomb. The desire to have sarcophagi sepulchres 
 on the part of those who could not afford marble ones, combined 
 with the knowledge of the properties of granular tufa, was re- 
 sponsible for the idea of excavating a grave into the wall of the 
 gallery, then covering its side opening with brick or marble and 
 applying the stucco marble-imitation surface.^* The only other 
 place in the Roman catacombs where this is found is in the Fla- 
 vian section of the catacomb of Domitilla, recognized as one of the 
 earliest localities in Christian Rome. 
 
 From the evidence presented above derived from the sections 
 immediately adjoining the Greek Chapel the argument is obvious. 
 They show clear indications of having been used for burial pur- 
 poses by Christians in the early second century, in the first even. 
 They are in immediate proximity and relationship to the Greek 
 Chapel, and tend strongly to confirm the conclusion already at- 
 tained as to its date. 
 
 By careful consideration of the points as enumerated above it 
 
 "This gallery is marked "K" in De Rossi's plan in the Bull, for 1884-5. 
 Cf. on the stucco-covered loculi De Rossi in Bull., 1865, pp. 36-38; 
 1886, p. 136. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 55 
 
 will be observed (i) that they are consistent one with another, 
 and (2) that the cumulative force of their evidence is perfectly 
 adequate to establish a date for the Greek Chapel of a time in a 
 period extending from the late first century to the early decades 
 of the second. While some of the points taken separately may 
 not warrant such a conclusion, the cumulative effect of all of 
 them, fitting together in perfect consistency, is irresistible. The 
 reign of Hadrian (i 17-138) may at least be regarded as the ter- 
 minus ad quern. 
 
 The reason for discussing the date of the Greek Chapel at such 
 length is the fact that in it is found the painting of the Raising of 
 Lazarus, an absolutely Johannine theme. As said above, the only 
 themes selected for consideration in discussing the date of the 
 Gospel are those absolutely Johannine, those concerning which 
 there can be no question as to source. Wherefore, no attempt is 
 made to strengthen the argument by drawing conclusions from 
 the fact that the theme of the Restored Paralytic, an archaeologi- 
 cally Johannine theme, is also found in the chapel, and that there 
 is excellent reason for regarding the theme of the Breaking of 
 Bread as Johannine in source. The date of these paintings is the 
 same, but as they cannot be proven to be absolutely Johannine in 
 origin, no use need be made of them in considering the question. 
 
 It now remains to discuss briefly one or two other crypts which, 
 because of their date in the first half or middle of the second 
 century and because they contain themes absolutely Johannine, 
 bear somewhat upon the question of the date of St. John's Gospel. 
 The first is the chamber in the catacomb of Praetextatus on the 
 Via Appia, across the road from that of Callixtus, named by 
 modern workmen the "Passion Crypt", and so designated in 
 Wilpert's Corpus, though the title "Johannine Crypt" has been 
 suggested as more appropriate. The second and third are in the 
 catacomb of Callixtus, and are known as the Sacrament Chapels 
 A2 and A3. 
 
 The "Passion-crypt" contains the Johannine themes of the 
 Raising of Lazarus and the Conversation at the well in Samaria, 
 and possibly a third (PI. Illa).^^ The Sacrament Chapel A2 
 
 Mai., PI. 18, 19 i/2lIPraet. 
 
56 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 contains the Raising of Lazarus (PL VIIIc),®'' and the Chapel 
 A3 the Conversation at the well in Samaria and probably con- 
 tained also the Raising of Lazarus (PL IVa).^^ The dates 
 ordinarily assigned to these are, first half of the second century 
 to the "Passion" or "Johannine Crypt", and second half of the 
 second century to the Sacrament Chapels, that is, sometime be- 
 fore the year 180. In the case of the Greek Chapel the evidence 
 was presented in detail. This was necessary because of the great 
 importance of the chapel if found to be of early second century 
 date. The paintings of the chambers in the catacombs of Prae- 
 textatus and Callixtus are admittedly of later date, hence do 
 not possess the same acute value in the discussion of the ques- 
 tion of the date and influence of the Fourth Gospel. Their value 
 is corroborative, and tends to confirm conclusions already at- 
 tained. Hence there is not the same reason for analyzing 
 the evidence in support of the dates generally accepted. It 
 is hoped that it has been shown in the instance of the Greek Chapel 
 that the method is scientific. In the investigation of the date 
 of any catacomb painting certain well-established tests are suc- 
 cessively applied, just as the reagents in a chemical analysis, and 
 the date is obtained through their means with a very reasonable 
 degree of certainty. These tests of evidence may be outlined 
 about as follows : 
 
 I. Archaeological (purely). 
 
 (i) Technique of execution — having to do with the composi- 
 tion of the stucco, the pigments, mode of application, color, per- 
 spective, laws of symmetry, arrangement and grouping, etc. 
 
 (2) Detail of figures and objects painted. 
 
 a. Detail of figures — clothes, shoes, hair-dressing,^^ ex- 
 pression, movement and action, etc. 
 
 b. Objects painted. 
 
 c. Architectural, classic and non-symbolic details. 
 
 '"Id., PI. 39-1 2/2IIC. 
 
 "Id., PL 29-2 2/2IIC. 
 
 " An example of use of styles of hair-dressing to date a picture may- 
 be seen in a painting in the catacomb of Callixtus, in which a deceased lady, 
 Dionysas, has her hair waved, or "undulated" as we would call it to-day. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 57 
 
 (3) Known date of the locality of the section of the cata- 
 comb under consideration. (Upper stories are earlier, and sec- 
 tions nearer the entrances, with certain restrictions, such as the 
 well-known fact of the destruction of early tombs by fourth 
 and fifth century Christians who wished to be buried as near as 
 possible to the grave of a martyr or saint.) In such a case 
 the locality, however, is ipso facto testified to as being early, and 
 by application of the laws of evidence its elements may, in many 
 cases, be classified and dated. 
 
 (4) Archaeology of the architecture. Here are considered 
 the form of the galleries, loculi, cubiciila and crypts, dimensions, 
 details, such as columns, bases and capitals (whether of marble or 
 cut out of the tufa), vaulting, arches, slabs and tiles to close 
 loculi, etc. 
 
 (5) Objects found in the tombs decorated by the paintings 
 under consideration: lamps, glass, jewelry, toilet articles, ivories, 
 small objects. 
 
 (6) Sarcophagi. 
 
 II. Epigraphical. 
 
 (i) Inscriptions dated absolutely in their own content (chiefly 
 by means of consuls) belonging directly to the spot. 
 
 (2) Inscriptions dated absolutely or approximately by means 
 of Epigraphy (such as by examination of their palaeography, 
 the formulas used, etc.) which belong to the spot. 
 
 (3) Inscriptions dated in either of the above ways, belonging 
 indirectly to the spot. 
 
 III. Inductive grouping and arrangement of subjects and de- 
 tail of same, resulting in classification of development in 
 the several periods. 
 
 In the Greek Chapel it was shown how these tests are applied. 
 The reader is asked to believe that the same method has been 
 
 It is known that Empress Julia Domna, wife of Septimius Severus, intro- 
 duced the style into Rome. The picture then may be dated at the end of 
 the third century from this circumstance alone. Wilpert : Pitture, p. 99, 
 PI. Hi. Cf. also on this subject Mrs. Strong, Roman Sculpture, chapter on 
 Portraiture. 
 
58 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 made use of in determining the second century dates of the 
 paintings in the Johannine crypt and in the Sacrament Chapels.*® 
 It may be observed in passing that in the dating of the Johannine 
 crypt a satisfactory bit of evidence is the presence, not far 
 away, of a piece of architectural decoration of very great merit, 
 and of the indicated period, bearing strong resemblance to "that 
 which we admire in the mausoleum erected by Herodes Atticus 
 in honor of his first wife, Annia Regilla". The estate of Herodes 
 Atticus has been recognized from numerous monuments above 
 ground in the neighborhood of the catacomb. The tomb of 
 his wife is commonly known as the temple of the Dens Rediculus. 
 The resemblance in architectural style between the fagade in the 
 catacomb of Praetextatus and the tomb of Annia Regilla is 
 striking and significant.^" In the case of the Sacrament Chapels, 
 the criteria established from numerous other paintings, of stucco 
 of two layers and of good quality, excellent colors and a degree 
 of ability in execution, tunics of short sleeves, absence of 
 ornamentation in dress, etc., were adequate to determine the 
 date. The same result was attained by independent geological 
 and topographical study. 
 
 It appears, then, that in the second half of the second cen- 
 tury, before the year 180, the themes of the Raising of Lazarus 
 and of the Conversation of Christ with the Woman of Samaria 
 at Jacob's Well are found one time each, that in the first half 
 of the second century the same themes are found one time 
 each, and that in the early years of the second or late years of 
 the first is found the theme of the Raising of Lazarus. It is 
 recalled that both these themes are absolutely Johannine, the 
 incidents being narrated in St. John's Gcspel, and nowhere 
 else. The statement may also be made that the theme of the 
 
 ^ Wilpert : Pitture, p. 122. 
 
 ** De Rossi : Bull, di Arch Crist., 1863, pp. 20, 21. Lanciani : Pagan and 
 Christian Rome, p. 291. 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 59 
 
 Raising of Lazarus is one of the most popular in all the 
 Roman catacombs. Two more, possibly three paintings of the 
 theme date from the second century, seven were executed in the 
 third, and forty-one in the fourth, confining our enumeration 
 to painting alone, making fifty-four in all. 
 
 It is now permissable from the above to make some deductions : 
 
 (i) Inasmuch as paintings of themes from St. John's Gospel 
 
 are found in the second century, several of which date from 
 
 the middle of the century, the document from which they derived 
 
 their source must have been written before that date. 
 
 (2) One of these paintings belongs in the early years of 
 the second century, whence we conclude that its written source 
 must have been composed before that date. 
 
 (3) Wherefore, even if the painting was executed as late as 
 the year 130, it presupposes the circulation of the Johannine 
 Gospel in the community for a certain period of time before ; and 
 if the painting is dated twenty or thirty years earlier, as there 
 is plenty of reason for doing, it is necessary to suppose that 
 the Gospel was circulated in Rome a certain number of years 
 before that. (It is not to be denied that the prominent incident 
 of the Raising of Lazarus could have been transmitted through 
 the Church by word of mouth, or by document other than St. 
 John's Gospel, and that by such means the Roman Church, from 
 the days of its earliest converts, might have been familiar with 
 the story. All that need be said is that there is no evidence 
 whatever for such a supposition. From the immense number 
 of wonderful works that Christ performed, and saving words 
 that He uttered, the Evangelists selected what they regarded as 
 essential for their purpose. It was through their writings that 
 the widely scattered Church was permanently informed. The 
 three synoptic Evangelists are silent as to the Raising of Lazarus, 
 but John evidently thought that the incident should be imparted 
 to the Church universal.^^ There is no evidence that the Church 
 
 "^ The modern theory that the incident is an allegory, commendably 
 introduced in the Gospel to teach moral truth, does not deserve consid- 
 eration. It is entirely subjective, its advocates present no evidence 
 wrhatever on which to base the assertion, it follows no argument, and while 
 set forth as if it were a plain statement of fact, it is merely a conjecture. 
 
6o St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 outside of Jerusalem and the Jewish branch was familiar with 
 the miracle until the Apostle John included it in his Gospel 
 in the final years of the first century. Then, after a short inter- 
 val, we see it recognized in the Art of the Church of Rome. 
 What oral transmission may have done we do not know. There 
 is absolutely no evidence. In the absence of evidence it is en- 
 tirely proper to regard St. John's Gospel as the exclusive source 
 for the theme in Art, as well as of all others found only in 
 the Johannine Gospel. And further, the point is here to be em- 
 phasized as much as possible that the catacomb paintings regu- 
 larly follozv the Gospels, even to the exclusion of the Apocryphal 
 Gospels. It is not likely that artists who scouted the Apocryphal 
 stories would have accepted any other story which had not 
 the authority of accepted canonical literature.) 
 
 (4) Such is the case in Rome, yet the Gospel is credited 
 as coming from Ephesus. It is reasonable to suppose that it 
 took some years for the Gospel to become generally received 
 in Rome after the date of its publication in Ephesus. Rome 
 was indeed a cosmopolitan city, but from what we know of 
 methods of publishing in that day such an inference is certainly 
 permissable, and even obvious. The Roman Church of the 
 second century, instead of being a miserable society of slaves, 
 was composed, as we have seen, of men of three names, con- 
 nected with good Roman families, as well as of the more humble 
 orders of society. Such men would at once appreciate the 
 Gospel when it was brought to them, and they naturally received 
 it first; but it would take time to so introduce it to the general 
 community from the limited manuscript copies that the people 
 would become familiar with its several parts, so familiar that 
 they would select themes from it to express their Christian 
 beliefs and ideas about death and the future life. 
 
 (5) It is necessary, then, to presuppose a period of years 
 from the date of the execution of the earliest fresco containing 
 a Johannine theme to the date when the source for this fresco 
 was composed. This period is more or less elastic of course. 
 The painting and the theme may be contemporaneous ; or the 
 theme may antedate the painting by as much as thirty years. But 
 
Archaeology on the Date of the Gospel 6l 
 
 if the fresco dates from the early second century, as we have 
 endeavored to show, the conclusion follows that the Gospel must 
 have been composed during or before the latter years of the first 
 century. (This is a date that permits the supposition that it 
 was written by the Apostle himself.) 
 
 It remains only to forestall the possible objection that the 
 frescoes are responsible for the inclusion of the themes in the 
 Gosepl, that they are the product of an imagination that appealed 
 to the popular mind, and that as a result the incidents were 
 committed to narrative form and inserted in the Gospel by some 
 genius who took advantage of the opportunity ; in other words, 
 that the Gospel was not the source for the frescoes, but that 
 the frescoes represent the movement that was the source for the 
 Gospel narratives. It is, in addition to what was said above, 
 sufficient to remark that there is absolutely no evidence on which 
 to base such a supposition. It makes too many demands upon 
 our credulity. It is gratuitously mechanical, and may be urged 
 with equal plausibility in the case of any picture that illustrates 
 the printed page when the facts concerning the origin of both are 
 unknown. The natural order is reversed upon no grounds 
 of any kind. It is admitted that the earliest painting and its 
 written source appeared at about the same time, but there is 
 no reason to deny a period of some years between in natural se- 
 quence. The only reasonable way to account for the Lazarus 
 picture in the Greek Chapel is to say that it was caused to 
 be painted by some one who was having a series of paintings 
 executed from various parts of the sacred conon. This means 
 that it was recognized at the time it was painted as being se- 
 lected from the Scriptures, from writings already existing; and 
 further, the theme of the Raising of Lazarus was selected from 
 the writings of a canonical writer, of a man who was at that 
 time recognised as having the right to write Scripture. The 
 theme is found in the Gospel of St. John. It follows, then, that 
 at the time when the painting was executed, the early second 
 century, the Gospel was accepted in Rome as having been 
 written by one who had the authority to write it, even the 
 Apostle himself. 
 
62 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Such is an illustration of the practical value of archaeological 
 investigation in the field of historical criticism. It is next in 
 order to discuss the influence that the Gospel exerted in the 
 thought of the second century Church as revealed by Archaeology. 
 
II. THE EARLY INFLUENCE OF THE GOSPEL. 
 
 From what has been said on the question of the date of St. 
 John's Gospel it follows that it exerted considerable influence on 
 the thought of the Church in Rome at a very early period. This 
 is evident simply from an enumeration of the themes painted 
 during the second century that are absolutely Johannine. The 
 same is confirmed in the third century in which two additional 
 paintings of the scene at the Well in Samaria are noted, and seven 
 of the Raising of Lazarus, with two more in the second century, 
 and also two paintings of the miracle of Converting Water into 
 Wine at the Marriage Feast in Cana of Galilee. 
 
 To these are to be added also the series of paintings of 
 themes regarded as Johannine in source for (i) archaeological, 
 and (2) characteristic reasons. Among the former are to be 
 enumerated the Healing of the Paralytic, of which there are two 
 paintings in the second century and six in the third, the theme 
 "Behold the Lamb of God" painted once in the second century, 
 the theme of the Multiplication of Loaves, and kindred themes, 
 painted at least once in the second century and nine times in the 
 third. Among the latter are the Good Shepherd, painted at least 
 three times in the first century, eleven times in the second, and 
 thirty times in the third (with corresponding ratio in the fourth) ; 
 the theme of the Incarnation, presented under various forms but 
 chiefly through the Madonna cycle of which there are two paint- 
 ings of the second century and four of the third; Orpheus, who 
 is treated once in the second century and twice in the third ; the 
 fourth century theme of the Rain of Manna; and the Vine 
 design, found in the first century as well as later. 
 
 The archaeological reasons for regarding the former themes 
 Johannine will be given in the discussion of the separate themes. 
 The reasons for the "characteristic" themes will be evident 
 directly, when the peculiar characteristic of St. John's Gospel 
 and its value for symbolic purposes is discussed. It will, of 
 course, be evident that the absolutely and the archaeologically 
 
64 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Johannine themes are at the same time characteristic. That is, 
 they ilhistrate the pecuHar adaptability of the Gospel to symbolism, 
 and symbolism is the distinctive feature of all catacomb paintings 
 of the first three centuries, and of the great mass of those of 
 the fourth.^- It will be seen from the discussion of this 
 characteristic of the Gospel that St. John's Gospel best met the 
 symbolic desire of the Church, and that the first and second classes 
 of themes were obviously selected from this Gospel for portrayal 
 in catacomb frescoes because they exactly met this symbolic desire. 
 It will be apparent at the same time why themes, the written 
 sources of which may be found in various documents, are re- 
 garded as Johannine, and included in a third class, the "character- 
 istically" Johannine themes. They may indeed be found in various 
 parts of Scripture, but the reason for their being painted in the 
 catacombs is because they fulfilled the characteristic of the Fourth 
 Gospel. The details of paintings of the Madonna cycle are 
 found in the Gospels of SS. Matthew and Luke, but the reason 
 for the cycle's being portrayed in the catacombs is found best in 
 that of the Apostle John. He it was who treated of the meaning 
 and significance of the Incarnation. 
 
 To understand all this, and to a.ppreciate the remarkable 
 influence the Gospel exerted in the second century Church, it is 
 necessary to have a clear knowledge of the purpose and concep- 
 tion in Catacomb Painting, and to possess a correct estimate of 
 the essential characteristic of the Johannine Gospel, and its sym- 
 bolic nature : 
 
 " In the discussion of the Greek Chapel attention was drawn to the 
 manifest conflict between realism and symbolism. That conflict was in 
 regard to form only; it had nothing to do with idea. The question was 
 simply whether such and such a theme should be painted realistically or 
 symbolically. It was always conceded that the theme itself was symbolic. 
 The theme portrayed was intended to symbolize some spiritual truth. 
 Symbolism of the idea prevailed also over form of expression, which 
 also became symbolic as we saw in the Greek Chapel. 
 
Y^-\: 
 
 t 
 
 
 
 
 
 Plate VIT. FRf)M Wilpert's IMalereiex. 
 
The Early Influence of the Gospel 65 
 
 The Purpose and Nature of Catacomb Painting. 
 
 The catacombs of Rome were excavated solely for the purpose 
 of sepulchre.^^ They were tombs and nothing else for fully three 
 hundred years. Towards the close of the constructive period 
 they were used also for purposes of cult. Damasus (366-384) 
 was one of the foremost in illustrating their value for cult, as 
 the remains of his adornments of the tombs of the Roman bishops 
 and numerous fragments of his laudatory inscriptions extensively 
 show. Yet the cult of the spot arose because in the decades pre- 
 vious the sacred treasures necessary for the cult, i. e., the remains 
 of the martyrs and saints, had been deposited in the catacombs, 
 thus furnishing the materia beside which it was efficacious for 
 a sinful man to be buried, and from which spiritual and physical 
 benefits might be received by the living.^* Indeed, after the year 
 410 the catacombs were entered for no other purpose."' and in the 
 mediaeval period and since their discovery in 1578 have wit- 
 nessed strange scenes in the practice of the cult. 
 
 *^ It is not intended to deny that they were used on occasion as tempo- 
 rary places of refuge in times of persecution. There is good reason 
 to believe that they were so use. Cf. De Rossi: Roma Sottcrranea, II, p. 
 258ff, where it is shown that stairways were destroyed by the Christians 
 during the later persecutions evidently to cut ofif access to the Cecelia 
 section of the catacomb of Callixtus, and that in the arenarium of the same 
 difficult and obscure passages of ingress were provided. At the most, 
 the catacombs could not be employed in this way for more than a few 
 days at a time, in case of dire need. (Wilpert : Pitture, p. 128. "II luogo 
 stesso con la sua atmosfera insalubre e metifica, la vicinanza e le esalazioni 
 dei cadaveri che non potevano evitarsi neppure con tutte le precauzioni, 
 dovevano spingere alia freta.") When the Liber Pontificalis narrates the 
 flight of Bishop Liberius, fleeing from the persecution of the Arian Emperor 
 Constantius, and says that he took refuge in the catacombs of St. Agnes, 
 it undoubtedly refers to one of the buildings above ground, such as a 
 custodian's dwelling which, being in a sacred or consecrated area, would 
 be a sanctuary and a sufficient place of refuge. Lib. Pont., Vit. Liberius, 
 ad loc. 
 
 **The first stage in the development of the cult of the martyrs was 
 the strong impression made upon survivors by their heroic deaths. I. e., 
 certainly those who suffered such things for Christ must probably be very 
 highly regarded by God. Hence the advisability of soliciting their good 
 word in favors asked in prayer. 
 
 "" De Rossi : Inscr. Christ., p. 25off. 
 
66 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 The purpose of their excavation, however, v^as entirely sepul- 
 chral, and that they might be places of burial was the only reason 
 for their existence. Wherefore all things connected with and be- 
 longing to them are sepulchral in nature, and this is the prevail- 
 ing characteristic of Catacomb Art.^*^ 
 
 This fact is nowadays generally recognized, and is emphatic- 
 ally worked out by Wilpert. Indeed, it is the prominent thread 
 running through all of his extensive writings on the catacomb 
 paintings and their symbolism. He has treated them in this 
 way to such an extent that it may be seriously questioned whether 
 he has not carried the matter to an extreme. It is to be feared 
 that he is guilty of a few anachronisms in reading into paintings 
 of the first two centuries interpretations that may correspond 
 with the fourth. ^^ It is also difficult to understand why he 
 insists upon rejecting the possibility of a plurality of interpreta- 
 tions of the same theme. That is to say, a theme may have had 
 only one significance in the mind of him who caused it to be 
 painted, and no more, and this meaning was the same for all 
 periods of Catacomb Painting. Further, this meaning must be 
 the one that he interprets, so that instead of being allowed to 
 think that the early Christians were possessed of a wealth of 
 thought and reflection when they gazed upon the frescoed walls 
 and ceilings, we are compelled to limit our conception to the point 
 of supposing that they read only one meaning from each picture. 
 Without countenancing the extravagant fancies of the numer- 
 ous interpreters of the catacomb themes, one may yet regret 
 the narrowness of the view that sees only that the story of Jonah 
 symbolized the deliverance of the soul of the deceased from the 
 pains of purgatory, and does not allow even as included in the 
 symbolism the divine aid extended to the Christian in peril of sin 
 or death, or even physical danger, not to mention the connection 
 between the story of Jonah and the doctrine of the resurrection,^^ 
 
 ^ The word "Art" is used here in a very broad sense. Cf. Wilpert : 
 Pitture, p. 127. 
 
 "' For instance, one obtains the impression by reading Le Pitture that 
 the custom of entreating the prayers of the deceased, as well as of praying 
 for the deceased, was as common in the days of Justin Martyr as in 
 those of Damasus. 
 
 *'Mt. 12:38-41. Lk. 11:29-30. 
 
The Early Influence of the Gospel 67 
 
 which last at least may be regarded as eschatalogical, and therefore 
 fitting for places of sepulchre. 
 
 This feature of Wilpert's system of interpretation is best seen 
 in the mechanical effect produced by his treatment of the Euchar- 
 istic cycle. Having observed that an orant is frequently painted 
 in relation with an eucharistic scene, he concludes that the orant 
 symbolizes the effect produced by participating in the sacrament, 
 i. e., the soul of the deceased attains heavenly felicity. "L'orante 
 nel centro della volta allude aU'efifeto della communione."'*'' Not- 
 withtstanding scattered references through the Fathers it is very 
 doubtful if the Church of the third century held such a magical 
 idea of the Eucharist, as that it as a cause must produce a conse- 
 quent effect, just as any drug or material substance. In the in- 
 stance referred to, the lunette of an arcosolium contains a paint- 
 ing of the miracle of changing the water into wine at Cana 
 of Galilee, and in the vault are painted, on one side a scene of 
 baptism, and opposite the incident of Moses striking water from 
 the rock, which from its very position Wilpert regards as a 
 symbol of baptism, and in the center of the vault, between these 
 two scenes is the orant. Here then we see the happy result of 
 duly observing the sacraments. 
 
 Although the example cited is only one of a relatively large 
 number in whose collective presentation there is considerable 
 force, yet there are several considerations which forbid such a 
 mechanical, mathematical system of interpretation. And one of 
 these is the physical law of symmetry which was so rarely violated 
 in Catacomb Painting, and which was so admirably maintained 
 in this painting. Moses striking the rock is in exact bal- 
 ance with the scene of the baptism, in which the person on 
 whom the sacrament is performed is relatively so small that 
 he attracts no attention, and is able to counterbalance nicely 
 Moses' rock. (Incidentally it may be questioned why it should 
 have been considered necessary to picture the same subject twice 
 in the same tomb, holding as Wilpert does that the theme of 
 Moses and the Rock in the third century always symbolizes 
 baptism. It is not a sufficient reason to say that the one scene 
 literally pictures what the other symbolizes.) The orant above 
 
 ^ PI. Vllb. Wilpert : Piiture, p. 278. ^IIIP&M. 
 
68 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 exactly divides the vault. In this case the figure accomodat- 
 ingly completes a sacramental cycle, but when it is considered 
 that the orant is the most frequent subject in all catacomb fres- 
 coes, the scope of which is not very large, and that this position 
 in the middle of the arch is very appropriate for it and that it 
 is commonly found there, one may not be certain but that its use 
 here was determined not so much for the symbolic reason as 
 stated by Wilpert, as by consideration for its popularity. In 
 other words, the owner wanted an orant painted in his arcosolium 
 just as so many of his neighbors had them in theirs. The orant 
 undoubtedly did mean to him the expression of his or a soul 
 in prayer, but here it may be remarked that the evidence in 
 first, second or third century paintings to prove absolutely that this 
 act of prayer took place after the departure of the soul from its 
 physical environment is very meagre. 
 
 Wilpert, following Le Blant,^°° is very strongly held by the 
 fascination of cutting out his interpretation of much of the early 
 symbolism according to the measure furnished by the liturgies 
 of the pseudocyprianic prayers. ^°^ This is a restrictive method 
 which we feel is a little too narrow to correspond with the general 
 state of the Church in the period which we are considering. Just 
 as to-day the same text of Scripture, or passage of profane writ- 
 ing, permits a great many true things to be remarked about it, 
 non-contradictory but rather inter-confirmatory, so to the ancient 
 Christian pursuing his way through the galleries or straying into 
 the cubicula, these paintings would be significant according to 
 the wealth of his knowledge of the Sacred Writings. 
 
 And we may insist upon this more liberal attitude in interpre- 
 tation without in the least conflicting with the principle of sim- 
 plicity in execution, so admirably emphasized by Wilpert in his 
 section on the origins of representations specifically Christian. ^°- 
 He declares most clearly, "I'azione, o meglio, il momento piu 
 essenziale dell'azione, fu tolto dal racconto biblico, e le figure 
 principali che in essa compariscono furono collocate in attegg- 
 
 ""LeBlant: Sarcophages d' Aries, Intro, sec. 5, p. XXIff., XXXIII. 
 "'Wilpert: Pitture, p. I36f{. 
 ^"Pitture, Chap. II, sec. Ill, p. 36ff. 
 
The Early Influence of the Gospel 69 
 
 ianienti corrispondenti a queH'istante"^*^^ He is most correct in 
 saying that the idea of the artist was not to make a pictorial com- 
 mentary on Scripture. Thus, in the case of representation of 
 the miracle of Moses striking the rock in the wilderness and water 
 flowing forth to quench the thirst of the murmuring Children of 
 Israel, all that is attempted is the plain figure of Moses (in 
 pallium, the philosopher's garb) with arm outstretched and rod in 
 hand, and the rock in most sketchy outline, with a few dabs of 
 color to indicate water. No realism of nature is attempted. 
 No landscape carries the eye back into the picture. There is abso- 
 lutely no hint of atmosphere or of cloud until the paintings of the 
 fourth century, and then only in rare instances. ^°* Moses and the 
 rock alone indicate the theme of the painting, and they indicate it 
 sufficiently well. It is perfectly apparent that symbolism alone 
 is intended. It would, indeed, have been rather useless to attempt 
 artistic expression in underground crypts, which would be visited 
 but rarely and then only with the delicate light of terra cotta 
 lamps. The pictures by their simplicity make it clear that symbol- 
 ism alone was intended, but simplicity or rather unanimity in inter- 
 pretation of the symbolism does not necessarily follow. A painting 
 may have been significant in one way to the man who caused it to 
 be executed, and in other ways to those who came after him. Thus 
 the scene of Moses striking the rock may have symbolized baptism 
 
 '"'Ibid., p. 37- 
 
 ^°*This fact must bear strongly against the brilliant attempt of Messrs. 
 Richter and Taylor (The Golden Age of Classic Christian Art, London, 
 1905.) to remove the mosaics of the nave and triumphal arch of 5. Maria 
 Maggiore in Rome from the fourth century to the second. In their 
 beautiful reproductions of the best preserved mosaics, such as scenes 
 from the life of Abraham in v^^hich he greets and entertains the three 
 heavenly visitors and in which he receives Melchezidek, the richness of 
 the cloud effect is a prominent feature. In the latter, Christ Himself is 
 seen in the clouds with hand outstretched towards the basket of loaves 
 which Abraham presents to his royal and priestly visitor. This goes 
 much farther than even the fourth century paintings in the catacombs, 
 where the hand of God is seen on high in one fresco of the Three 
 Hebrew Children in the fiery furnace at Babylon, Mai., PI. 172 2/2lVMaius; 
 and in four of the Sacrifice of Abraham, PI. 139 1/2IVD; PI. 96 VD ; PI. 
 201 VD; PI. 222 2/2lVMaius. Cf. Pitture, text p. 32. 
 
70 5"^. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 to the early Church in general, ^*'^ as Wilpert beheves, but that did 
 not prevent Justin Martyr from seeing it, in connection of the fur- 
 nishing of the quails and the cloud, a symbol of heaven. ^°*^ We 
 must ask for a little more flexibility in interpretation than Wilpert 
 seems to be disposed to allow. And we must ask for this without 
 in the least discounting the eminently valuable remarks made in his 
 chapter on the "principles rfor the interpretation of the sacred paint- 
 ings in the catacombs. "^°^ Particularly do we agree in the principle 
 he lays down of interrogating first of all the pictures themselves 
 and in connection with the font from which they derive their con- 
 tent, i. e., the Scriptures.^°^ 
 
 It is in the application of this principle that we observe the 
 prominent influence of St. John's Gospel in the very origin of the 
 entire cycle of catacomb paintings, and extended throughout its 
 development. 
 
 The Characteristic of St. John's Gospel, and its Value for 
 Symbolism. 
 
 It is an easy matter now to point out the peculiar fitness of the 
 Johannine Gospel as a source for themes appropriate for the 
 decoration of tombs. As has been so frequently noted, the dis- 
 covery that the Fourth Gospel differs greatly from the Synoptics 
 is by no means modern. Clement of Alexandria (150-220?) in 
 his Hypotyposcs, speaking of the order of the Gospels, imparting 
 information which he says he obtained from the "early presby- 
 ters", declares, "Last of all John, perceiving that the bodily facts 
 had been set forth in the Gospel (i. e., the Synoptics), at the in- 
 stance of his disciples and with the inspiration of the Holy Spirit 
 composed a spiritual Gospel. "^"^ Eusebius, probably influenced by 
 
 '"' Tertullian : De Baptismo (c. 9). 
 "'Justin Martyr: Trypho, CXXXI. 
 "' Pitture, Chap. IX, p. i3off. 
 "'/&/rf., p. 133. 
 "* In Eusebius. H. E., VI, 14, 7. 
 
The Early Influence of the Gospel 71 
 
 Clement, says that John had no reason to begin with an account 
 of the genealogy of Our Lord's human descent, since this 
 had already been written by Matthew and Luke, but began with 
 His divinity, as though this had been reserved for him by the Holy 
 Spirit as one greater than they.^^° We thus have the character- 
 istic of the Fourth Gospel. It was a spiritual Gospel, and set 
 forth the divinity and mission of Christ with all that this implies. 
 The Evangelist plainly declares his purpose in writing the Gospel 
 when he says, "But these things are written, that ye may believe 
 that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God ; and that believing ye 
 may have life in his name."^" The purpose is then seen to be a 
 double one, to show (i) that Jesus is the Son of God, and (2) 
 to afford to his readers eternal life through their belief in this 
 divine Christ. He presents the grandeur of the person of Christ, 
 and "suggests inward experiences". 
 
 In composition the Gospel is exceedingly artistic. It has the 
 dignity of a Greek tragedy, and also its movement. Vivid and 
 concrete touches mark its artistic characteristic. All of the inci- 
 dents narrated, selected from an innumerable list for the pur- 
 poses as above set forth, are real with the most vivid action. 
 They serve as texts or even as symbols for the discourses that 
 accompany them, and herein is seen the unique value of the 
 Gospel for symbolic purposes. It furnished not only the thought 
 or rather the spiritual truth that was the theme to be symbolized, 
 but it also provided in direct connection with it a concrete picture 
 in which it plainly said that the truth was symbolized. It 
 provided both the thought and the concrete expression of the 
 thought."- 
 
 "" Ibid., Ill, 24. 
 
 ^"Jn. 20:31. 
 
 "' It is worthy of note that the parables of Christ in which the 
 Synoptic Gospels abound are decidedly neglected in Catacomb Art. 
 Aside from those of the Vine and the Good Shepherd, which are of 
 a separate class and probably have their source in the Fourth Gospel, 
 the only parable treated is that of the Wise and Foolish Virgins which 
 is depicted only in the fourth century twice, or probably three times. 
 The reason for this is evident. Although rich in thought they do not 
 lend themselves readily to symbolic, pictorial treatment as do the spec- 
 tacular miracles and the concrete actions and discourses of the Fourth 
 
^2 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 This symbolic characteristic of the Gospel — the employment of 
 concrete expressions to convey spiritual truth — may be seen most 
 clearly when we enumerate a few of the more striking instances : 
 Christ is declared to be the Word. "In him was life, and the life 
 was the Hght of men." "And the Word was made flesh and 
 dwelt among us." "I am Ihe light of the world." "Behold the 
 Lamb of God, that taketh away the sin of the world." Christ 
 provides a well of living water, springing up into everlasting 
 life. John the Baptist was a lamp. "I am the bread of life : he 
 that Cometh to me shall never hunger, and he that believeth on 
 me shall never thirst." "He that eateth my flesh and drinketh 
 my blood hath eternal life; and I will raise him up at the last 
 day. For my flesh is true meat, and my blood is true drink." 
 "The words that I have spoken unto you are spirit, and are life." 
 "Ye must be born again." "If any man thirst, let him come unto 
 me and drink." "If a man keep my word he shall never see 
 death." "I am the good shepherd." "I am the door of the 
 sheep." "I and the Father are one." "I am the resurrection and 
 the life." "I am the true vine." "Thou sayest that I am a 
 king." "Everyone that is of the truth heareth my voice." "Feed 
 my sheep." 
 
 The miracles recorded are used as texts. They were performed 
 
 Gospel. Their action is spread over several scenes, and cannot be en- 
 compassed vv^ithin a single, suggestive picture. In the case of the story 
 of the Prodigal Son the artist virould naturally deliberate between the 
 scene of the disgust of the awakened young man, meditating on his 
 spendthrift life with his resolve to return and seek forgiveness, and the 
 scene of his reception to his father's house. The parable of the Sowing 
 of the Seed would be obviously difficult of execution. In the case of 
 the story of the Wedding Feast the artist might hesitate between 
 depicting one of the scenes of urgent invitation and the incident of 
 the casting forth of the guest unprovided with the wedding garment, etc. 
 Further, the parables were not appropriate in the cycle of Catacomb 
 Art. They did not illustrate the life of a man after he had become a 
 Christian. The parables were addressed to men who were not Christians, 
 and warned them of the peril of neglecting salvation, but were not 
 full of the comfort that consoled the Christian as he meditated on the 
 Johannine and kindred themes in Catacomb Art that spoke of release 
 from pain and labor and sin, of communion with Christ, of the resur- 
 rection, and of eternal life. 
 
The Early Influence of the Uospel 73 
 
 for a purpose, and set forth spiritual truth, which is directly 
 expounded. Hence their value for symbolism is apparent, and this 
 in itself furnishes a strong a priori argument for regarding the 
 Gospel as the source for miracle scenes portrayed in the frescoes 
 that John narrates in common with the other Evangelists, but 
 which on strictly archaeological grounds cannot be assigned to 
 the Fourth Gospel. 
 
 Historical fact was very important to St. John. He declared 
 that what he narrated was true, but in these facts he saw a 
 hidden meaning. To him they were rich in symbolic concept and 
 here we may again see the reason why the second century Church 
 delighted to select striking, vivid themes from this "spiritual 
 Gospel", as forms in which were symbolized the beliefs which 
 gave comfort in this life and hope for the life which is to come. 
 
 The other Gospels were biographies of a kind. In contracted 
 form they set forth the chief events of the life of Christ, and be- 
 cause of their abbreviated and similar form they have been known 
 as "synopses". John accepted them, bore witness to their 
 truth, as Eusebius declares, and added to their narrative, "what 
 was done by Christ at first and at the beginning of his preach- 
 ing."^^^ This much he added to their narrative, to their biography, 
 but he made his Gospel different from theirs. He made it spirit- 
 ual, not in the sense that the first three Gospels are not spiritual, 
 but that John gave to his writing a quality that is lacking in the 
 others, that is entirely distinctive. It is partly a matter of degree, 
 and degree to such an extent that the last Gospel is by pre- 
 eminence known as the spiritual Gospel. 
 
 This fact would, in itself, particularly commend it for all 
 things that have to do with the future life, which is entirely 
 spiritual and nothing else. This fact also makes it most emphat- 
 ically Christian, and early Christian, since there is no feature 
 of early Christianity more marked than life in immediate relation 
 to the Spirit. In the apostolic age men were baptized, not only 
 with water, but also with Holy Spirit, which was a real ex- 
 perience resulting in a state of life.^^* The consistent teaching of 
 
 "'Eusebius : H. E., Ill, 24. 
 
 "*The reminiscence of this is seen in the later ideas that arose as 
 to the medicinal value of baptism — a remedy for the sins of one's soul 
 
74 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 the New Testament is to the effect that the Christian Hfe is a 
 unity. From the time of baptism, from then extending through- 
 out all eternity, the Christian by reason of God's grace and his 
 acceptance of Christ's mercy by the Holy Spirit, continues in an 
 existence, divided indeed by death in a real way, but yet as 
 far as its spiritual reality is concerned, the same. As then this 
 spiritual life is continuous, in which death is apparently an epi- 
 sode serving to release the soul from imperfections and the en- 
 vironment of sin and to introduce it into the perfect Kingdom of 
 God, there can be no reason a priori for giving too much emphasis 
 to the idea of physical death in the origin period of the catacomb 
 paintings, although to be sure death was as prominent a fact then 
 as it is now. But it might be better to think of them rather as 
 having to do with Christian life, meaning by this the whole con- 
 tinuity of the Christian life. As has been emphasized, the cata- 
 combs were places of burial. They were sepulchres, and there- 
 fore in examining the paintings that adorn them we must recog- 
 nize this feature. But in their early period at least it will be 
 well to modify this element to the place that it really held 
 in the mind of the Church in its concept of the whole of life. 
 The paintings then were sepulchral, but sepulchral in the sense 
 that they had to do with life. This life was spiritual in the 
 uniquely Christian sense. It is easy to see, then, from what has 
 been said of the characteristic of St. John's Gospel, how it would 
 lend itself to the mind of him who wished to express in the decora- 
 tion of his dear one's tomb the fact that the Saviour of mankind 
 gives to those who believe on Him everlasting life. 
 
 Accordingly we see the Gospel used as a source for themes in 
 the Roman catacombs soon after it was circulated in the West, 
 and directly after it was written, as one would naturally expect. 
 We find it in Rome early in the second century, if not in the end of 
 the first, and in such wide distribution, as outlined above, that we 
 are impelled to the conclusion that it was enthusiastically re- 
 ceived and at once exerted wide influence. 
 
 Our knowledge of the symbolic nature of Early Christian 
 Art furnishes the presupposition that a Gospel whose leading 
 
 that might be taken only once, hence advisedly delayed in application 
 until in extremis, when there could be no further chance for sin. 
 
TJic Early Influence of the Gospel 75 
 
 characteristic is the presentation of spiritual truth in concrete 
 form would be eagerly acclaimed and extensively utilized as a 
 source for pictorial themes. This presupposition is confirmed 
 by the fact, as previously presented in archaeological detail. 
 Themes were selected preferably from St. John's Gospel for por- 
 trayal in the catacomb frescoes. They were themes that pre- 
 sented the Christian life as spiritual and as eternal. Death, the 
 obvious, pathetic fact of the catacombs, might indeed strike 
 down a man, but that did not mean that all was ended. The man 
 who had been baptized with water and with the Spirit, within 
 whom was a fountain of living water, who had partaken of 
 the true Bread which had come down from Heaven and of the 
 true drink, even the blood of the Son of God and Man, who had 
 partaken of the eucharistic fish, who belonged to the flock of 
 the Good Shepherd, and was united to Christ as a branch to the 
 vine, who had been healed from his sins and delivered from 
 his afflictions as were the paralytic, the blind man, the lepers 
 and the woman with an issue of blood from their infirmities, — 
 such a man was assured that though he might die, he also would 
 one day rise again as did Lazarus. Such considerations ex- 
 plain and confirm the wide influence of the Gospel in the thought 
 of the Roman Church at such an early date. 
 
III. ST. JOHN'S GOSPEL THE KEY TO EUCHARISTIC 
 
 SYMBOLISM. 
 
 Our knowledge of the early history of the Eucharist is by no 
 means satisfactory.^^" Notwithstanding the earnest investiga- 
 tions of numerous scholars the definite results attained are painfully 
 meagre. So it has come to be regarded as a barren field for in- 
 quiry. Skillful deductions may be and have been drawn regard- 
 ing the development of the service from the informal meal by 
 which it was instituted, into the splendid liturgical feast made 
 necessary by the demand of the growing church for an orderly 
 and dignified mode of worship. Its relations with the Agape, or 
 Love Feast, have been studied, as well as the abuses in the latter 
 which led to its final suppression. The literary evidence has 
 been thoroughly exhausted in these investigations, and scarcely 
 anybody has had his curiosity satisfied, and probably never will. 
 
 The apostle Paul, in his first letter to the Corinthian church, 
 called the feast the "Lord's Supper", and implies the practice 
 of each person's partaking ad libitum, as at an ordinary meal. 
 Yet he regards it as a real religious service, to be conducted as 
 such, and draws a distinction between the private houses of the 
 Christians, and the "church", or corporate "congregation".^^" 
 Ignatius of Antioch was very anxious for order in the Church, 
 so he wrote, "Let that be deemed a proper Eucharist, which is 
 (administered) either by a bishop, or by one to whom he has en- 
 trusted it."^^'^ Justin Martyr tells us most about the service in the 
 second century. His passage on the subject is worth quotation. 
 After having discussed the deep import of Christian baptism and 
 its imitation by devils, he proceeds : "But we, after we have thus 
 washed him who has been convinced, and has assented to our 
 
 "• From evxapiorTCLV, to give thanks. It early took its name from the 
 expression of thanksgiving that was one of its marked features. Cf. Lk. 
 22 :i9, I Cor. ii :24. 
 
 "'I Cor. II : 17-34. Iri v. 22, fir) yap oi/ctas ovk Ix^re €ts to ecrOiCLV koi 
 irivuv ; ^ t^s fKK\7](ria<; tov deov KaTa<f}pov€iT€ ; 
 
 "Mrf. Smyr., 8. Cf. also chap. ?■ 
 
The Origin of Eucharistic Symbolism yy 
 
 teaching, bring him to the place where those who are called 
 brethren are assembled, in order that we may offer hearty prayers 
 in common for ourselves and for the illuminated person (i. e., the 
 baptized) and for all others in every place, that we may be counted 
 worthy, now that we have learned the truth, by our works also 
 to be found good citizens and keepers of the commandments, so 
 that we may be saved with an everlasting salvation. Having 
 ended the prayers, we salute one another with a kiss. Then is 
 brought to that one of the brethren who is presiding bread and 
 a cup of wine mixed with water ; and he taking them, gives 
 praise and glory to the Father of the universe, through the 
 name of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, and offers thanks at 
 considerable length for our being covmted worthy to receive these 
 things at His hands. And when he has concluded the prayers and 
 thanksgivings, all the people present express their assent by 
 saying Amen. This word Amen answers in the Hebrew language 
 to yevoiTo. And when the president has given thanks, and all the 
 people have expressed their assent, those who are called by us 
 deacons give to each of those present to partake of the bread 
 and wine mixed with water over which the thanksgiving was 
 pronounced, and to those who were absent they carry away a por- 
 tion. 
 
 "And this food is called among us E{i;^apt(7Tia (Eucharist), 
 of which no one is allowed to partake but the man who believes 
 that the things which we teach are true, and who has been washed 
 with the washing that is for the remission of sins, and unto regen- 
 eration, and who is so living as Christ has enjoined. For not as 
 common bread and common drink do we receive these ; but in like 
 manner as Jesus Christ Our Saviour, having been made flesh by 
 the Word of God, had both flesh and blood for our salvation, so 
 likewise have we been taught that the food which is blessed by the 
 prayer of His word, and from which our blood and flesh by 
 transmutation are nourished, is the flesh and blood of that 
 Jesus who was made flesh. For the apostles, in the memoirs com- 
 posed by them, which are called Gospels, have thus delivered unto 
 us what was enjoined upon them ; that Jesus took bread, and when 
 He had given thanks, said, "This do ye in remembrance of Me, 
 
/S St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 this is My body;" and that, after the same manner, having taken 
 the cup and given thanks, He said, "This is My blood:" and gave 
 it to them alone. Which the wicked devils have imitated in the 
 mysteries of Mithras, commanding the same thing to be done. 
 For, that bread and and a cup of water are placed with certain in- 
 cantations in the mystic rites of one who is being initiated, you 
 know or can learn.""^ 
 
 From this narrative in Justin we observe that the Eucharist 
 is regarded as a distinct religious service, modeled on the ac- 
 count in the Gospels, that it is divorced from the Agape, at 
 least in some sections of the Church, and that the elements used 
 are bread and "wine mixed with water". Such are the things that 
 the literature of the period tells us of the essential features of 
 the sacrament. Students of liturgy have continued from this 
 point to trace the scanty evidences of a developing canon of the 
 mass. It is easier to find this in a fully developed state than to 
 mark the stages in its development. But such study does not con- 
 cern us here. It is sufficient to note what information a represen- 
 tative post-apostolic Father gives us concerning current belief 
 and practice. 
 
 It is now to be observed that the correct and formal expression 
 regarding the sacrament as given in literature does not correspond 
 with that revealed by Archaeology. New information from a 
 different source is introduced regarding the theme. While by 
 no means conflicting with the literary sources Archaeology 
 presents the matter to us in an entirely different and addition- 
 al way. It treats the Eucharist symbolically instead of in the 
 philosophical or doctrinal or historical manner of the 
 Fathers. It gives us the popular thought on the subject, ex- 
 pressed objectively in symbols. As is the case with symbols, 
 any man may derive thought from them according to the wealth 
 of his knowledge and the fertility of his suggestive processses. 
 But a careful consideration of the symbolical representations 
 of this theme in Early Roman Catacomb Art will show that the 
 
 "^ApoL. 65, 66ff. Tr. Dods and Reith. Other references in the Fathers 
 are, Justin M. : Trypho, 41, 117; Irenaeus : Adv. Hacres., 4:18, 4, 5; Clem. 
 Alex.: Strom., 1:5, 4:132; Origen : C. Celsum, 8:57. 
 
The Origin of Eucharistic Symbolism 79 
 
 key to their understanding, as well as to their origin,lies in St. 
 John's Gospel. 
 
 A presentation of the evidence for this assertion is now in order. 
 Briefly, it consists in the fact that a series of paintings i»f the 
 second century gives to us a scene of the following characteris- 
 tics: Seven persons reclining at a table of the sigma shape are 
 depicted partaking of a meal at which are served loaves of bread 
 and fish, and a flask of wine is included in several instances. 
 In the foreground, or on either side are grouped seven baskets 
 heaped with loaves of bread. ^^^ (These loaves were of the ordin- 
 ary variety. They resemble the modern breakfast roll. The 
 four corners were turned over, so that when baked the de- 
 pressions on the top presented the lines of a cross. More has been 
 made of this than is warranted, though the Christian surely recog- 
 nized with joy the sign of his salvation imprinted on his daily 
 bread.) 
 
 Such are the pronounced features of this cycle of paintings 
 which, upon discovery, drew to it universal attention. To be sure, 
 the pictures vary in detail. Thus, while bread and fish are visible 
 in each scene, the wine flask is not. Indeed it occurs only in the 
 first one of the series, the Fractio Panis in the Greek Chapel of the 
 catacomb of Priscilla (PI. lb, Mai., PI. 15-1, Fractio Panis, 
 PI. XIII-XIV), and in two allied paintings in the Crypt of Lucina 
 (PI. Vila, Villa, Mai., PI. 27-1, 28). Loaves of bread served 
 with the fish (aside from the baskets) are absent in several 
 cases, as in the Sacrament Chapels A2 and A3 in the catacomb of 
 Callixtus (PI. lie, Vic, Mai., PI. 27-2; 41-3). The number feast- 
 ing is always seven,though in the Fractio Panis one is a woman. 
 The number of baskets of loaves is seven in all cases except two, 
 in one of which the artist increased the number to eight because 
 
 "" The list is as follows : Greek Chapel, PL lb ; Fractio Panis, PI. XIII- 
 XIV; Mai., PI. 15-1 allP, PI. Vila, Villa; Mai., PI. 27-1, 28 1/2IIL. 
 PI. Via, c; Mai, PI. 41-1, 3 2/2IIC Sacr. Cap. A3, PI. lie, Va; Mai., 27-2, 
 38 2/2IIC Sacr. Cap. A2, PI. lib; Mai. 15-2 wIIC Sacr. Cap. A6, PI. 
 VId; Mai., 41-4 wIIC Sacr. Cap. A5, Alte Copien, PL XV i (?)vM, 
 ?2/2lIC Sacr. Cap. A3 Cf. Sacr. Cap. A2, PL Va., MaL, 265, 267-1 i/^IV 
 Via Latina. Also PL Vllb ; MaL, 57 1/2IIIP&M Double cu., MaL, 105-2 
 oIIIP&M Cu. 33 (?), PI. IVb; MaL, 186-1 i/,IVP&M Cry. of Wine 
 Miracle. 
 
8o St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 seven violated the law of symmetry in his painting, and in the 
 other instance twelve were painted, doubtless to fill a larger space. 
 (The Gospel narratives of the two miracles of multiplication of 
 loaves and fishes unite in saying that on the one occasion seven, 
 and on the other, twelve baskets of fragments were collected.) 
 
 Besides this series of banqueting scenes there are several pic- 
 tures which contain the more suggestive of these features in 
 emphatic portrayal. In the Crypt of Lucina in the catacomb of 
 Callixtus are two celebrated similar paintings. They are on 
 the same stucco, the middle section of which has been destroyed, 
 possibly by such a collector of antiquities as d'Agincourt. Each 
 picture consists of a single basket filled with loaves, and in 
 front of it is a large fish, and within the basket is a flask of wine 
 (PI. Vila, Villa, Mai, PI. 27-1, 28 1/2IIL). In the Sacrament 
 Chapel A3 of the catacomb of CalHxtus (PI. Via, Mal., PI. 
 41-1 2/2IIC) a man stands beside a tripod on which is a fish and 
 possibly loaves, and extends his arms to touch it, while on the 
 other side stands a veiled orant, or figure with arms upraised in 
 prayer. In the Sacrament Chapels A2 and A3^-'^ are also painted 
 tripods with fish laid upon them, and seven baskets of loaves 
 grouped about them (PI. Va, Mal., PI. 38 2/2IIC). This series of 
 paintings belongs entirely to the second century, with the excep- 
 tion of one painting in the catacomb under the Vigna Massimo, 
 now destroyed and which therefore cannot be dated accurately, 
 and one in the anonymous hypogeum on the Via Latina which 
 belongs to the middle of the fourth century. (The reason this 
 painting, though late, is included in the series is because it is evi- 
 dently a representation of the feeding of the multitude.). 
 
 It is very true that in the catacombs there are painted scenes 
 of eating other than those mentioned above. There are several 
 portrayals of the marriage feast at Cana of Galilee, which will 
 be seen to be deeply allied to the Eucharistic series, or rather 
 being an essential component part of it, a third century develop- 
 ment. There are also various scenes of feasting at which bread 
 
 "*A series of five chapels of the second century, all in the same gallery 
 of the catacomb of Callixtus are known as the "Sacrament Chapels", 
 because they contain paintings in which the two sacraments of baptism and 
 the Eucharist are either depicted or symbolized. 
 
Platk VIII. FKt)i\i Wilpert's Malereien. 
 
TJie Origin of Eucharistic Symbolism 8i 
 
 and fish and wine are served, and in some cases the number of 
 those feasting is seven. But the baskets of loaves are lacking, and 
 the presence of servants, as well as accompanying inscriptions, 
 rightly caused Wilpert to regard these as in a class by themselves 
 which he labels "funeral banquets", or feasts kept in memory of 
 and on the anniversary of the death or deposition of the deceased. 
 This was a universal pagan custom. In some cases the feasts 
 were endowed, provision having been made for them in the 
 wills of the defunct. Likewise the dues that members of burial 
 societies paid assured them not only of decent burial, i. e., in 
 columbaria, but also that the anniversaries of their deaths would 
 be observed with funeral feasts. The custom was followed by 
 the Christians. It accounts for the fact that epitaphs almost 
 invariably give the day of the deposition, such as DEPOSITVS 
 EST IIII KAL SEPT, whereas we could much prefer that they 
 give the names of the consuls of the year in which the person 
 died. The first one of these funeral banquet pictures dates, 
 indeed, from the first century (Mai, PI. 7-1 2/2 ID). Its date is 
 earlier than the origin of eucharistic symbolism, earlier possibly 
 than St. John's Gospel. But it is rightly identified as a funeral 
 feast. Perhaps it would be better to term all these Christian 
 funeral feasts Agapes, or Love Feasts. As painted in the cata- 
 combs they were intended to be more or less realistic. Yet 
 they were in a sense symbolic, for they symbolized the bliss of 
 the deceased in heaven. 
 
 Further, it must not be forgotten that loaves and baskets of bread 
 and fish and wine flasks and jars occur in Catacomb Art in many 
 instances not enumerated above. The baskets of bread, seven in 
 number, form the characteristic element of the cycle of the miracle 
 of the multiplication of loaves. Christ stands in the midst of the 
 baskets, or to one side, and touches them with His wand, the rod 
 of power. There are twenty-eight instances in the frescoes dating 
 form the first half of the third century, though most of them are 
 of the fourth, and the theme is very common in the reliefs on the 
 sarcophagi. Wine amphoras are common, though it is not clear 
 that in all instances they have a symbolic meaning.^^^ They are 
 
 "" Pitture, p. 280. 
 
82 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 evidently merely decorative details in several instances, though 
 symbolic in others. (Any man who wished might see in them 
 symbolism of the Eucharistic wine if he so desired, just as the 
 theme of doves drinking from a vase may have had a meaning 
 to him and a purpose, different from its common pagan usage 
 in wall decoration.) There can be no doubt that the cross-marked 
 loaves, and the fish possessd a well-defined symbolic meaning 
 in their representations on sarcophagi and inscriptions of an 
 early date. It will be evident directly that this symbolism was 
 in great degree Eucharistic, and that the representations are in 
 intimate connection with the series enumerated above. 
 
 Concerning this series, then, when we consider the details 
 of these paintings we are assured that they are symbolic in intent. 
 Baskets of bread and loaves and fish, and in two instances wine, 
 seven persons seated at the feast, these are features that demand 
 investigation from the point of view of symbolism. If other 
 viands aside from bread and fish and wine were served, if the 
 baskets of bread were absent, we might readily persuade our- 
 selves that in these paintings we have simply realistic scenes of 
 feasting. Even the absence of the wine in all but the earliest 
 of the series is significant.^-^ Knowing what we do of the reign 
 of symbolism in the entire field of Catacomb Painting, and, indeed, 
 of Early Christian Art, it is not difficult to decide that here 
 we have a cycle of symbolic representations, the origin and mean- 
 ing of which must be accounted for. 
 
 Seven persons recline at these feasts. This is significant, 
 though whether it symbolizes anything in particular may be 
 questioned. The couch was of the sigma shape, and not the 
 
 ^ Wilpert, indeed, assures us that in the Fractio Panis we have sym- 
 bolism combined with realism, and to a certain extent he is correct. 
 The figures are lifelike, and their actions are natural in artistic portrayal. 
 But to say that in the bearded man at the end who seems to be in the 
 act of breaking a loaf of bread, we have the liturgical act of consecration 
 of the Eucharistic elements is carrying the realism a little too far. Cer- 
 tainly the informal and indifferent attitudes of the other persons would 
 hardly warrant the supposition that they are aware of the seriousness 
 of an actual service. In some respects the painting is realistic. But 
 symbolism is more evident. The presence of the seven baskets makes 
 this certain. So it is from this point of view that it must be studied. 
 
The Origin of Eucharistic Symbolism 83 
 
 triclinium, which ordinarily accomodated nine persons. The 
 shape of the couch may account for the smaller number, for in 
 each instance its accomodation seems to be completely taken. 
 The number seven then probably means simply that a company 
 of people of indefinite number was feasting. 
 
 Yet the fact that seven are represented naturally recalls the 
 scene by the Lake of Galilee, in which Jesus after His passion 
 and resurrection appeared to seven of the disciples and served 
 a breakfast to them on the sea shore, consisting of fish and bread. 
 This incident is narrated only by St. John (chap. 21). But it is 
 impossible to regard this as the source for the paintings, with one 
 exception. Baskets of loaves as a rule are grouped before or 
 beside the table. But there is no mention of baskets of loaves 
 in the scene by Galilee. One hundred and fifty-three fishes 
 were heaped on the shore, but no baskets of bread were there. ^^^ 
 Yet in one painting Wilpert and others identify the meal by the 
 Sea of Tiberias (PI. lie, Mai., PI. 27-2 2/2IIC Sacr. Cap. 
 A2). The reasons are, (i) that the baskets of loaves are lacking, 
 (2) that the seven men are naked (according to custom, having 
 been engaged in fishing), and (3) that the scene is directly 
 beside a picture of a fisherman seated on the bank in the act of 
 drawing his line from the water, that is to say, in accordance 
 with the well known rule the artist caused the beholder to under- 
 stand the eating scene as being on the sea shore by the simple 
 artifice of placing it immediately beside a picture in which water 
 
 is evidently represented. This device is frequent in Catacomb 
 Art.124 
 
 ^The presence of the baskets of loaves is sufficient reason. Another 
 IS that in the first painting of the series, the Fractio Panis, one of the 
 number is a woman, whereas the company by the sea shore were all men. 
 This is obvious from the text, Jn. 21 : 2, kol aXXoi. Ik twv fMaOrjTwv avrov 
 8vo. It is useless for anyone to advance the theory that one of these two 
 may have been one of the celebrated women of Jesus' company, and that in 
 the Fractio Panis we have the fact revealed. These two were both 
 apostles. Besides the improbability of a woman's being on the fishing boat, 
 if one had been a woman, the Evangelist would undoubtedly have said so. 
 
 '^ This identification of the painting is denied by Prof. L. von Sybel of 
 Marburg. He thinks Wilpert et al. have made a mistake in observation : 
 "Die Figuren sind nur im Gesamtschema angegeben, ohne Differenzierung 
 
84 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 The fact that baskets of loaves are depicted in these scenes 
 permits only one interpretation. Connection with the miracles 
 of the multiplication of loaves and fishes was intended. The ex- 
 treme importance of the accident that fishes were multiplied 
 as well as loaves will be evident shortly. Suffice it to say that 
 it is fundamental for the understanding of the fish symbol. Any 
 person looking upon one of these pictures was supposed to re- 
 gard as an essential detail the miracles which the pictures sug- 
 gested, and which the bread and fish upon the platters further 
 represented. Indeed, aside from the pictures in which wine 
 flasks are included, these paintings may well be regarded as in- 
 tending to suggest these miracles, not by realistic portrayal, but 
 by symbolic treatment of the details (the seven persons represent- 
 ing the multitude, for instance).^-' 
 
 Regarding the bread and fish served at these feasts, it must 
 be observed emphatically that they are symbolic. The question 
 may well be raised, why are no other viands permitted? Why 
 no other kinds of meat, why no vegetables? It is not sufficient 
 to answer that bread and fish were the common diet of the lower 
 orders throughout the Roman Empire. The populace was also 
 fond of vegetables, of mutton and other meat, of olives and fruits, 
 even in Galilee where the miracles of multiplication were per- 
 formed (if realism were intended in the paintings ).^^® It will 
 be pertinent directly to inquire why liquid refreshment is lacking 
 (save in the instances noted). It is sufficient to say here that by 
 
 von Korper und Bekleidung ; daher das Missverstandnis, die Gaste seien 
 nackte Fischer, und es sei das Mahl der sieben Jiinger am See Tiberias 
 dargestellt (nach Job. 21). Die Siebenzabl der Gaste ist doch nur die 
 typiscbe. Aucb bas Feblen der Brotkorbe bat nicbts zu bedeuten ; konnte 
 es in irgend einer Ricbtung beweisen, so spracbe es fiir das simple Seligen- 
 mabl." — Christliche Antike, p. 204. 
 
 "^ Von Sybel points out furtber tbat tbe scene is not realistically treated, 
 because if sucb were tbe case the seven persons representing the multi- 
 tude should not be depicted as seated properly at a sigma table, but 
 should be lolling upon tbe green grass, and the baskets should be filled 
 with fragments and not with whole loaves. — Ibid., p. 202. 
 
 "' The fact that symbolism was intended is confirmed by the assertion 
 that fish was sometimes synonymous with food (more particularly cooked 
 food). Cf. Plutarch, Symp., 4, 4, 2. ttoXXwv ovrwv oij/o)v iKvevtKrjo-ev 6 l)(Ov<i 
 fA6vo<; ^ fxaXtcTTd ye oif/ov KaXuadai. 
 
The Origin of Eucharistic Symbolism 85 
 
 the fact that bread and fish alone are used, the symbolic nature 
 of the paintings is confirmed. 
 
 Since, then, it appears that the bread and fish are symbolic, 
 and that the baskets of bread localize the symbolism with the 
 multiplication miracles, we are in a position to explain the signi- 
 ficance of the symbolism/'^ It consists in this fact, that the ac- 
 count of the miracle of the multiplication of loaves and fishes 
 in St. John's Gospel is followed immediately by the so-called 
 Eucharistic discourse of Jesus (Jn. 6:1-71). The incidents are 
 in direct and intimate connection. The discourse is presented 
 as a result of the miracle, and, in a sense, an explanation of it. 
 The miracle served as an occasion and a text for the discourse. 
 
 The multitude was so enthusiastic over the miracle, of which 
 they had been beneficiaries, that they had decided that it would be 
 the part of wisdom to make Jesus king. An individual of such 
 power as He evidently possessed could not only head a successful 
 sedition against the Roman rule, but would have no difficulty in 
 provisioning his army and providing comforts for his subjects. 
 To avoid their importunities Jesus escaped from the multitude 
 by crossing the lake, and came to Capernaum. Here he was dis- 
 covered by the people on the following day, and here He pro- 
 nouned the extraordinary discourse on the Bread of Life. He 
 began with the criticism, "Ye seek me, not because ye saw signs, 
 but because ye ate of the loaves and were filled. Work not for 
 
 "'Two distinct miracles are recorded in the Gospels. All four evangel- 
 ists tell of the one in which 5000 or more men were fed on five loaves 
 and two fishes and twelve baskets of fragments were taken up. Mt. 14: 
 15-21, Mk. 6:41-45, Lk. 9:10-17, Jn. 6:1-14. Matthew and Mark alone 
 give the account of 4000 persons being fed on seven loaves and a few 
 little fishes, upon which occasion seven baskets of fragments were taken 
 up. Mt. 15:29-39, Mk. 8:1-9. (Wilpert, strange to say, seems ignorant 
 of the narrative in Mk. "Questa e narrato dal solo Matteo." Pitture, p. 
 262.) It is obvious, if the minute details of these paintings are to be 
 examined, that the four evangelists must be regarded indiscriminately 
 as the source for the portrayal of the theme. Thus, in the Fractio Panis 
 where five loaves and two fishes are served seven baskets are painted, 
 whereas there should be twelve if the two details are taken from the same 
 story. But the number of baskets is usually seven (in the third and 
 fourth century representations of the miracle invariably so), though in 
 one instance they number eight, and in another twelve. 
 
86 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 the food which perisheth, but for the food which abideth unto 
 eternal Hfe, which the Son of Man shall give unto you." Soon 
 after He drew a distinction between the mortal bread that Moses 
 had given their fathers in the wilderness, and the true bread out 
 of heaven, "for the bread of God is that which cometh down out 
 of heaven, and giveth life unto the world." He then plainly 
 announced, "I am the bread of life: he that cometh to me shall 
 not hunger, and he that believeth on me shall never thirst . . . 
 For this is the will of my Father, that every one that beholdeth 
 the Son, and believeth on him, should have eternal life; and I 
 will raise him up at the last day. 
 
 His hearers were vmable to comprehend these statements, so 
 He repeated, "I am the living bread which came down out of 
 heaven; if any man eat of this bread, he shall live forever; yea 
 and the bread which I will give is my flesh, for the life of the 
 world." The multitude was then genuinely confounded, and 
 questioned, "How can this man give us his flesh to eat ?" Then 
 Jesus responded with what his hearers called a "hard saying", 
 "Verily, verily, I say unto you, Except ye eat the flesh of the 
 Son of man and drink his blood, ye have not life in yourselves. 
 He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood hath eternal 
 life; and I will raise him up at the last day. For my flesh is true 
 meat, and my blood is true drink. He that eateth my flesh and 
 drinketh my blood abideth in me, and I in him. As the living 
 Father sent me, and I live because of the Father, so he that eateth 
 me, he also shall live because of me. This is the bread which came 
 down out of heaven : not as the fathers ate and died ; he that 
 eateth this bread shall live forever." This "hard saying" was 
 more than the multitude could endure. They no longer desired 
 to make him king. 
 
 Now. whatever the real exegesis of this passage may be, 
 that does not deeply concern us. It is sufficient to point out 
 that as an arrangement of words it expresses rather clearly the 
 significance of the Eucharist to the average Christian. By par- 
 taking of the bread and wine of the sacrament, according to 
 the words of institution the believer partakes of the body and 
 blood of Christ. By doing so he obtains communion with Christ, 
 
The Origin of Eucharistic Symbolism 87 
 
 recalls the deep import of His passion, and at the same time is 
 assured of eternal life, even a part in the resurrection, ". . . hath 
 eternal life ; and I will raise him up at the last day.'' It is well 
 known that the passion of Christ is not depicted realistically in 
 the art of the first four centuries. Yet it is not surprising that the 
 Christian should desire to include it in some form on the decor- 
 ation of his tomb, to signify the basis of his hope of salvation. 
 In the Eucharist all this was symbolized, and more, for it was also 
 a symbol of the resurrection, of eternnal life and of the com- 
 munion with Christ had not only in this life, but continued 
 throughout eternity. The Eucharist therefore was an appropriate 
 theme for catacomb decoration. Yet it is not treated realistically, 
 but is symbolized. It is symbolized under the theme of the feed- 
 ing of the multitude with bread and fishes, and in St. John's 
 Gospel we see just why that was. The bread and fish of the 
 miracle (the fish included rather by accident) symbolized the 
 bread of life which Jesus gave, as in the action of the miracle, — 
 His flesh, for the life of the world. It is in St. John's Gospel 
 that the symbolism of the Eucharist is explained, and the con- 
 tinuity of this explanation with the miracle is apparent. Here 
 alone we see how the partaking of the flesh and blood of Christ not 
 only made clear to the Christian the sacrifice of Christ as the 
 source of his salvation, but it also confirmed to him the promise 
 of the resurrection. It was a theme particularly suitable for 
 treatment in the catacomb cycle of Christian Art. We are accord- 
 ingly justified in finding in the Johannine Gospel the source of 
 eucharistic symbolism, particularly as it is expressed in Chris- 
 tian Art. 
 
 The theme of the multiplication of the loaves and fishes 
 has been regarded as a symbol of the Eucharist ever since this 
 series of paintings was discovered, but on such grounds as Wil- 
 pert states in Pitture, p. 262, or in Fractio Panis, p. 83, n. i, 
 where the similarity in wording between the accounts of the bless- 
 ing of the bread and fish in the miracle and the blessing of the 
 bread in the Last Supper is regarded as the bond uniting the two 
 events and giving to the former a basis for making it a symbol of 
 the latter. This is ingenious, but is too artificial. This might 
 
88 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 account for the form of the sacrament, if there were any reason 
 to suppose that the Hturgical form was symbolized. A symbol 
 itself is but an outward form, by the understanding of which one 
 appreciates a hidden significance. Hence it would be useless to 
 give a form of a form, to symbolize a symbol. It was not the 
 form, but the deep significance that found expression in symbol- 
 ism. This the miracle afforded by reason of the explanation 
 accompanying it in the eucharistic discourses in St. John's Gos- 
 pel.i^« 
 
 To all of the above may now be urged the following consider- 
 ations: (i) Included in the series is the one painting of the scene 
 of breaking of fast by the sea of Tiberias, already referred to, 
 which is narrated solely in St. John's Gospel. Bread and fish 
 are the viands. With the exception of the absence of the baskets 
 it looks just like any other one of the series (PI. lie, Mai., PI. 
 27-2). It must be remembered that it is in one of the Sacrament 
 Chapels, in which many of these paintings are found. Its source 
 is admittedly the Johannine Gospel. It is like the others. We 
 do not know just how much it may have symbolized to the 
 primitive Christian of Rome, but it certainly was a part of 
 the eucharistic cycle. We may be sure that it symbolized com- 
 munion at least, and if this much, then probably all of the sacra- 
 ment. When once the bread and fish together were regarded 
 as symbols of the sacrament, the fish and bread of the scene by 
 Galilee would give to the entire incident an eucharistic cast. As 
 it is Johannine in source, its collateral bearing on the subject is 
 evident. 
 
 (2) In the crypt of Lucina we have twin paintings, separated 
 by a defaced space, each consisting of a fish before a basket filled 
 with loaves, just as are found in the regular paintings of the series, 
 and in the basket a flask of wine (PI. Vila, Villa, Mai., PL 
 27-1, 28). Here we have the fish and the loaves, also the baskets 
 to show unmistakable connection with the series of the feeding 
 of the multitude which, as we have shown, is an essential detail 
 of the eucharistic cycle. And, as if to confirm this connection, we 
 
 "' This Wilpert allows, Pitture, p. 262, "Poi non puo considerarsi puro 
 case che al miracolo della refezione delle turbe faccia seguire il 'durus 
 sermo'." 
 
The Origin of Eucharistic Symbolism 89 
 
 have also the flask of wine, as in the Fractio Panis, the first one 
 of the series. It seemed as if in the beginning of the series the tra- 
 dition of reahsm was responsible for the retention of the wine, 
 but it was directly apparent that the bread and fish of the multi- 
 plication miracle were sufficient for the symbolism. Thus, the 
 cycle continued without the wine for a long time, until the intro- 
 duction of the theme of the miracle of the Wine at Cana of Gali- 
 lee, in the third century. This theme was then combined with the 
 miracle of the Multiplication of Loaves treated absolutely as such 
 (i. e, the meal of the seven symbolizing the refreshment of the 
 multitude in the miracle was dropped, and the theme consisted 
 solely of the figure of Christ, who is absent in the feasting scenes, 
 standing beside seven baskets in the act of multiplication), at 
 which time the fish gave place to the wine, the real, legitimate 
 eucharistic element. Professor C. R. Morey writes on this 
 subject, "All these representations (i. e., of the Wine Miracle at 
 Cana of Galilee) are late. They prove however nothing against 
 the predominance of the Fourth Gospel as the source for early 
 Catacomb painting, because John's Gospel furnished another 
 scene — the Multiplication — which contained the same eucharistic 
 symbolism. The breaking up of the eucharist symbolism 
 through the isolation of the fish as a Christ-symbol is, it seems 
 to me, the reason for the introduction of the Cana Wedding as 
 a new and distinctive type of the Eucharist." 
 
 Wilpert conjectures that in the defaced wall space between 
 the twin paintings in Lucina there originally existed a treat- 
 ment of the eucharistic feast with the baskets of loaves, just as 
 in the ordinary ones of the series. It is impossible to say, but 
 it makes little difference as far as the twin pictures are con- 
 cerned. The significant thing about them is that they portray 
 the bread and fish and wine, all symbols of the Eucharist, and 
 bound to the series by the basket. 
 
 (3) Very similar to these twin paintings is one in the Sacrament 
 Chapel A3 in the catacomb of Calhxtus (PI. Via, Mai., PI. 
 41 -I 2/2II). It is unique in Catacomb Art and has been the sub- 
 ject of much controversy in its interpretation. There can be no 
 doubt that it is a symbolic painting. In the center stands a tripod 
 
90 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 containing a fish and a loaf of bread. On one side is a man clad 
 in the mantle of a philosopher with hands outstretched over 
 the tripod. On the other side is a veiled orant, a woman with 
 arms upraised in the attitude of prayer. (The presence of the 
 orant in the painting makes it symbolical, if nothing else.). Wil- 
 pert identifies the man with arm outstretched as Christ, and says 
 that, "in order to make it evident that he did not intend to repre- 
 sent the miracle treated historically as such, but portrayed sym- 
 bolically the consecration, the most important act of the euchar- 
 istic sacrifice, the artist introduced a detail in the nature of 
 antitype, depicting the fish and bread upon a niensa, an altar." 
 {Pittiire, p. 266.). In other words, Christ by His gesture, 
 seems to be appropriating the eucharistic symbols, to be identi- 
 fying them with Himself, the living Bread which came down from 
 heaven. And the veiled orant, symbolizing the Church or the soul 
 of the deceased,^-** standing at one side represents the receptive 
 attitude of those to whom the sacrament is administered. 
 
 Here we have the bread and fish of the miracle, and their con- 
 nection with the miracle is confirmed by the scene of feasting 
 immediately joining it in which the baskets of loaves are pres- 
 ent and fish are served on two plates (PI. Vic, Mai., PI. 41-3 
 2/2IIC). Adjoining this scene is the theme of the Sacrifice 
 of Isaac. Both Abraham and Isaac are in the orant attitude, 
 and the theme is identified by the presence of the ram and the 
 bundle of sticks. The same theme is found in the Greek Chapel 
 not far from the Fractio Panis, which proximity leads Wilpert 
 to see in it a symbol of the passion of Christ. Wherefore, in 
 this Sacrament Chapel we have symbolized the three themes 
 of the Consecration of the Eucharist in the tripod scene, the 
 Eucharistic Communion in the scene of feasting, and in the sac- 
 rifice of Isaac the Offering of the real Bread of Life, — "and the 
 bread which I will give is my flesh, for the life of the world." 
 However much of this may be correct, one thing is surely empha- 
 sized, the prominence of the bread and fish in symbolism. The 
 picture thus evidently belongs to the cycle of eucharistic themes, 
 and confirms its significance, as do the twin paintings in the 
 
 It is by no means clear just what the orant type did symbolize. 
 
TJie Origin of Eucharistic Symbolism 91 
 
 crypt of Lucina. We have seen the reason why the bread and fish 
 came to symbolize the Eucharist. In these two paintings, as in the 
 theme of the breakfast by the sea of Tiberias, the symbolism 
 was well understood. It had been originated in the typical eat- 
 ing scene from the sixth chapter of St. John's Gospel, and since 
 people thus understood it, independence in design was responsi- 
 ble for the separate treatment of the essential details of the cycle. 
 One further illustration confirms this. In the vault of the 
 Sacrament Chapel A2, and probably also in A3, was depicted 
 a tripod containing fish, and grouped beside it the seven baskets 
 of loaves, ^^° — the prepared fish and the eucharistic bread. 
 
 (4) It is to be noticed that the fish is always in company of the 
 loaves, either upon the plates or in the baskets. Its eucharistic 
 symbolism in connection zmth other symbols of the sacrament is 
 thus to be noticed. The fish isolated from these symbols does 
 not occur in Catacomb Painting, and does not come up for dis- 
 cussion as such. But as Professor Morey has pointed out (A. 
 J. A., 1909, pp. 57, 58), this eucharistic treatment of the fish 
 precedes the acrostic, the IX0YC ,^^^ though it throws an inter- 
 esting light on the origin and development of the IX0YC, at 
 least in one of its meanings. ^^- 
 
 This earlier use of fish as a symbol of the Eucharist in con- 
 nection with bread, or bread and wine, is to be carefully distin- 
 guished from the later use of the isolated fish, the acrostic 
 IX0YC. They are altogether dififerent, chronologically, as well 
 as in meaning, though the significance of the former endured 
 to a certain extent. Thus, St. Augustine and the author of the 
 De Promissionibtis et Praedictionibus Dei give the older inter- 
 pretation of Johannine symbolism of the Eucharist, the Bread 
 which came down from heaven, the food which would nourish 
 eternal life. The epigram of Augustine, piscis assus, Christus 
 est passus, presents the IX0YC idea, but in the following pas- 
 
 "" PI. Va, Mai., PI. 38 2/2IIC. 
 
 '^ Iiyo-oiis Xpto-Tos ©eov Ytos GwT7?p. — IX0YG. Jesus Christ, Son of 
 God, Saviour. 
 
 '^Another is indicated in the words of TertulHan {De Baptismo, c.l.), 
 "Sed nos pisciculi secundum IX0YN nostrum Jesum Christum in aqua 
 .nascimur, nee aliter quam in aqua permanendo salvi sumus." 
 
92 St. Joint's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 sage he gives the complete interpretation, In J oh. Tract., 123 
 (i. e., on Jn. 21), Migne, 35, 1966, "The roasted fish signifies 
 the crucified Christ. And He Himself is the Bread which came 
 down from heaven (Jn. 6:41). Of this the Church partakes in 
 order to share in everlasting happiness. It was said besides, 
 Bring of the fish which ye have now taken, so that all of usi 
 who enjoy this hope through that seven- fold number of disciples, 
 by which in this passage our universality may be intelligibly fig- 
 ured, by such a Sacrament may have been understood the commun- 
 ion, and have had fellowship in the same happiness." 
 
 This eucharistic cycle is of the second century in origin, and 
 the themes we have discussed belong to that century. They are not 
 continued in the same form later. The cycle changes essentially. 
 In the third century we have simply the regular theme of the mul- 
 tiplication of loaves, in which Christ stands in the midst of seven 
 baskets of loaves touching them with a wand (the loaves only 
 are represented). This theme is common in the fourth century^ 
 particularly on sarcophagi reliefs. In one picture of the fourth 
 century the eucharistic symbolism is extended by the added 
 feature of including two apostles to distribute the bread and fish 
 to the multitude (which is absent ).^^^ In the third century we 
 have also, as remarked above, the theme of the miracle of the 
 Wine at Cana of Galilee. In the first painting of this very limited 
 series we notice a marked resemblance to the second century eat- 
 ing scenes. Seven persons recline on the sigma couch. A tripod 
 serves as a table. But instead of the baskets of loaves we have 
 six jars of wine which Christ touches with a wand. Another 
 feature is the presence of a servant.^^* The inherent relationship 
 in eucharistic symbolism of these two themes of the Multiplication 
 of Loaves and the Increase of Wine is seen in a fresco of the 
 fourth century in the catacomb of Peter and Marcellinus, in 
 which the two scenes occupy opposite end spaces in the vault of an 
 arcosolium.^^^ In the lunette of the same arcosolium Wilpert re- 
 stores a scene of feasting in which seven persons at a sigma table are 
 
 '^Mal., PI. 237-1 2/2IVC. 
 '^ PI. Vllb, Mai., PI. 57 1/2IIIP&M. 
 
 "'Mai., PI. 186-1 1/2IVP&M. (The two themes aie depicted also in 
 a fourth century painting in a catacomb at Alexandria.) 
 
The Origin of Eiicharistic Symbolism 93 
 
 about to partake of a fish on the tripod before them, and a servant 
 presents to one a cup of wine. In this century also there are 
 isolated instances of the baskets of bread and the vessels of wine. 
 In one instance Christ stands between the baskets and the am- 
 phoras with hands outstretched, affording evident eucharistic 
 signification.^^" 
 
 (It must not be forgotten that there are other scenes of eat- 
 ing treated in Catacomb Painting in addition to those already 
 discussed. These are ordinarily divided into two classes, por- 
 traying the theme of the funeral banquet, and that of the so-called 
 funeral feast, the Agape, or feast held in commemoration of the 
 deceased. This distinction is doubtless correct, being based on the 
 fact that the pictures of the former class seem to portray the 
 delights of paradise, while the latter are confined to this world. 
 The technical distinction rests on the presence in the former class 
 of paintings of personifications of Agape and Irene, Love and 
 Peace, which give an atmosphere of heaven. These celestial 
 servitors are requested by those feasting to bring hot water and 
 wine mixed with water, IRENE DA CALDA and AGAPE 
 MISCEMI. These paintings are all in one catacomb, that of 
 Peter and Marcellinus, and in the same section of the catacomb, 
 and date from the fourth century. There are four, or possibly 
 six of these paintings, ^^^ with also a few isolated representations 
 of figures bearing wine vessels. They are in the neighborhood 
 of paintings that probably represent the judgment pronounced on 
 the deceased, and indicate the result thereof, admission to para- 
 dise. The number of those feasting varies, and it is noticeable 
 that the fish is served but the loaves of bread are missing. The 
 remaining four paintings, not possessing the attributes of para- 
 dise or the typical eucharistic symbols, are regarded as being 
 
 '^Mal., PI. 166-1 1/2IVP&M. 
 
 ""Mai, PI. 133-2; 1 57-1, 2; 184 IVP&M. Also in Pittwe, p. 279. 
 
94 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 simply representations of funeral banquets. Aside from the 
 fact that the persons painted are represented as drinking, it is 
 difficult to identify the dishes served. Servants wait upon those 
 dining in all these pictures. Three of these four paintings, 
 i. e., of the latter class, are in the catacomb of Peter and Mar- 
 cellinus, two of which date from the first half of the third century 
 and one from the fourth. The fourth painting dates from the 
 latter part of the first century and is in the Flavian gallery in the 
 catacomb of Domitilla.^^^ In this painting a fish and three loaves 
 are served. It would be natural to regard this as belonging to the 
 eucharistic cycle, the first of the series being of the same 
 period, if it were not for the fact that the baskets of loaves are 
 wanting, and more particularly because it is in a series that is 
 strictly decorative in design, with the exceptions of Daniel, Noah 
 and the Good Shepherd. 
 
 The presence of the fish in the series of the heavenly banquet 
 doubtless has a symbolic meaning, which may, in a sense, be 
 eucharistic. By the fourth century, the date of the series, 
 the isolated fish was a sign for Christ, and the fish in any paint- 
 ing or piece of sculpture was significant.) 
 
 In conclusion, a summary of the reasons for asserting that 
 St. John's Gospel was the source for eucharistic symbolism may 
 be appended : 
 
 The sixth chapter of the Gospel contains an account of the 
 multiplication of loaves and fishes to feed the weary multitude, 
 and immediately thereafter gives the so-called eucharistic dis- 
 course of Jesus. In a day when realism gave place in Art, that 
 is in Christian Art, to the desire for symbolical representation, 
 the incident which preceded and caused the discourse was seized 
 upon as a proper and exact symbol for the Eucharist. It repre- 
 
 ^^ Mai., PL 7-4 2/2ID, PI. 62-2 1/2IIIP&M, PI. 65-3 1/2IIIP&M, PI. 
 167 1/2IVP&M. 
 
The Origin of Eucharistic Symbolism 95 
 
 sented perfectly the prominent thought of the eucharistic dis- 
 course, the necessity of partaking of the Bread of Life which 
 Jesus said was His own flesh — to have a part in the death of 
 Christ, and also in His Resurrection ("and I will raise him up at 
 the last day", said Jesus). These two ideas furnish the real 
 reason for making use of the eucharistic theme in art of the sepul- 
 chre. By the bread of the miracle which Christ offered to men 
 the eucharistic bread was indicated. The fish accompanied the 
 bread according to the miracle, and probably, better than the 
 bread could do, symbolized flesh, the offered body of Christ. 
 But after all, the introduction of the fish into the eucharistic 
 cycle was purely accidental. It was simply because of the acci- 
 dent that fish were multiplied as well as loaves in the miracle 
 of the feeding of the multitude in the sixth chapter of St. John's 
 Gospel that they were united with the loaves in the pictorial 
 and symbolical treatment of the theme. Because the fish was 
 accidental in its introduction into early Christian Art is the rea- 
 son why it has been so very difficult to understand and inter- 
 pret it. In addition to the fish the baskets of bread made the iden- 
 tification of the miracle with the symbolism certain. Wine was m- 
 cluded at first as a real eucharistic element according to the words 
 of institution of the sacrament, but not finding a place in the real- 
 ism of the multiplication miracle was dropped as not being 
 essential to the symbolism, though it was always understood.^^^ 
 (A man not only had to eat of the flesh of Christ in order to 
 partake of the Eucharist, he also had to drink His blood.) Bread 
 and fish and baskets were the essential features of the symbolism, 
 and their use in the paintings of the second century demonstrates 
 the truth of the assertion that the source of the eucharistic 
 cycle is to be found in St. John's Gospel. 
 
 As has been said, the symbolism of the multiplication miracle, 
 isolated from scenes of feasting, continued throughout the 
 fourth century. At that time it may have indicated only the 
 Bread of Life, the eucharistic bread, for in the third century 
 we observe the return of the recognition of the essential import- 
 
 ^ In the celebrated inscription of Abercius, bishop of Hierapolis in 
 Phrygia (second century), the bishop says that when in Rome he was 
 offered bread and fish and wine. 
 
96 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 ance of wine as a fundamental eucharistic element, demanding 
 representation in the symbolism. As just remarked, wine was 
 always included in the interpretation of the symbolism of 
 the multiplication miracle, according to Christ's discourse 
 on the miracle, though it found no place in the event 
 itself. In response to the demand for representation the miracle 
 at Cana of Galilee was introduced, evidently symbolizing the 
 eucharistic wine. In one instance the two themes of the multi- 
 plication and the wine miracles are treated in obvious connection. 
 As a result of this the fish, having obtained an eucharistic signifi- 
 cance through its presence in the original cycle, came to symbolize 
 the Eucharist independently, or more specifically the sacrificed 
 body of Christ, even Christ Himself. The fish, assisted by the 
 acrostic, then came to be a sign for Christ. ^*° 
 
 ^■^ Professor Ludwig von Sybel of Marburg in his book Christliche 
 Antike, 1906, seems to have missed the point in his discussion of this 
 entire cycle of paintings. In his chapter entitled Das Mahl der Seligen 
 (pp. 181-209) he advances the theory that all pictures of feasting in 
 Catacomb Art are intended to portray the banquets of the blessed in 
 paradise. He is not very happy in his attempt to connect the catacomb 
 frescoes with scenes of eating and feasts of heroes in the art of ancient 
 Egypt, Babylonia and Assyria, as well as of classic Greece and Rome. 
 His chapter would be more satisfactory if he should discuss ,the only 
 question of interest in this connection, the influence and extent of the 
 funeral feast, a universal pagan custom in Christian practice, concerning 
 which there has never been any serious doubt. The feast of remem- 
 brance for the deceased was observed by Christian families, just as by 
 their pagan neighbors, and it had been so abused by excesses in the 
 days of Augustine that he expressed his strong disapproval of the prac- 
 tice. These funeral love feasts, Agapes, are suggested by several paint- 
 ings in the catacombs, and it may be that the celestial banquet is intended 
 by a fourth century series. There may be a sense in which the eucharistic 
 feast suggests the communion of saints in paradise with their Lord, 
 but von Sybel does not mean that. He insinuates, without chronological 
 discrimination, a strongly materialistic element in the early Christian con- 
 ception of the future life. Heaven is a place for indulgent enjoyment 
 of the physical pleasures which appeal to us in this life, and which, if 
 Jupiter or Heracles or Mithras be substituted for Christ, one might 
 expect. But he fails to see that this does not correspond with the fact, 
 when Christianity is considered historically. In his strong attack on Wil- 
 pert, charging him with reading an ecclesiastical interpretation into 
 paintings that express merely ideas of the people, conceptions of the mul- 
 
fo 
 
 X 
 
 Oh 
 
The Origin of Eucharistic Symbolism 97 
 
 titude, he forgets the intensely unified nature of the Christian community 
 in the period before the peace, and that while many members of the 
 Church were ignorant and unlearned, perhaps unable to read and to write, 
 the symbolism of a painting would be perfectly clear to them if once 
 instructed by their leaders. A writer who at this day remains under the 
 influence of the mythical theory of Strauss in considering the history 
 of early Christianity, has very little reason to charge Wilpert with being 
 unscientific on the ground that he follows clerical predispositions. Von 
 Sybel fails, moreover, to see the great popular use of symbolism, as 
 attested by early Christian Art, carried to an extent undreamed of before 
 the excavations of the catacombs. He seems to ignore the symbolism 
 to a large extent, or else to misunderstand it, and above all fails to 
 credit the early Christian artists with having originated the forms for their 
 symbols, whether under popular or clerical control. In this particular 
 cycle he neglects the tripod pictures as well as the twin paintings in the 
 Crypt of Lucina which confirm the eucharistic symbolism. (Their sym- 
 bolic character remains, even if Wilpert should be mistaken, as he 
 asserts, in seeing a flask of wine in each of the baskets.) Aside from 
 saying that the fish was a common article of food (p. 199), and that 
 it represented the individual Christian (p. 138), he leaves the symbol 
 alone. Von Sybel's discussion of this series of second century paintings 
 is very disappointing. He does not see the true significance of the 
 loaves and fishes and baskets, and apparently misapprehends the entire 
 spirit of Early Christian Art. 
 
IV. ST. JOHN'S GOSPEL THE LEADING FACTOR IN 
 CATACOMB SYMBOLISM. 
 
 It seems reasonably certain that the end of the first century saw 
 constructed the beginnings of the catacombs of Mons Vaticanus, 
 Lucina at St. Paul's, Domitilla, Priscilla, and possibly others. Wil- 
 pert gives good reasons for assigning dates to paintings from these 
 as follows: second half of the first century (reign of Domitian) 
 to the hypogeum of the Flavii in Domitilla, end of first century 
 to the hypogeum of the Acilii in Priscilla (after 91, when Acilius 
 Glabrio was consul with Trajan), and end of the first century 
 to the "oldest room" in Domitilla. 
 
 In these paintings the subjects may be briefly enumerated: 
 grape vine designs, cupids, birds including peacocks, dolphins, 
 radiating designs, a fisherman, flowers including asters, orna- 
 mental forms, i. e., ideal heads, genre pictures, jars and vases, 
 ideal human forms, a sea-monster, a scene of eating called by 
 Wilpert a funeral banquet, the Good Shepherd (carrying sheep), 
 Cupid as the Good Shepherd, sheep, a -vessel for milk, Daniel 
 between two Lions, and Noah in the Ark. Of these, manifestly 
 the ones that are biblical are the Good Shepherd, Daniel and 
 Noah. The others are plainly and only classical motifs for decor- 
 ation, and one might as well expect to find them in pagan paint- 
 ings as indeed we do very commonly. 
 
 Concerning the themes introduced in the second century the 
 statement may be made that, observing the laws and traditions of 
 Pagan Art, in which they had been trained, as to symmetry and 
 composition, and falling heir to its technique as well as to its 
 defects, the Christian artists created their own forms, their own 
 composition of a picture, and something more than this — they 
 created an art that was entirely symbolic. To them must be given 
 the credit for originating the idea of a form of art whose dis- 
 tinctive feature is symbolism, and that alone. In its beginning 
 there are a few slight traces of the influence of realism, but even 
 here pagan form exerted an unconscious influence through its 
 
The Gospel and Catacomb Symbolism 99 
 
 peculiar custom of setting each picture in its own frame or wall 
 space or section of vault. In this century the great number of 
 Scriptural themes arose, augmented somewhat in the third cen- 
 tury, but forming the nucleus for the catacomb period in Chris- 
 tian Art. 
 
 We have, then, besides the first century themes, Moses strik- 
 ing the Rock, the three Hebrew Children in the Fiery Furnace in 
 Babylon, scenes of Baptism, and various scenes of eating with 
 separate representations of food, vessels and tables, baskets of 
 bread, fish, vases, tripods, etc., as well as the miracle of the Mul- 
 tiplication of Loaves, all of which have been discussed as euchar- 
 istic symbols, representations of the seasons of the year, the story 
 of Susannah and the Elders, Abraham offering up his son Isaac, 
 the Resurrection of Lazarus, Grants, the Coronation of Thorns 
 ( ?) or the Agnus Dei, the meeting of Jesus and the Woman of 
 Samaria at Jacob's Well, the miracle of the Woman with an 
 Issue of Blood, the Madonna, the Adoration of the Wise Men, the 
 Annunciation ( ?), Christ as Judge, the deceased, genii, Jonah, Or- 
 pheus, the miracle of the Healing of the Paralytic, various addi- 
 tional decorative elements, such as shells, wreaths, roses, doves, 
 architectural designs, scenes of prayer, and realistic scenes of 
 the activities of the fossores. 
 
 In the third century a few more themes are found, such as 
 Christ enthroned and surrounded by the apostles, David and his 
 sling, Tobias and his fish, the miracle of the Healing of a Blind 
 Man, Leper, etc., and the Converting of the Water into Wine at 
 Cana of Galilee, Adam and Eve at the fatal tree, and many more 
 elements for decorative detail and symbolism, including further 
 bird, animal and flower forms and species. Amor and Psyche, 
 discs, a shepherd milking sheep, also apostles and saints, virgins 
 and orants, masks, etc. 
 
 The fourth century introduces a new element, showing more of 
 a crude attempt at realism, and differing considerably in spirit 
 from the previous centuries, a process due to the gradual de- 
 velopment of the cult of the saints and martyrs. Hence we see 
 the origins of the Apocalpytic cycle, having to do with paradise 
 and what goes on therein, and preparing for the themes of the 
 great church mosaics. A few scenes from real life are treated. 
 
lOO St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 and the only new Scriptural themes are the Raising of the Daugh- 
 ter of Jairus, the three Hebrew Children in their refusal to wor- 
 ship the image of the Babylonian king, the Prophesy of Balaam, 
 Moses removing his sandals before the burning bush, Moses and 
 Aaron persecuted by the Jews, the Ascension of Elijah, the Rain 
 of Manna, the miracle of the Healing of the Demoniac, all of 
 which proclaim strongly the arrival of the period of the sarco- 
 phagi. Oceanus is the most prominent pagan form introduced 
 in this century. 
 
 In the chapter on the early influence of St. John's Gospel it 
 was shown how the themes appropriate for the decoration of a 
 Christian's tomb were selected because they really had to do with 
 life, the continuous Christian life. The death which was the 
 occasion for these themes was regarded as only an incident in 
 this eternal flow of life, which, for the Christian, began at his 
 baptism and continued throughout the ages. It may be ques- 
 tioned, even, whether this physical death was intended specifically 
 under any of the symbols in Catacomb Painting. It is well known, 
 for instance, that search has been made in vain for a representa- 
 tion of martyrdom in the frescoes. ^*^ The only one found is 
 within the city walls in the house of the martyrs John and Paul. 
 It is probable, however, that the cause of martyrdom is symbolized 
 in the theme of the three Hebrews of Babylon refusing to wor- 
 ship the image which Nebuchadnezzar had set up. In a fresco 
 in the catacomb of Priscilla the image is portrayed as the herm 
 of a Roman emperor, the refusal to honor which, on the part of 
 the Christian, was regarded as an imperative reason for his 
 punishment. Ordinary physical death may indeed have been sym- 
 bolized under such themes as Jonah, Job, Adam and Eve, Dan- 
 iel, Noah, the Hebrew Children in the Furnace, the healing mira- 
 cles of Jesus, particularly on the leper, etc. But each of these 
 themes symbolized other things equally well, particularly the death 
 of the soul through sin and the Christian hope of deliverance 
 therefrom. In fact, the statement may here be repeated that the 
 entire cycle of catacomb themes exhibited in symbolic form the 
 
 ^"A marble relief in the basilica of SS. Nereus and Achiles in Domitilla 
 doubtless represents the martyrdom of one of these saints. 
 
T}\c Gospel and Catacomb Symbolism loi 
 
 prominent truths of the Christian life regarded in its fullest ex- 
 tent. Such is the essential nature of catacomb frescoes. 
 
 In the same chapter it was shown, by a discussion of the marked 
 characteristic of the Johannine Gospel and its value for symbol- 
 ism, that it, better than the Synoptic Gospels, corresponded with 
 this real purpose in catacomb paintings. It afforded in concrete 
 pictures the most precious thoughts concerning a man's salvation 
 and the result of the same, his deliverance from sin and the effects 
 thereof, the beatitude of his soul through all eternity, as well as 
 the resurrection of his body. Better than the Synoptics it fur- 
 nished the symbols of the Christian's hope, his bright future as 
 well as his contented state of present happiness. On page 75 
 was given an arrangement of many of the Johannine sym- 
 bolic expressions on which catacomb pictures were based. Thus, 
 beginning with the true explanation of baptism as being an in- 
 ward cleansing by the Holy Spirit, of which washing with water ir 
 a symbol, the Johannine Gospel presents the deepest truths of 
 the Christian life in markedly concise form. It discusses the 
 sources of this life, the nutriment that preserves it, the protec- 
 tion afforded it, and the assurance of its immortal nature. 
 
 It has already been shown that the influence of St. John's Gospel 
 in Catacomb Art was very early. It is found at the very beginning, 
 even in the first years of the second century. From the above 
 considerations then, from what we know of the nature of cata- 
 comb symbolism, and of how the Johannine Gospel at an early date 
 afforded important themes for treatment according to symbolism 
 of this nature, it is easy to deduce the proposition that St. John's 
 Gospel was the leading factor in the entire field of catacomb 
 symbolism. That is to say, we find, when we search for its 
 sources, that it forms the nucleus for this symbolism. Besides 
 this, it affords the best explanation for early Christian symbolism 
 of a popular nature; it accounts for its origins, and for its very 
 existence. 
 
 As previously remarked, the symbolism of the catacomb paint- 
 ings was something new in Art. One would not expect it, 
 judging from the Pagan Art of the day. The catacomb frescoes 
 form a species of hieroglyphic writing, of the same nature as that 
 
102 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 of the Egyptians and worthy to be compared with it in ingen- 
 uity, though extremely Hmited in scope. The key to its interpre- 
 tation is found, of course, in the Scriptures ; and of the Sacred 
 Writings St. John's Gospel provides the explanation most satis- 
 factory for the great portion of these themes, the explanation 
 most in accord with symbolism. This is true for themes selected 
 manifestly from other portions of Scripture, such, for example, as 
 the Incaranation. The account of this is given in the Gospels of 
 SS. Matthew and Luke, but the explanation through which the 
 original Madonna cycle had meaning is in the Johannine Gospel, 
 "Behold the Word was made Flesh, and dwelt among us". It is 
 St. John's Gospel that explains things, that explains them clearly, 
 in a word or in a phrase which is in itself a symbol of profound 
 significance. It is this symbolic characteristic that caused it to 
 take the lead in the development of catacomb symbolism. It is 
 pretty much an untouched problem as yet, the investigation of 
 why the early Church thought so largely in symbols. (We had 
 known from extant literature that the leaders of the Church in- 
 dulged in extravagant symbols, but Catacomb Art reveals the fact 
 that the people as well had a symbolic mode of thought of their 
 own.) The prominence of the Johannine Gospel in this symbolism 
 leads to the conclusion that it formed the standard, and it is not 
 too much to say that themes from all parts of Scripture were 
 selected as suitable for symbolic treatment according as their 
 explanation conformed to this prevailing Johannine standard. 
 Our knowledge of the nature of the Gospel itself leads to this 
 conclusion, likewise our knowledge of the origin and nature of 
 catacomb symbolism, and our knowledge of the themes selected 
 in the order of their chronological development. A brief con- 
 sideration of the entire Johannine cycle will be found to point 
 to the same conclusion. 
 
PART II. 
 
 THE JOHANNINE CYCLE. 
 
 When we consider, then, the Johannine cycle as a whole, we 
 find it necessary to outline the evidence on which it is constructed. 
 We observe that the cycle is composed of themes which, for good 
 reasons, compel the assertion that their source or the reason for 
 their use in early Christian Art is to be found in St. John's Gos- 
 pel. Thus, recalling the classification proposed on page 9 
 the cycle consists of themes Johannine absolutely, archaeologically 
 or characteristically. Those absolutely Johannine have their 
 source only in the Fourth Gospel, and are mentioned in no other 
 part of Scripture. The latter two classes, as far as literary source 
 goes, may be regarded as having their written sources in other 
 portions of Scripture, or are of doubtful interpretation. Yet they 
 are Johannine because they present details which, investigated 
 archaeologically, demand that they be so considered, or because 
 they emphasize so prominently the specific characteristic of the 
 Gospel. The latter possess strong claim for interpretation in 
 the light of that characteristic, and hence owe allegiance to the 
 Johannine cycle. As remarked before, the themes of the former 
 two classes belong naturally to the last. In fact they determine it, 
 because after being assured of the existence of this character- 
 istic of the Gospel in early symbolism from the themes absolutely 
 and archaeologically Johannine, the nucleus is formed to which 
 purely characteristic themes have a right to be attached, thus com- 
 pleting the cycle. It must not be imagined, however, that in notic- 
 ing the increase and development of the cycle, and comparing it 
 with what was said in the chapter on the fundamental place of the 
 Gospel in the formation of catacomb symbolism, we have an argu- 
 ment in a circle. Such is not the case. In that chapter the charac- 
 teristic of the Gospel was urged as being a natural reason for its 
 being regarded as a mine for symbolic themes appropriate for 
 catacomb decoration. In this chapter the development of the 
 process is observed as a fact of history. It is not employed to 
 
I04 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 prove the existence of the characteristic. That was shown from 
 the Gospel itself. The progress of this chapter illustrates the 
 characteristic, and establishes the prominence of the Gospel in 
 popular thought. But this great influence is not used as an ar- 
 gument for including themes in the cycle characteristically. 
 Such an argument is not needed. It is simply a question of fact 
 whether a theme exhibits in its treatment so much of the character- 
 istic of the Gospel that it must be regarded as belonging to the 
 Johannine cycle characteristically. It now remains to enumerate 
 and discuss briefly the themes that find a place in the classifi- 
 cation of the Johannine cycle. 
 
 \ 
 
I. THEMES ABSOLUTELY JOHANNINE. 
 
 There are at least three themes treated in Roman catacomb paint- 
 ings whose source is found only in St. John's Gospel, and are there- 
 fore named absolutely Johannine themes. These are, the Raising 
 of Lazarus, the Conversation of Christ with the Woman of Sa- 
 maria at Jacob's Well and the Miracle of the Wine at the Marriage 
 Feast at Cana of Galilee. 
 
 I. The Raising of Lazarus. ^^^ 
 
 The theme of the Raising of Lazarus is found first in the series. 
 The narrative requires the entire eleventh chapter of the Gospel. 
 It presents a scene unequalled for dramatic interest, and capable 
 of simple treatment in a single picture. But three elements are 
 needed in the composition, Christ, the tomb, and the risen Lazarus. 
 The earliest artists included one of the sisters, but this feature 
 was speedily given up as being unnecessary, and really a hindrance 
 to the symbolism. For the symbolism, or rather the great truth 
 
 '" allP PI. la, Fractio, PI. XI; i/2lIPraet. PI. Ilia, Mai., PL 19; 
 2/2IIC PI. VIIIc, Mai., PI. 39-1; 2/2IIC Sacr. Cap A3 (?) ; wilP Mai., 
 PL 45-2; (oIIC PL 46-2; 1/2IIID PL 55 ; 1/2IIIP&M PL 65-2; 1/2IIIP 
 &M PL 4S-i; 1/.IIIP&M PL 71-1 ; 2/2IIIP&M PL 93; 2/2IIIP&M PL 
 108-2; o) IIIvM Bull, 1873PLI-II; alVP PI.123; alVD cry op cry of 
 6SS.; alVC PL 128; 1/2IVC PL 137-2; i/2lVPraet PL 87-2; 1/2IVC 
 PL 143-1 ;i/2lVP&M PL 147; 1/2IVP&M PL 71-2; 1/2IVP&M (ob- 
 structed cu); 1/2IVP&M PL 159-1; 1/2IVT PL 164-2; 1/2IVP&M PL 
 166-1; i/2lVMaius PL 168; 1/2IVD PL 181-2; i/^IVMaius Garrucci, 
 Storia, 11.65; i/'IVD PL 190; i/^IVD PL 192; v//IVD PL 198; i[/lVvM 
 PL 62-1; )/^IVvM PL Vlllb, MaL, PL 212; i/^IVSotere, cu of medallion 
 of Christ in nimbus; vj/WC PL 143-2; 2/2IVC PL 234-1; 2/2IVD PL 
 219-2; 2/2lVMaius, cry of the Ducks; 2/2lVMaius, cry of Susannah; 
 2/2lVMaius, PL 222-3; 2/2IVD PL 227; 2/2IVD PL 228-4; 
 2/2IVD PL 230-2; 2/2IVD PL 231-1; 2/2IVP&M PL 232-2; 
 2/2IVH PL 246; 2/2IVH PL 240-2; 2/2IVD PL 239; 
 2/2IVC PL 222-2; 2/2IVD PL 248; 2/2IVP PL 250-1; IVHypogeum 
 near tomb of Scipios, cf. Bull., 1886, II, 7; IVDestroyed Hypogeum on 
 Via Latina, Garrucci, Storia, II, 40-1 ; IVCatacomb destroyed by Giordani, 
 cf. Wilpert, Alte Kopien, I. i. 
 
io6 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 which the event illustrated, was the thing that interested the early 
 Christian. The resurrection of Lazarus was a sign unto him. 
 By that token he knew that as his mortal, material body would 
 one day through weakness be laid away in the galleries of the 
 catacomb, as Lazarus was imprisoned in his tomb, so the same 
 power that had called Lazarus from his sepulchre would like- 
 wise call him forth from his subterranean dwelling in an in- 
 corruptible, spiritual body that could never more taste of deaths 
 It is no wonder that the theme was popular in Catacomb Art. 
 It was a symbol of hope — hope of the resurrection of the body, 
 hope of immortality. 
 
 One question does arise, however, and that is, why the resur- 
 rection of Lazarus was treated in preference to that of Christ 
 Himself. The answer probably is not difficult. The scene of 
 Christ's resurrection does not lend itself so well to symbolic treat- 
 ment, that is, as a picture. It demands realistic portrayal. That, 
 however, was what the catacomb artists distinctly avoided. They 
 both realized their artistic limitations, and they seem to have de- 
 cided early that their work should be entirely symbolical. Fur- 
 thermore, in the latter theme they would have to paint the glori- 
 fied Christ realistically, and we know that in the pre-Constantinian 
 period, with a few doubtful exceptions, Christ was never painted 
 realistically or with any idealistic attempt at portraiture. Aside 
 from the Christ-Child, which does not count. He was always 
 treated symbolically, though in ways easy of identification. But 
 an answer better than the above is simply this, that the theme of 
 Lazarus appealed strongly to the average Christian. Lazarus 
 was a mortal, simply a man, possessing nothing of the nature of 
 deity. So in the theme of Lazarus the Christian could see the 
 divine Christ standing by the tomb and calling to the dead man 
 to come forth. Such a scene readily admitted of pictorial repre- 
 sentation. It was difficult to find any element of Christ's resur- 
 rection, capable of pictorial presentation according to the mode, 
 that would symbolize this mighty power. It was a pleasant 
 hope in which to die, this hope that Christ Himself would call 
 His servants from the catacombs, as He had called Lazarus 
 from his tomb. 
 
Themes Absolutely Johannine 107 
 
 The first surviving painting is from the early part of the second 
 century, in the fresco described above (pp. 26ff. in the 
 Greek Chapel in the catacomb of Priscilla (PI. la, Wilpert: 
 Fractio, PI. XI). There are five pictures of the theme that be- 
 long to the second century, seven to the third, and forty-one to 
 the fourth, three of which are absolutely lost now, and others 
 are in a very precarious state, being quite fragmentary or greatly 
 faded. In the second century the details vary, and it seemed 
 to require about a hundred years to establish the type that should 
 be invariable for the following centuries. It was worked out, 
 however, and in the third and fourth centuries it varies only in 
 a few details. The formal type as given from the second cen- 
 tury consisted in the following elements : the tomb, Lazarus 
 in the wrappings of a mummy standing in the doorway, and Christ 
 in pallium standing before the tomb and touching Lazarus with 
 a wand or rod. The five paintings of the second century are 
 alike in this respect, that in all of them the tomb is seen, and this 
 is the only element of the composition in which they agree. 
 Indeed, it is this feature alone that compels us to accept Wil- 
 pert's identification of the first one of the series, the one in 
 the Greek Chapel. As well as the scene of the Raising of Lazarus 
 it might perhaps be interpreted equally well as portraying the 
 Resurrection of Christ. The painting is now so faded and so 
 greatly damaged as a result of the stalactite formation that 
 covered it (and yet which preserved it through the centuries), 
 that it is difficult to be certain of the details. At present it must 
 be studied by Wilpert's plate, and we shall soon have to depend 
 entirely upon his photograph. 
 
 There are at least four other frescoes of this theme that be- 
 long to the second century, and some, following De Rossi, think 
 that we must count another, now destroyed, in the Sacrament 
 Chapel A3 in Callixtus (2/2II). These paintings differ more or 
 less in detail. Thus, in the Johannine or "Passion" Crypt in Prae- 
 textatus (PI. Illa, Mai., PI. 19-1 1/2II) all that is left of the 
 painting is the lower part in which we see the steps and the foun- 
 dation of the tomb, and the figures of Christ in short pallium and 
 one of the sisters of Lazarus. In the Sacrament Chapel A2 in 
 
io8 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Callixtus we see a great variation in composition (PI. VIIIc, 
 Mai., PI. 39-1 2/2II). The facade of the tomb is adorned with 
 columns. Lazarus, in greatly damaged condition, stands in front 
 of it, and Christ, of whom only a fragment remains, is nearby. It 
 is probable that one of the sisters was also represented. De Rossi, 
 as was remarked above, argued that in the neighboring Sacrament 
 Chapel A3 there was also a fresco of the scene, since the two 
 chapels are so similar in themes presented and even in the de- 
 tail of their arrangement. In the Sacrament Chapel A6 (Mai., 
 PI. 46-2 0) II) we find another variation, and the introduction of 
 an element that becomes stereotyped, the rod which Christ holds 
 in His left hand. The tomb has a narrow doorway, and the 
 tympanum is decorated with various ornaments. Lazarus 
 is partially wrapped, though his hands and legs are free, and 
 stands in front of the tomb. Christ extends His right arm but 
 does not touch Lazarus. His rod is in the other hand, and no use 
 is made of it whatever. The sister is missing. 
 
 In the cubiculum IV in Priscilla (Mai., PI. 45-2 <a II) we see 
 the type as ordinarily found in the third and fourth centuries. 
 Lazarus as a mummy stands in the door of his tomb, which is of 
 the regular form. Christ in the philosopher's pallium stands a 
 little distance away and touches him with a wand. No other per- 
 sons are seen. A complete catalog of all the remaining frescoes 
 of the theme, with accurate and technical descriptions, may be 
 found in Wilpert's Pitture (pp. 285ff, and corresponding pages in 
 Malereien). They conform in more or less detail to this last type, 
 and are so monotonous and uninteresting arististically that speci- 
 fic comment is omitted. 
 
 2. The Woman of Samaria. ^*^ 
 
 Next of the themes belonging to the Johannine cycle absolutely 
 is the incident of the conversation between Christ and the Samar- 
 itan Woman at Jacob's Well. Four pictures only of this scene 
 have come down to us. 
 
 The fact that four pictures only have been discovered, of 
 
 '*" i/2lIPraet PI. Ilia, Mai., PL 19; 2/2IIC PI. IVa, Mai., PI. 29-2; 
 1/2IIID PI. Vb, Mai, PI. 54-2; (/.IIIP&M Wilpert, Cychis, PI. I-IV. 
 
Themes Absolutely Johannine 109 
 
 which but three survive, might be significant of a decHne in 
 popularity of the theme, or of recognized difificulty in properly 
 handling it, if it were not for the fact that they are all early. 
 Two date from the second century, and the remaining two, one 
 being preserved in copy only, are located before the middle of the 
 third century. It must be remembered that the great mass of all 
 paintings, of whatever theme, date from the middle of the third 
 century on to the end of the fourth, so these four paintings make 
 a valuable ratio in connection with those of other themes before 
 the middle of the third century. 
 
 Yet the terminal date of the theme is indeed significant. It 
 marks the passing of the Johannine cycle, or at least of its original 
 stage. Men did not think quite so much of the spirituality of the 
 Christian life and its continuity. They now began to dwell 
 more on the magical effects of the sacraments, in connection with 
 the development of ecclesiastical hierarchy and polity. In the 
 fourth century we find the divine Apostle still highly honored, 
 but more through his Apocalypse, the mysterious beauty of 
 which seemed to furnish suitable settings for portrayal of themes 
 suggested by the cult of the Martyrs. The essence of this cult 
 dealt with the vital question of how to obtain entrance to the 
 heavenly Jerusalem, it being a matter of secondary consideration 
 whether that was a spiritual kingdom or not, and whether it 
 had relation to the spiritual nature of the Christian life on this 
 earth. Wherefore the ethical persuasive, which was such a 
 strong logical consequent of the early Christian conception of 
 continuous life, gave way more or less before the mechanical and 
 physical concepts that now arose. It is not surprising, then, that 
 the Johannine cycle declined at this time, as evidenced by the 
 last date of the theme of the Woman of Samaria. 
 
 The story of the scene at Jacob's Well is told in Jn. 4:1-42. 
 The points emphasized in the conversation are, (i) the fact that 
 Jesus is able to give to whom He will the living water, which 
 ''shall be in him a well of water springing up into everlasting 
 life" (v. 14). (2) Spirituality is insisted upon (in distinction 
 to formal modes of worship). "God is a spirit: and they that 
 worship him must worship him in spirit and in truth" (v. 
 
no St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 24). (3) Jesus is declared to be "the Christ, the Saviour of 
 the world" (v. 42). Spiritual existence, then, in this world 
 and the next in the enjoyment of God is dependent on the 
 gift of Christ, the Saviour of the world, and is typified under the 
 figure of living water. Concrete example here illustrates the 
 thought. The living water is regarded as being implanted at the 
 occasion of baptism, the gracious waters of which cleanse the 
 soul and mark the beginning of everlasting life. 
 
 (i) The first fresco in the series dates from the first 
 half of the second century, and is in the catacomb of Praetex- 
 tatus. (PI. Ilia, Mai., PI. 19. Cf. also Garrucci : Storia, II, 
 38-3 and Perret : Catacombes de Rome, I, 81.) It is in the 
 Johannine or "Passion" Crypt, and is immediately below the 
 fragment of the scene of the Raising of Lazarus already spoken 
 of. The well is indicated by a circular curb construction, puteal, 
 which marked the opening of all wells and cisterns. On the one 
 side stands Christ in girded tunic with short sleeves, and with a 
 purple chlamys, having His right hand raised in the gesture of 
 speech. Opposite to him is the woman, holding in her two hands 
 a narrow vase. She is clad in a long ungirded tunic, with sleeves. 
 
 The painting is of particular merit, being in admirable classic 
 style. The figures by their attitudes exhibit plenty of life and 
 energy. The details, however, will not bear close inspection. 
 Wilpert remarks on it, (Pitture, p. 207), "The fresco, considered 
 from the point of style, is one of the best in early Christian 
 Painting, and perhaps better than all the other compositions shows 
 that the first artists were trained in the classic school ; here it is 
 perfectly evident that as yet there was no break from the ancient 
 traditions." 
 
 The fresco is interesting and unique in this respect, that 
 Christ is painted with a scarlet chlamys. Wilpert and his fol- 
 lowers suggest the peculiar explanation : that in connection with 
 this painting and beside it we have the fresco now celebrated, 
 which has been referred to above, of the "Coronation of Thorns", 
 in which the soldiers wear the chlamys, which was a part of the 
 military costume. These capes, however, are yellow, the same 
 color as their tunics and Christ's pallium. St. Matthew says 
 that the soldiers "stripped him, and put on him a 
 
Themes Absolutely Johannine in 
 
 scarlet robe . Kat cKSvo-avres airov ;(Aa/u,vSa kokklvtjv irepudrjKav avriZ 
 (Mt. 27:28.). St. Mark says, YiO'WOX&V , koX hhihvcTKOvaivavTov iropf^vpav 
 (Mk. 15:17.). St. Luke says of Pilate's soldiers only that they 
 mocked Christ and beat Him, but adds that Herod and his sol- 
 diers arrayed Him in gorgeous apparel, Trepi/SaAw iaOrjra Xafxirpdv 
 
 (Lk. 22:63, 23-II-)- St. John says, Kat IfidTLOv Trop<f)vpovv irepU/SaXov 
 
 (Jn. 19:2.). The accounts do not seem to agree as to the 
 nature of the garment furnished by the soldiers, but they unite 
 in saying that it was purple, and St. Matthew pronounces it 
 a purple chlamys, and this is what we have represented in the 
 scene of Christ with the Samaritan woman. While such a garment 
 is perfectly legitimate in this painting, since Christ was understood 
 to be on a journey and exposed to the weather, yet it is urgently 
 demanded in the scene of the crowning with thorns, in which it is 
 conspicuous by its absence. Wherefore we are now to suppose 
 an error on the part of the artist, a lapsus penicilli. He put the 
 purple mantle on Christ in the wrong painting! It will be neces- 
 sary to refer to this matter again, when discussing the picture of 
 the "Mockery of Christ." 
 
 (2) The second painting in the series is to be found in the cata- 
 comb of Callixtus, in the Sacrament Chapel A3 (PI. IVa, Mai., 
 PI. 29-2. Cf. De Rossi: R. S., 11, tav. XVH, Garrucci: Storia, 
 n, 7-5.). It dates from about the end of the second century. 
 The peculiarity of this painting is its arrangement. The space 
 allowed for the fresco was too narrow for the action to be all 
 represented on a single plane, so it is divided into two parts. 
 Below is the puteal, into which the woman in high-girded tunic 
 inserts her vessel, a rounded pail with a handle, and the water 
 splashes forth in every direction.^** Above is Christ seated upon 
 a rock, clothed in the philosopher's pallium with right shoulder 
 bare. He holds in both hands an outstretched roll from which He 
 is represented as reading — evidently the words of His conversation 
 as recorded in the Gospel. The woman is reaching down, at His 
 invitation, for the spiritual water, typified by the splashing water 
 of Jacob's well. 
 
 ^" Wilpert says that the woman is drawing the vessel from the well, 
 instead of inserting into it. From the painting it is difficult to account 
 for the huge splash if this be the case. Pitture, p. yj2. 
 
112 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 (3) The third painting was in the catacomb of Domitilla 
 (PI. Vb, Mai., PI. 54-2. Cf. Bosio: R. S., p. 245, Garrucci: 
 Storia, II, 26-2.). It dated from the first half of the third cen- 
 tury. At present it is entirely destroyed, having been ruined in 
 an attempt to remove it from its wall space. Copies had been 
 made of it, however, and Wilpert has supplied the outlines 
 in his photograph of the wall. The scene is on the front wall of an 
 arcosolium, and is divided into two parts by a painting of the mul- 
 tiplication of loaves. On the left is the woman holding her vessel 
 above the well opening by a cord. Her vessel has the appearance 
 of a large amphora. On the right stands Christ with right hand 
 raised in the act of speaking. With His left He supports a fold 
 in His garment in which are five loaves. The artist is guilty of 
 an error in his sketch, for instead of making the figures turn 
 towards each other, they both look in the same direction, to the 
 right. 
 
 (4) The concluding picture of the series belongs on the en- 
 trance wall of a cubiculum in the catacomb of Peter and Mar- 
 cellinus. It was executed about the middle of the third century 
 (Wilpert : Cychis, PI. I-IV.). It is now in a much damaged condi- 
 tion, but originally was a very satisfactory painting of the scene. 
 The well separates the two figures, which are represented in 
 active attitudes. Christ has His arm raised in the gesture of 
 speech, and the woman holds her vessel, to which a cord is at- 
 tached, in both hands. 
 
 It is to be noted that the essential elements of each of the four 
 representations of the scene are, Christ, the Samaritan woman 
 with her vessel, and the well. In each case the woman has her 
 head uncovered. 
 
 Wilpert makes an arbitrary division of these four pictures into 
 two groups of which Nos. i and 4 symbolize "faith in Christ 
 the promised Messiah'V*" and Nos. 2 and 3 are included in his 
 list of "representations expressing prayer for the admission of the 
 deceased into felicity (beatitudine), and symbolize the refri- 
 gerium}^^ The basis of this classification is difficult to see, unless 
 perhaps it consists in this, that in these two paintings the symbolic 
 
 "= Pitture, p. 206ff. 
 "' Ihid., p. SQofif. 
 
<j;5 ■ 
 
 5^=lil-illiiip-it 2 
 
 ■■'"' 5'5-isi, i-dg^s? 
 
 8 i'i^% 
 
 
 js||-|ltit||5|i: 
 
 Ill^lUi^ 
 
 
 •i^ii III 
 "^ 1 1 s ||.| a 
 
 C E S-S s 5 5 |°j 
 
 y. 
 
Themes Absolutely Johannine 113 
 
 character of the water is more evident. In No. 2 the water 
 splashes forth from the well mouth, and in No. 3 the woman 
 holds her vessel above the well as if about to put it down and 
 draw. But this spark of individuality exhibited by the artist is 
 not a sufficient reason for forcibly dividing the symbolism of the 
 theme. The well appears in all four paintings, and in itself is 
 sufficient to suggest the "well of water springing up into eternal 
 life"."^ In all four pictures Christ is depicted talking to the 
 woman, the climax of His teaching consisting in the words, "I 
 that speak unto thee am he"."^ In Nos. i, 3 and 4 this fact is 
 illustrated by the gesture of Christ in raising His right hand 
 towards the woman, and in No. 2 the same is made clear by the 
 unrolled scroll from which the Saviour reads the gracious words. 
 
 But perhaps the basis of the classification is to be found 
 not in the paintings themselves, but rather in their location with 
 respect to contiguous paintings. Thus, No. 2 is on the doorway 
 to the entrance of the so-called Sacrament Chapel A3 in the cata- 
 comb of Callixtus. In a gallery of the second half of the second 
 century there is a series of five of these "Sacrament Chapels", in 
 which one or both of the sacraments of the Church are represented 
 or symbolized. In the Chapel A3 are the following subjects: 
 the Good Shepherd, genii, vases, birds, Moses Striking the 
 Rock, the Woman of Samaria, a fisherman, Baptism, the Paraly- 
 tic healed, Jonah cast from the ship, saved from the sea-mon- 
 ster and reclining under the gourd. Multiplication of Loaves 
 and Fishes, Veiled Orant, Scene of Feasting, the Sacrifice of 
 Abraham. The Resurrection of Lazarus was also probably paint- 
 ed here.^*^ In this series Baptism is plainly represented, and 
 may be symbolized under the themes of Moses at the Rock, the 
 fisherman and the history of Jonah, and possibly the Paralytic; 
 and the Eucharist may be depicted under the scene of feasting, 
 and symbolized under the Multiplication theme or the blessing of 
 the fish and loaves on the tripod. 
 
 Inasmuch as the scene at Jacob's Well is included in this series, 
 
 "7n. 4.-I4- 
 
 "' Jn. 4 .26, iyui itfXL 6 AaXaJi/ <tol. 
 
 ^^ Pitture, PI. 26-2, 3; 27-3; 29-2; 41-1, 2, 3. Cf. Wilpert: Die Sakra- 
 tnents Kappellen. 
 
114 ^^- John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 and since it is held that here we have a distinct sacramental 
 cycle, it might seem as reasonable to include this painting under 
 the list of symbols of baptism as, for example, the incident of 
 Moses striking the rock in the wilderness and causing the life- 
 giving water to rush forth. The saving water is one of the fea- 
 tures of either scene, and if one symbolizes baptism the other may 
 also with equally good ground. ^^° But as has been said above, 
 this author prefers to regard the painting of the Samaritan 
 Woman in the Sacrament Chapel as a symbol of the refrigerium, 
 the heavenly delight of the soul which has attained the enjoyment 
 of celestial felicity. 
 
 This Wilpert thinks is further illustrated by painting No. 
 3 in the catacomb of Domitilla, in which the figure of the woman 
 is separated from that of Christ by a painting of the Multiplication 
 of Loaves, ordinarily regarded as a symbol of the Eucharist; 
 and besides, Christ holds five loaves in a fold of His garment. 
 This is indeed the refrigerium, says Wilpert, and holds a relation 
 to the eucharistic painting of efifect to cause, that is, having 
 duly observed the eucharistic sacrament the Christian at death 
 obtains the refrigerium. Entrance into heaven then would seem 
 to be conditioned upon a due observance of the sacrament. 
 
 As previously remarked, there is fair reason for regarding 
 the scene of the conversation at Jacob's well depicted in the Sacra- 
 ment Chapel as a symbol of Baptism, and the same is true for 
 the painting in Domitilla. In such case we would have both sacra- 
 ments symbolized side by side, with the added feature that the 
 artist of his individual caprice saw fit to place some loaves in the 
 fold of Christ's garment, perhaps from very continuity with the 
 scene of the Multiplication miracle in which they are con- 
 cealed in the baskets, or perhaps rather for the further enrich- 
 ment of the eucharistic symbolism, by which Christ who pro- 
 vides the living water also furnishes the bread of life out of 
 heaven. Indeed, this third painting in the series of the Samaritan 
 Woman illustrates exactly the words of Christ to the multitude 
 by the sea of Tiberias, eyw ei/xi 6 apros t^s ^w^s • 6 ipxofxevos vp6<; ifii 
 
 "" Wil^ert's list of symbols of Baptism consists of the Evangelical 
 Fisher, the Healing of the Paralytic at the Pool, and Miracle of Moses 
 Striking the Rock, Pitture, p. 241 flf. 
 
Themes Absolutely Johannine 115 
 
 ov /J-Yj TTUvacTrj, Kat 6 Trtorrevojv eis f/u.e ov fxrj Suf/rjcrtL TrwTroTC (Jn. 6:35.)' 
 Certainly if one wishes to regard the incident at Jacob's Well 
 as a symbol of refrigerium there can be no great objection, only 
 in that case all four paintings must be taken equally for such 
 symbolism, and not two selected from them. But if this is done 
 the following fact must be allowed, that the living water which re- 
 freshes the thirsty soul must not be confined to the realm of para- 
 dise, but is rather the very source of the soul's salvation, a 
 spring of joy and comfort in this life as well as furnishing en- 
 trance to and happiness in that which is to come. If we apply 
 Wilpert's dictum of examining first of all the pictures themselves 
 and in connection with the font from which they derive their con- 
 tent, i. e., the Sacred Scriptures, and accordingly investigate the 
 account of the scene as recorded in St. John's Gospel, we find that 
 as far as the water is concerned its significance is expressed in 
 the words, os 8' a.v TTi-q ex Tov vSaTOS ov eyto Swcrto avrw, ov firj 8nj/-q(rei 
 eh TOV alwa, aWa to v8wp o iyio Swcro) avraJ yevj^aerai iv avrw Trrjyr] 
 vSaros dXXo/xivov ch ^wrjv alu)viov (Jn. 4:14.). In Other words, this 
 water is the source of the Christian's life, and is his continuous 
 refreshment. It nourishes him through all the days of his 
 earthly journey to such an extent that he no longer suffers 
 from thirst of spirit, and it cheers him eternally, "springing 
 up unto eternal life". This divine water gladdened the Christian 
 by assuring him of his salvation through the Provider of the same, 
 and also had the force of an ethical persuasive, instructing him in 
 the Christian graces. It may properly be said to symbolize the 
 entire continuous Christian life, having its fundamental source in 
 Christ's salvation, and its effervescent flow throughout eternity. 
 To the intelligent Christian of the second century, familiar with 
 St. John's Gospel, this is what the theme must have signified, to- 
 gether with the rich symbolism of Christ the promised Messiah, the 
 Saviour of the World. ^'^ 
 
 "'•The above is pointedly confirmed by an address of Jesus at 
 Jerusalem, to which St. John added an explanation of what Christ meant 
 by "living water" 6 TrtcrrevcDV ets €/a€, Ka6u>s clttcv t] ypacfir], Trora/xot e/c 
 T^? KotXwis avTov pevcTovdLV vSaros ^wvtos, tovto Bi eiTrev Trepl tov 7rvev/u.aTOs 
 ov ^/xeXAov Xa/jL/SdveLv ot inaTevovTe^ eis avTov. By "living water," then, 
 Christ symbolized the Spirit which was to be the true source of life and 
 refreshment to all who should believe on Him. 
 
ii6 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 True enough, these paintings decorate the walls of the 
 chamber of death, and may, with propriety, be investi- 
 gated for eschatalogical significance. One would scarcely 
 deny that heavenly bliss of the deceased {refrigerium^^-) may 
 be and is symbolized. But by the Christian who had a gleaning of 
 the import of St. John's Gospel, refrigerium of the blessed 
 
 "' Naturally enough in the times of peril during the second and third 
 centuries, and under the apparently well-authenticated opinion that here 
 they had no continuing city, the Christian earnestly desired the heavenly 
 refrigerium, and largely confined the use of the term to the defunct 
 state. There are many inscriptions, even as early as the third century, 
 that express the following sentiments : 
 
 BOLOSA DEVSTI 
 
 BI REFRIGERET QVAE VI 
 
 XIT ANNOS XXXI RECESSIT 
 
 DIE XIII KAL OCTB 
 
 (Mus. Lot. Christ., XI, 12.) 
 
 PRIVATA DVLCIS 
 
 IN REFRIGERIO 
 
 ET IN PACE 
 (De Rossi: Bull. Crist., 1886, p. 129.) 
 
 VICTORIA REFRIGERe^ 
 
 ISSPIRITVS TVS IN BONo 
 (Catacomb of Domitilla.) 
 lANVARIA BENE REFRIGERA ET ROGA P 
 
 RO NOS (Catacomb of Callixtus.) 
 
 The late inscriptions also contain the proper names REFRIGERIVS 
 and REFRIGERIA. Cf. De Rossi: Inscript. Christ., I, pp. 88, 158. Cf. 
 also on the refrigerium, Tertullian : De Monog., 10, Passio S. Perpetuae, 
 2 :3, 4, and various liturgies, such as the Sacram. Gregor. in Muratori : 
 Liturg. Rom. Vet., II, p. 4, "Ipsis et omnibus in Christo quiescentibus 
 locum refrigerii, lucis et pacis, ut indulgeas, deprecamur, etc." Wilpert's 
 list of themes "representing prayer for the admission of the deceased into 
 eternal happiness", consists of the following : Elia rapito in cielo, II 
 defunto accolto nella beatitudine dalla navicella della Chiesa sbattuta 
 dalla tempesta, Mose che si scioglie i sandali, La parabola delle vergini 
 prudenti e delle stolte, and La Samaritana al pozzo di Giacobbe, il 
 Refrigerium (Pitture, p. 384fif.). It is difficult to see how these themes 
 symbolize the prayer of the defunct, however much they, along with 
 numerous other themes, may represent the perilous passage by which 
 the Christian enters Heaven, even when carried thither by the storm- 
 tossed ship of the Church, and however much they may represent also 
 the refreshment granted to the one thus happily arrived. 
 
Themes Absolutely Johannine 117 
 
 defunct might properly be regarded as the consummation of the 
 refreshment furnished to those same weary souls in their jour- 
 ney on this earth. 
 
 3. The Miracle of the Wine at Cana of Galilee. ^^^ 
 
 A third theme treated in the catacomb frescoes, narrated by St. 
 John only, is the miracle performed by our Lord at the marriage 
 feast in Cana of Galilee. The supply of wine failed the guests and 
 Jesus ordered six waterpots to be filled with water and then to be 
 drawn for the ruler of the feast, when it was found that the water 
 was converted into wine (Jn. 2:1-11). Two pictures, with a 
 possible third, depicting this scene, have come down to us. 
 
 The first of these paintings dates from the middle of the third 
 century. All three are found in the catacomb of Peter and 
 Marcellinus on the Via Labicana. The theme is common on sar- 
 cophagi, however rare it be in painting, and is recognized immed- 
 iately by the ordinary elements; the figure of Christ standing and 
 touching with a rod a row of six water jars (as distinguished from 
 the baskets containing loaves in the multiplication miracles, which 
 in other respects are often similar). Points of interest then about 
 these paintings are, (i) that they are confined to one catacomb 
 which is especially rich in themes portraying the miracles of 
 Christ, and (2) that they are of the later period of Catacomb 
 Painting. 
 
 When we investigate the source of this painting, in endeavoring 
 to interpret its significance, we obtain but little satisfaction. We 
 are struck with the fact that Mary had faith in the divine nature 
 of her Son before He had performed a supernatural act.^^* The 
 event had significance at the time thus, ravr-qv iTrotrja-ev apxv^ t^^v 
 (TrffJi£L<jiv o Irjaov'i iv Kava t^s raXtAat'a? /cat e^avepoxrev ttjv oo$av avTOV, 
 Koi CTTUTTevcrav eis aiirov ot fxaO-qral avTOv (Jn. 2:il.). As far as the 
 Scriptures are concerned we have to do with a miracle in which, 
 as in the other miracles which Christ performed, the object was 
 to induce in the minds of those present faith in His divinity and 
 
 '1/2IIIP&M PI. Vllb, Mai., PI. 57; i/^IVP&M PI. IVb, Mai., PI. 
 -i; wIIIP&M Mai., PI. 105-2 (?). 
 'Jn. 2:3-5. 
 
ii8 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Messiahship.^^^ Few would be inclined to deny this didatic pur- 
 pose to the paintings themselves, as to the written source of the 
 same, but the evidence of certain facts that impress themselves 
 upon us concerning the Church of the late third and the fourth 
 centuries requires that we consider this theme in the light of its 
 historical and archaeological setting. Considering, then, the 
 paintings themselves : 
 
 (i) The first painting, dating from the first half of the third 
 century, fills the lunette of an arcosolium in a double cubiculum 
 (PI. Vllb, Mai., PI. 57). The painting is greatly faded, due to 
 imperfect finishing, but is preserved satisfactorily. It portrays 
 the marriage feast, which is treated as any other scene of eating, 
 and differs in no respect from the many frescoes in the catacombs 
 representing a scene at a table. Seven persons are reclining at 
 the sigma table. In front is a tripod, as found in similar scenes. 
 To the right appears a servant bearing a large platter which he 
 holds in a napkin or towel and presents to the man in cornii dcxtro. 
 A curious feature about this servant is the fact that he wears long 
 hair which falls down over his shoulders in ringlets. Counter- 
 balancing the servant stands the figure of Christ in pallium toiich- 
 ing with a rod the six water jars, which are in the lower fore- 
 ground. The scene is thus identified. As was remarked previous- 
 ly (p. 67), this picture is accompanied by a series in the 
 vault of the arcosolium: below, on either side, a scene of baptism, 
 and Moses striking the rock which is frequently regarded as a 
 symbol of baptism, and above these two, in the center, a veiled 
 orant. 
 
 (2) Wilpert gives good reason for believing that on the en- 
 trance wall of cubiculum 33, dating from the end of the third 
 century, the fragments that remain are a part of a picture of the 
 miracle in which Christ touches the amphoras with His rod (Mai., 
 Pi. 105-2, cf. Pitture, p. 279.). All that remains is the head and 
 side of Christ, but inasmuch as on the wall opposite is to be seen a 
 basket, evidently belonging to the multiplication miracle, and the 
 scenes of healing ordinarily painted in this catacomb are on wall 
 spaces adjoining, or else could not on account of their customary 
 
 ^"Cf. Jn. 2:23; 10:25, 2>7, 38; 11:27, 42; 14:11; Mt. 11:2-6; Mk. 
 2:10; Lk. 7:19-23. 
 
Themes Absolutely Johannine 119 
 
 arrangement^'*^ find space or trace, it is a probable guess at least 
 that here the wine miracle was portrayed. The guess is strength- 
 ened by the considerations that the scene containing the water 
 jars alone can find exact room here, supposing that it be 
 treated as in paintings Nos. i and 3, and that it occupies a space 
 in exact relation to the scene of the Multiplication of Loaves, as 
 is the case also in No. 3. 
 
 (3) The third painting dates from about the middle of the 
 fourth century (PI. IVb, Mai., PI. 186-1). It is in the vault of 
 an arcosolium in the"Crypt of the Wine Miracle". It is in frag- 
 mentary condition, but Christ may be seen touching with a rod 
 one of the six double-handled amphoras with narrow necks. The 
 painter mistook the number of vessels in the Johannine account 
 and started to sketch a seventh when he discovered his error, and 
 so left it unfinished. The painting is symmetrically balanced with 
 the miracle of the Multiplication of Loaves, which it so closely 
 resembles (the difference consisting in amphoras instead of 
 baskets). The center of the vault is occupied by a picture of 
 Noah in his ark. In the lunette are fragments of a scene of 
 feasting, in which seven persons are grouped around a sigina 
 table, and the hand, presumably of a servant, extends a cup before 
 the sigma. A tripod was probably depicted in front of the 
 sigma}'^'^ 
 
 Of these three paintings it will be noted that the parts neces- 
 sary for identification are Christ and the water jars. This 1= 
 in accord with the law of simplicity in catacomb symbolism. 
 Only the things necessary for the idea of the painting are intro- 
 duced, and no serious attempt at realism is made. In this way 
 the symbolic effect is emphatically heightened. Thus, in this 
 series only the first depicts the marriage feast, and even it is 
 symbolic. There is nothing about it to indicate a wedding, save 
 perhaps the green leaves scattered before the sigma. The power 
 of Christ is symbolized by the rod with which He touches the 
 vessels, of which rod there is no mention whatever in Scripture. 
 
 What then is the symbolism of the theme, as understood in 
 
 ^ This law of arrangement is one that is seldom violated, and permits 
 a weighty argument. 
 ""^ Cf. the restoration of this painting in Pitture, p. 279, fig. 25. 
 
120 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 the third and fourth centuries? There can be no doubt, as pre- 
 viously pointed out, that an eucharistic significance was intend- 
 ed. In the first picture it probably symbolized the entire sacra- 
 ment of the Eucharist, inasmuch as Baptism is treated on the wall 
 contiguous ; while in No. 3, and possibly in No. 2, it symbolizes 
 the wine only, because the bread is symbolized by the Multiplica- 
 tion miracle. 
 
 Only a few of the Ante-Nicene Fathers touch on the symbolism 
 of the Wine miracle. Cyprian (200-258) writes as follows, 
 "But how perverse and how contrary it is, that although the 
 Lord at the marriage made wine of water, we should make water 
 of wine, when even the sacrament of that thing ought to admon- 
 ish and instruct us rather to offer wine in the sacrifices of the 
 Lord."^^^ With this eucharistic symbolism Irenaeus (120-202) 
 seems to agree when he says, "When Mary was urging Him to 
 perform the wonderful miracle of the wine, and was desirous 
 before the time to take of the cup of emblematic significance, 
 the Lord, checking her untimely haste, said, 'Woman, what have 
 I to do with thee? Mine hour is not yet come'."^^^ But Ire- 
 naeus also gave a different interpretation to this miracle, as well 
 as to that of the Multiplication of Loaves in this passage, "But 
 that wine was better which the Word made from water, on the 
 moment, and simply for the use of those who had been called 
 to the marriage. For although the Lord had power to supply 
 wine to those fasting, independently of any created substance, 
 and to fill with food those who were hungry. He did not adopt 
 this course ; but, taking the loaves which the earth had produced, 
 and giving thanks, and on the other occasion making water wine. 
 He satisfied those who were reclining, and gave drink to those 
 who had been invited to the marriage ; showing that the 
 God who made the earth, and commanded it to bring forth 
 fruit, who established the waters, and brought forth the fountains, 
 was He who in these last times bestowed upon mankind, by His 
 Son, the blessing of food and the favor of drink: the Incompre- 
 hensible, and the Invisible by the visible ; since there is none be- 
 
 "* Cyprian: Ep. 63:12 in Migne, 4, 383 (394). 
 "* Irenaeus: Adv. Haers., Ill, 16, 7. 
 
Themes Absolutely Johannine 121 
 
 yoncl Him, but he exists in the bosom of the Father."^''° This 
 meaning naturally belongs to the miracle, but in the third and 
 fourth centuries the eucharistic significance prevailed, as is con- 
 firmed by both the literary and archaeological evidence. 
 
 Here appears the significance of the fact, as noted by Wil- 
 pert, that as the third century drew on, the representation of the 
 miracle of the Multiplication of Loaves and Fishes confined 
 itself to the loaves alone.^®^ The fishes were excluded. ^*^' At the 
 same time as the fish lost its second century popularity as an 
 eucharistic symbol we observe the introduction of the theme of 
 the miracle of the Wine at Cana. Loaves and Wine were left — 
 bread and wine, the legitimate eucharistic elements. 
 
 Here we may repeat what was affirmed in the chapter on the 
 origin of eucharistic symbolism, that the complete significance 
 is to be seen in an attempt at portrayal of the spiritual meaning of 
 
 ""Irenaeus: Adv. Haer., Ill, 11, 5. Further references in the Fathers 
 are Hippolytus (170-236), Philosopheumena, V, 3, where he explains the 
 gnostic heresy of the Naasseni, and gives their wrested interpretation 
 of the miracle, "And th's is the water in those fair nuptials which 
 Jesus changing made into wine. This, he says, is the mighty and true 
 beginning of miracles which Jesus performed in Cana of Galilee, and 
 thus manifested the kingdom of heaven." Tertullian, De Testimonio 
 Animae, 17, in vindicating the fidelity of the senses against Plato remarks, 
 "true and real was the draught of that wine at the marriage of (Cana 
 in) Galilee"; and in eulogizing water for purposes of baptism says, {De 
 Bapt., 9), Christ "inaugurates in water the first rudimentary displays of 
 His power, when invited to the nuptials". In his characteristic style Ter- 
 tullian gives his opinion of marriage in the tract De Monog., 8; Christ 
 "sups once for all at a single marriage, though, of course, many were 
 marrying (whose marriage feasts he may have attended if He wished) ; 
 for He willed to attend (marriages) only so often as (He willed) them 
 to be." In the Apostolic Constitutions, V, 7, we read, "He that . . . 
 out of water made wine . . . will raise the dead." From this varied 
 testimony of the Fathers one learns not to be too dogmatic in interpre- 
 tation, but to allow to the same theme a variety of significant meanings. 
 Thus, one can hardly deny to the miracle at Cana the symbolism of the 
 power of the divine Christ to supply food and drink to the weary Chris- 
 tian, as Irenaeus affirms, and also to raise the dead, as the liturgy in 
 the Apostolic Constitutions declares. 
 
 ^^ Pitture, p. 277. ' 
 
 ^°" See above, pp. 89, 91 f. 
 
122 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Jesus' discourse at Capernaum, as narrated by St. John, con- 
 cerning the Bread of Life which came down from heaven, and the 
 necessity of feeding on that Bread. The cHmax was reached in 
 the declaration, a/x-qv afx-qv Ae'yw vfuv, lav fXYj f^ayiqTC rrjv aapKa tov vlov 
 Tov dv9p(i)7rov Kol TTirjTe avTov to alfjui, ovk €)(eTe ^oirjv iv caurots. 6 Tpoyyuiv 
 fiov Trjv crapKa Kai ttlvwv p.ov to atfxa l^^et ^wrjv alwviov, Kayu) dvacTT^crd) avTov 
 Trj €(T)^dTrj r]p.ipa. rj yap crdp$ p.ov dXiqOrj^ Icttlv ySpwatSjKai to oXp.d p,ov 
 
 aKr)6r]<; idTLv TroVts (Jn. 6 :53-55.). Whoever partakes of the euchar- 
 istic elements, bread and wine, has the promise of eternal life, 
 as well as the resurrection. It would seem, at least, that the words 
 of Christ were so understood by a fourth century artist who ex- 
 pressed the words symbolically in the vault of an arcosolium near 
 cubiculum XIII in the catacomb of Peter and Marcellinus.^"^ The 
 painting dates from the first part of the fourth century. It is a 
 medallion painting in the center of the vault. Christ is seated, 
 and with the right hand makes a gesture of speech, and with the 
 left holds a roll somewhat opened. Below to His right is a 
 large box filled with loaves of bread, while to His left are several 
 long-necked, double-handled amphoras. The large box is a var- 
 iant from the baskets that ordinarily hold the loaves of the Multi- 
 plication miracle, but it is not an essential difference. The sym- 
 bolism of the loaves is the same.^*** The amphoras are a certain 
 reference to the miracle at Cana. Christ is visibly portrayed ex- 
 plaining the significance of the bread and wine, even as in the 
 words quoted from St. John's Gospel, the words which His 
 hearers pronounced a "hard saying". ^^^ The above interpreta- 
 tion is assisted by the fact that the front of the arcosolium pre- 
 
 ^^Mal, PI. 166-1 1/2IVP&M. 
 
 ^'^ Wilpert (Pitture, p. 282) says that this box or chest was the area 
 in which the consecrated bread was preserved, quoting Cyprian, De Lapsis, 
 26, "Et cum quaedam arcam suam in qua Domini sanctum fuit manibus 
 indignis (immundis) tentasset (temptasset) aperire, etc." 
 
 ^^Jn. 6:60. The painting was discovered by Bosio, and was reproduced 
 by his copyist, Avanzini. Cf. Bosio : R. S., p. 395. Cf. also Garrucci : 
 Storia, II, 57-2. Bosio and his artist entirely mistook the identification, 
 for they described and copied it as the scene of the sacrifice of Abraham 
 {Pitture, p. 282). Cf. with this painting the silver box of Milan on which 
 the theme is very similiarly treated, Graven : "Ein altchr. Silberkasten" 
 in Zeitschr. fiir christliche Knnst, i88g, taf. I, p. iff. 
 
Themes Absolutely Johannine 1 23 
 
 sents a scene of feasting, although such proximity is by no means 
 confirmatory proof.^*^® 
 
 One significant fact confirms the eucharistic interpretation of 
 the Cana theme, and that is, the lateness of its introduction. 
 This was discussed above, in the chapter on eucharistic symbolism, 
 but requires further notice in this place. The Wine miracle 
 takes the place of the fish as an eucharistic element in symbolism. 
 The fish had become a Christ symbol, according to the acrostic, 
 and an additional eucharistic symbol was needed. This was pro- 
 vided by the Wine miracle, which was both similar in pictorial 
 form to the miracle of the Loaves, and was a natural companion 
 to it. It was the real eucharistic wine furnished by Christ, as were 
 the eucharistic loaves in the Multiplication theme. Accordingly 
 we have the true bread and the true drink, Christ's body and 
 blood, the real eucharistic elements, provided for us in the com- 
 panion themes, and the whole symbolized in the Fish, no longer 
 a semi-eucharistic figure. The late introduction of the Cana theme 
 is thus seen to confirm its eucharistic interpretation, and to be a 
 significant fact in investigation. 
 
 From all of the above we may deduce the rule that when bas- 
 kets of bread and amphoras or other vessels for containing 
 liquids are found together, the eucharistic elements of bread and 
 wine are symboHzed. The instances are few : Pitture, fig. 26, 
 p. 281 1/2IV Mains (two hydrie and six baskets). Also per- 
 haps Mai., PI. 92-1 win or 1/2IVD, in which six baskets are on 
 one side of an orant, and the other side is so destroyed that nothing 
 remains, but it is a fair guess that here the wine amphoras were 
 placed. It is to be noted, further, that vases of various kinds 
 had been common enough in the earlier period, whether in isolated 
 instances, or with doves drinking from them. Naturally, the 
 eucharistic significance is not so certain in such cases, for origin- 
 ally they served a purely decorative purpose, as in Pagan Art, 
 and when symbolism was intended it may have had reference only 
 to the living water that refreshes the thirsty soul, as mentioned in 
 
 ^"Mal., PI. 167, where it is labeled "funeral banquet". The peculiarity 
 of the picture consists in the fact that a new style of table is introduced, 
 a quadrangular board on X legs, as many tables are made to-day, around 
 which the persons are seated. 
 
124 ^f- John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 the conversation at the Well in Samaria, or perhaps to the words 
 of Christ pronounced on another occasion, eav rts Sn/'a, ipx^aOw 
 Koi TTivcTO) (Jn. 7:37.)- According to these last words such 
 a vessel would symbolize Christ Himself as the very source 
 and fountain of the water of life."^ 
 
 Cf. Ap. 21 : 6, Kai etTreV fxoL • yeyovav. iyco to aXcfta kol to co, ^ 
 apx^ KOL TO T€Xo<;. lyw ra Buj/iovTL Swo-cu auToJ ck t^s Trrjyrj'i tov vSutos 
 Trj<i ^w^s SiDpedv. 
 
11. THEMES ARCHAEOLOGICALLY JOHANNINE. 
 
 There are some themes of uncertain interpretation, or having 
 source in other parts of Scripture besides St. John's Gospel, 
 which are to be regarded as Johannine because of reasons purely- 
 archaeological. A brief outline of this evidence for the several 
 themes, with an estimate of the symbolism, is all that may be 
 attempted. Some of this has been touched upon before. 
 
 I. The Healing of the Paralytic.^®* 
 
 There are twenty paintings in the catacombs which have the 
 theme of the Healing of the Paralytic for a subject. The Gos- 
 pels narrate two distinct incidents in which a paralytic was re- 
 stored to health. In the one case, described by the Synoptics,^^' 
 the miracle took place at Capernaum, and so great was the crowd 
 about Jesus (as SS. Mark and Luke inform us), and so great 
 the difficulty of approach, that the four men bearing the suf- 
 ferer carried him to the roof of the house, removed the tiles, and 
 lowered the man on his "bed" into the presence of Christ who 
 directly healed him in the midst of an audience of prominent 
 individuals. In the other case, which is recorded by St. John 
 only, the scene was quite different. It took place at Jerusalem, 
 and on the Sabbath day. Christ saw at the pool of Bethesda a 
 paralytic who had been afflicted for thirty-eight years. On ac- 
 count of his infirmity he was unable to step down into the pool 
 when the waters were troubled and be healed. "Jesus saith unto 
 
 "^ allP Fractio PI. VI; 2/2IIC PI. Illb, Mai., PI. 27-3 ;,/. Ill P&M 
 Wilpert, Cyclus, PI. I-IV; ,/rIIIP&M Mai., PI. 69; i/^IIIP&M PI. 68-2; 
 2/2IIIN PI. 74-1; 2/2IIIP&M PI. 98; (oIIIP&M PI. 105-2; alVP&M PI. 
 129; 1/2IVP&M PI. 71-2; i/2lVMaius PI. 168; xl/lVD PI. XII, Mai., PI. 
 197-2; ij/lVvM PI. Vlllb, Mai., PI. 212; 2/2lVMaius PI. 220; 2/2lVMaius 
 PI. 166-2; 2/2lVMaius, 2nd arco of Magi with Star; 2/2lVMaius PI. 
 245-2; 2/2IVH PI. 246; 2/2IVD PI. 239; Hypogeum near tomb of Scipios, 
 Sketch in Bull., 1886, PI. II, 2. 
 
 '"Mt. 9:1-8; Mk. 2: 1-12; Lk. 5: 17-26. 
 
126 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 him, Arise, take up thy bed and walk", and thus he was made 
 whole.i'^ 
 
 The theme is invariably recognized in the painting of a man 
 carrying a bed on his shoulders. This "bed" is a low frame with 
 short legs, large enough to accommodate one person."^ Usually 
 the restored paralytic is represented bending forward with the 
 cot on his back, the legs of which are sometimes in the air. It is 
 obvious that this treatment applies equally well to either scene, 
 for in either case the restored man walked away, carrying his bed. 
 The question therefore arises whether there is anything about 
 any or all of these pictures that enables us to identify the theme 
 with either of the above incidents. Wilpert affirms that there is. 
 Fifteen that contain nothing save the man and his bed (except 
 in two instances in which the figure of Christ is added) picture, 
 he thinks, the event narrated in the Synoptics. ^'^ The earliest of 
 this series dates from the middle of the third century, and most ot 
 them are in the fourth, the time when the theme was popular on 
 the sarcophagi. These fifteen paintings depicting the miracle in 
 the Synoptics typify faith in the divinity of Christ. The re- 
 maining five paintings Wilpert identifies with the scene in St. 
 John's Gospel on evidence purely archaeological. This archaeo- 
 logical evidence rests on the relation of the several paintings to 
 others contiguous, manifestly symbolizing baptism. The theme is 
 thus to be regarded as a symbol of baptism. The earliest Hter- 
 ary support for this is Tertullian, a hundred years or more after 
 the date Wilpert assigns to the first of the series, and perhaps half 
 a century after the second. 
 
 Wilpert thus holds that the Johannine miracle is a symbol of 
 baptism, along with the themes of the Evangelical Fisher and 
 Moses Striking the Rock,^'^^ apparently denying such symbolism 
 
 "" Jn. 5 : 1-18. 
 
 "* Such was the form of bed common in Rome, as further illustrated 
 by actual remains. In the Orient, however, the bed more probably con- 
 sisted of simply a thin mattress, such as a soldier's blanket, which could 
 be rolled up readily, and deposited at a different place on the following 
 night. 
 
 "^Pitture, p. 201 ff. (and list). 
 
 ^"^Pitture, p. 241 ff. 
 
Themes Archaeologically Johannine 127 
 
 to other themes such as Noah and Jonah (although they are so 
 held by various Fathers^^*) on the ground that they symbolize 
 other things. We have previously remarked this author's ten- 
 dency to deny more than one symbolic idea to the same theme, 
 and have offered criticism on the ground that it is contrary to 
 the very nature of symbolic thought. In respect to the paralytic 
 of St. John's Gospel, Tertullian plainly asserts that the incident 
 is a symbol of baptism, because an angel "troubled" the water of 
 the pool of Bethesda, and this angel was a forerunner of the 
 Holy Spirit who is present at baptism and enters into the 
 cleansed neophyte. "Not that in the waters", he says, "we ob- 
 tain the Holy Spirit; but in the water, under the witness of the 
 angel, we are cleansed, and prepared for the Holy Spirit."^'^^ And 
 this angel was previously typified by the primeval brooding of the 
 Spirit of God over the waters before creation.^'^*' "Are there not 
 other cases too," he asks, "in which without any sacrament, un- 
 clean spirits brood on waters, in spurious imitation of that brood- 
 ing of the Divine Spirit in the very beginning? Witness all 
 shady founts, and all unfrequented brooks, and the ponds in the 
 baths, and the conduits in private houses, or the cisterns and wells 
 which are said to have the property of 'spiriting away', through 
 the power, that is, of a hurtful spirit. Men whom waters have 
 drowned or affected with madness or with fear, they call nymph- 
 caught ( voix<f}oXv7rTovs ), or 'lymphatic' or 'hydrophobic'. Why 
 have we adduced these instances ? Lest any think it too hard for 
 belief that a holy angel of God should grant his presence to 
 waters, to temper them to man's salvation ; while the evil angel 
 holds frequent profane commerce with the selfsame element to 
 man's ruin. If it seems a novelty for an angel to be present in waters, 
 an example of what was to come to pass has forerun. An angel, 
 by his intervention, was wont to stir the pool at Bethsaida. They 
 who were complaining of ill health used to watch him; for who- 
 ever had been the first to descend into them, after his washing, 
 ceased to complain. This figure of corporeal healing sang of a 
 
 "* Cf., e. g., Cyprian : Ep., 62, 8, "Quotiescumque autem aqua sola in 
 scripturis Sanctis nominatur, baptisma praedicatur." 
 ""De Baptismo, 6. 
 "•Gen. 1:2. 
 
 r 
 
128 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Paintvig 
 
 spiritual healing, according to the rule by which things carnal 
 are always antecedent as figurative of things spiritual. And 
 thus, when the grace of God advanced to higher degrees among 
 men, an accession of efficacy was granted to the waters and to the 
 angel. They who were wont to remedy bodily defects now heal 
 the spirit; they who used to work temporal salvation, now re- 
 new eternal ; they who did set free but once in the year, now 
 save peoples in a body daily, death being done away through 
 ablution of sins."^''^'^ 
 
 The archaeological identification of the scene with Baptism 
 rests upon the fact that in the first two paintings the theme is 
 treated in connection with other symbols of Baptism, and on 
 walls where the eucharistic sacrament is also portrayed; and in 
 the other three cases it is contiguous to themes that probably sym- 
 bolize Baptism. 
 
 The first of the five, consisting only of the man and his bed 
 without the figure of Christ, is in the Greek Chapel in the cata- 
 comb of Priscilla ( allP Fractio, PI. VI). It is in the vault of 
 the nave, to the left as one enters, and is in a very fragmentary 
 condition, almost all of the ceiling in the nave being destroyed. 
 It is in the other end of the chapel from the painting of the Frac- 
 tio Panis, in a compartment separated by the "triumphal arch". 
 However, it is at right angles to a painting of Moses at the Rock, 
 and being in the same room in which the other sacrament is 
 treated, Wilpert thinks it is intended to symbolize baptism, on the 
 grounds stated by Tertullian, and therefore represents the in- 
 cident narrated in St. John's Gospel. He is so certain of this that 
 he declares that the large picture in the center of the vault of the 
 nave, now destroyed, about which are the themes of the Paralytic, 
 and Moses at the Rock, as well as the Adoration of the Magi and 
 an ideal head,must have been a more or less realistic painting of the 
 Baptism. "In dem Raume mit den Nischen figurirt als Haupt- 
 bild die fractio panis, und ihr zur Seite stehen alttestamentliche 
 Vorbilder sowie die Auferweckung des Lazarus als Hinweis auf 
 die Wirkung des Genusses der Eucharistie. Das Schiff muss 
 
 "'' De Baptismo, 5. It is interesting to note the testimony of Tertullian 
 to the activity of the angel, as narrated in vs. 3 and 4, though the 
 same is omitted by K BC*D33, 157, 134, etc., but found with ACEFGH etc. 
 
x; 
 
 P-, 
 
Themes Archaeologically Johannine 129 
 
 demnach Bilder enthalten, die sich auf die Taufe beziehen. In 
 der That sehen wir iiber dem Eingange das Qiiellwimder und nicht 
 weit davon auf der Decke den geheilten Gichtbriichigen, welcher 
 in der eben erwahnten "Sacramentskapelle" unter den Taufsym- 
 holen sich befindet. Wo Vorbilder sind, da war auch die Taufe 
 sclbst gemalt, und dafiir eignet sich in hohem Grade der Raum in 
 der Mitte der Decke. Diese Beweisfiihrung erhalt eine grosse 
 Stiitze durch die Thatsache, dass in dem winzigen Fragment, 
 welches von dem Stuck des Rundbildes an der Decke haftet, 
 Wasser gemah ist. Es diirfte also wohl ziemlich sicher sein, dass 
 das grosse Rundbild in der Mitte der Decke des Schiffes eine 
 Darstcllung der Taufe, und zwar eine realistische enthalten hat. 
 Ich sage realistische, weil auch die Eucharistie in ahnlicher Weise 
 gemalt ist."^'^^ 
 
 The second painting is in the Sacrament Chapel A3 in the cata- 
 comb of Callixtus, and dates from the second half of the second 
 century (PI. Illb, Mai., PI. 27-2,, cf. De Rossi: R. S., II, PI. 16, 
 Garrucci : Storia, II, PI. 7-2). The healed paralytic with his 
 bed is directly alongside an actual painting of the baptism, be- 
 yond which is depicted a fisherman drawing a fish from the very 
 waters of baptism. In the same chapel the eucharistie sacrament 
 is also treated. 
 
 The third painting is in the catacomb of Nunziatella on the 
 Via Ardealina, and dates from the second half of the third cen- 
 tury (Mai., PI. 74-1). The paralytic, with his bed, is painted in 
 an attitude of haste. "It is practically certain that also this repre- 
 sentation must be regarded as a baptismal symbol, because it is 
 found directly beside the miracle of Moses at the Rock, and then 
 in the first space, now destroyed, there was painted, to judge 
 from the disposition of other pictures, either the bpatism, or, 
 what is by no means unlikely, Christ who performs the miracle 
 (i. e., on the paralytic), so that the scene includes the symbol of 
 baptism. "^^^ The eucharistie Multiplication symbol is also painted 
 in this crypt. 
 
 The fourth painting is in the Coemeterium Mains on the Via 
 Nomentana, and dates from the first half of the fourth century 
 
 '"* Fractio, pp. 25, 26. 
 "^ P inure, p. 244. 
 
130 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 (Mai, PI. 168, cf. Bosio : R. S., p. 445, Perrett: Catacomhes, II, 
 PI. 30, Garrucci : Storia, II, PI. 61 ) . The paralytic is nude, as 
 if he had come from a scene of baptism (or perhaps to symbolize 
 his restored condition). The painting follows on the vault the 
 theme of Moses striking the Rock. 
 
 The fifth painting is in the catacomb under the Vigna Massimo, 
 on the Via Salaria Nova, and dates from the second half of the 
 fourth century (PI. Vlllb, Mai., PI. 212, Garrucci: Storia, II, 
 PI. 73-2). The identification of this picture with the Johannine 
 miracle is illuminative. It may appear far-fetched to persons 
 not acquainted with the peculiar characteristics of Christian Art 
 of the fourth century — the logical development of several cen- 
 turies of symbolic expression. It is one of a series of paintings 
 (on different scale of sizes) decorating a loculus in a gallery. 
 The series, arranged in two rows as on contemporary sarcophagi, 
 consists of the themes of Moses at the Rock, the Multiplication of 
 Loaves, the Adoration of the Wise Men, Grants, Noah, the Rais- 
 ing of Lazarus, Daniel between the Lions, Tobias with his Fish 
 in the presence of Raphael, the Restored Paralytic, and a personi- 
 fication of the river Tigris. In the lower row, in the right hand 
 corner, is a reclining personification, according to classic types, 
 of a river divinity. Beside the river god is Christ, extending His 
 hand towards the paralytic, who walks away bearing his bed and 
 leaning on his rod. The river god is identified as the Tigris be- 
 cause of the group next to the paralytic, which consists of Tobias 
 presenting his fish to the angel Raphael. Tobias caught the fish in 
 the Tigris river. The Babylonian localization of the river divinity 
 is further indicated by the theme next beyond Tobias, a colossal 
 figure of Daniel between his lions. It is to be observed that the 
 paralytic is placed between the river god and Tobias coming with 
 his fish from the bank of the stream. The presence of water as 
 a certain feature of the paralytic miracle is thus doubly attested. 
 It is remembered that in the account in St. John's Gospel the 
 paralytic was healed beside a fountain of water, the pool of 
 Bethesda. The painting is therefore to be regarded as a symbolic 
 treatment of the Johannine miracle, rather than of the one nar- 
 rated in the Synoptics. (The fact that this water is the river 
 
Themes ArchaeologicaUy Johannine 131 
 
 Tigris does not interfere in the least with the symbolism of the 
 paralytic. The Tigris serves admirably to symbolize the cleans- 
 ing, baptismal zvater of the pool of Bethesda in the Johannine 
 miracle.) 
 
 These five paintings, then, according to Wilpert, symbolize 
 baptism and depict the scene in St. John's Gocpel. The other 
 fifteen, in his opinion, are confined to the incident narrated in the 
 Synoptics. This seems to be indeed an arbitrary division, as 
 several considerations will show. As has been noted, the iden- 
 tification of the five paintings with the Johannine miracle depends 
 ultimately upon its recognition by the second century Church as a 
 symbol of baptism, or at least upon the localization of the scene 
 by the presence of water. The archaeological argument has con- 
 sisted in pointing out the significant relationship by proximity 
 of the painting to other themes admittedly symbolizing baptism. 
 On the whole, the evidence may be regarded as sufficient. That i? 
 to say, these five paintings may be regarded as having their source 
 in St. John's Gospel, and primarily symbolized baptism, the sacra- 
 ment illustrating the cleansing of the soul from sin, and admission 
 into the Kingdom of God. (But while this was the original idea, 
 there is no reason whatever to deny to them symbolism of other 
 evident points of Christian belief, such as the divine power of 
 Christ to work miracles and to save.) 
 
 Now of these five paintings it must be remembered that the first 
 two belong in the second century, the first being in the Greek 
 Chapel in Priscilla. They are, at the same time, the first in the 
 entire series of twenty paintings of the Paralytic, and introduce 
 the cycle. The remaining three are scattered through the third 
 and fourth centuries, intermingled with fifteen of the Synoptic 
 miracle, by Wilpert's identification. But the very fact of this 
 intermingling argues for the unity of the theme. If, as we have 
 shown, the origin of the theme is Johannine, it is only reasonable 
 to suppose that the entire theme is Johannine. Besides, the divi- 
 sion of the theme is based solely upon the argument from silence. 
 In the absence of anything to identify the fifteen positively 
 with the Johannine miracle, Wilpert says that they are Synoptic. 
 To this it may well be replied that there is no element in the fifteen 
 
132 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 that identifies them positively with the Synoptic miracle, and 
 also nothing that forbids identification with the Johannine, so 
 they may equally well be Johannine as Synoptic. Indeed, in 
 some cases there is special reason for Johannine identification, for 
 several are in more or less close relation to themes of baptism, 
 such as Moses striking the Rock and Noah.^^" 
 
 Perhaps the best reason for regarding the theme as a unity is 
 to be found in the reaffirmation of the statement that it, best of 
 all, symbolized baptism to the early Christian, in the fact that 
 cleansing from sin, the significance of baptism, seems to be in- 
 cluded in the physical restoration of the paralytic. This is evi- 
 dent from the Johannine account, "Afterward Jesus findeth him 
 (the restored paralytic) in the temple, and saith unto him: sin 
 no more, lest a worse thing befall thee."^^^ The same idea, in 
 so far as it relates to Christ's power to forgive sins, is brought 
 out in the Synoptic miracle, in which Christ, before performing 
 the miracle announced to the paralytic that by reason of his faith 
 his sins were forgiven, and straightway declared His power to 
 forgive sins. The same may be said, of course, for any miracle 
 that Christ performed. As He made the bodies of men whole, so 
 He has the power to restore their souls, relieving from the rav- 
 ages of sin. All of this is included in the Johannine miracle, 
 with the addition of the function of baptism in a man's regener- 
 ation.^^^ It seems plausible then to say that St. John's Gospel, 
 which includes this element, is the source for the theme, which 
 
 "* Noah is listed by Wilpert as one of the themes "expressing the 
 invocation of divine aid for the soul of the deceased." Pitture, chap. 18, 
 sec. 98. There are better reasons for regarding him, among other things, 
 as a symbol of baptism. 
 
 ^^^Jn. 5:14. 
 
 "* Cf . on this subject Wilpert: Fractio, p. 66. "Der Bericht des Evan- 
 gelisten, dass 'ein Engel des Herrn zur bestimmten Zeit in den Teich 
 hinabstieg', um dem Wasser die Heilkraft mitzutheilen, sowie die Worte, 
 welche Jesus an den geheilten Gichtbriichigen im Tempel richtete : 'Siehe, 
 du bist gesund geworden ; siindige nun nicht mehr', legten es nahe, diese 
 wunderbare Heilung als Sinnhild der Taiife, in welcher etwas Analoges, 
 nur ungleich Hoheres vor sich geht, zu wahlen : bei der Anrufung der 
 Trinitat, unter welcher das Sacrament gespendet wird, durchdringt der 
 Heilige Geist mit seiner Gnade das Taufwasser und verleiht ihm die 
 Kraft, den Taufling von seiner geistigen Krankheit, der Siinde, zu heilen. 
 
Themes ArchaeologicaUy Johanninc 133 
 
 naturally was unified by its most significant symbolic concept, 
 there being nothing in the paintings themselves to deny this unity. 
 (If a man were acquainted only with the Synoptics, he would 
 derive from the theme merely symbolism of Christ's divine 
 power, without the method of baptism. Wherefore it would be 
 absurd to deny other symbolism to the theme. Johannine source 
 and predominant influence are what is emphasized.) 
 
 2. The Lamb of God.^*^ 
 
 There is a painting, dating from the first half of the second 
 century, that has become the subject of a fierce dispute in recent 
 years. It is in the catacomb of Praetextatus, in the celebrated 
 "Passion" or Johannine Crypt, and was discovered in 1850. It is 
 in a badly damaged condition, and portions of the stucco on 
 which it was executed have since fallen down. Wilpert, before 
 making his photograph, skillfully restored to their proper places 
 on the wall fragments of the painting which he found in the 
 ruins of the crypt, and his plate in color (Mai. No. 18) is a faith- 
 ful reproduction of what remains of the fresco. The illustra- 
 tion here given (PI. I la) is a photograph from a copy made 
 shortly after its discovery, existing now in the Christian Museum 
 of the Lateran, and is therefore important because made when 
 the painting was in better condition. However, a compar- 
 ison with Wilpert's plate will reveal inaccuracies on the part of 
 the copyist. Furthermore, it is not in color, and the reader is 
 advised to examine Wilpert's publication for purposes of exact 
 study, as is desirable for all paintings discussed in this book. 
 
 The discoverer, P. Marchi, interpreted the fresco as a treat- 
 ment of the "Coronation of Thorns", a theme selected from 
 Christ's passion. Garrucci denied this identification, and said 
 that he believed it represented the baptism of Christ. De Rossi, 
 never having studied the original, accepted the opinion of Marchi, 
 and Wilpert in his Pitture accepts and defends this identification, 
 and named the crypt in which the painting is found the "Passion- 
 Crypt".^^* The weight of his authority caused general accept- 
 ance of the coronation theory until recently, when Marucchi an- 
 
 ^' i/2lIPraet. PI. Ila, Mai., PI. 18. 
 '** Pitture, p. 2o8ff . 
 
134 ^t- John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 nounced that the painting does not depict the mockery of the 
 Saviour by the crowning with thorns by the Roman soldiers, nor 
 does it represent the baptism of Christ by John in the river 
 Jordan, but that the best explanation is that it represents the 
 scene narrated exclusively in St. John's Gospel in which John the 
 Baptist pointed out Jesus to those who were with him with the 
 exclamation, "Behold the Lamb of God, that taketh away the sin 
 of the world!" 
 
 The identification as the "Coronation of Thorns" has rested 
 on certain elements in the picture. The figure in the center is 
 evidently Christ. He wears a long pallium. To His right stand 
 two men affirmed to be soldiers because each wears a high-girded 
 tunic and chlamys. Each holds a rod or branch, of which the one 
 retains some of its leaves. On the head of Christ are leaves or 
 foliage of some kind, and Wilpert asserts that it is the crown of 
 thorns and that the former soldier is striking Christ on the head 
 with his rod, according to the Gospel narrative. ^^° On the other 
 side in the picture is a tree with a dove perched on a branch ex- 
 tended towards Christ. The Gospels unite in saying that a fur- 
 ther feature of the mockery consisted in adorning Christ with a 
 purple robe, a purple chlamys as St. Matthew calls it. No such 
 garment is found in the painting, but strange to say a scarlet 
 chlamys of brilliance is found on the figure of Christ in the pic- 
 ture immediately contiguous, that of Christ and the Samaritan 
 woman at Jacob's well. This has been discussed above (pp. iiof.), 
 where it was explained that Wilpert thinks that the artist painted 
 the coronation picture first, forgetting the scarlet robe, then he 
 discovered the omission, and decided to rectify his mistake by 
 supplying it to the form of Christ in the picture on which he was 
 then engaged, that of the Samaritan Woman. 
 
 It is not necessary to enumerate all of the arguments that Ma- 
 rucchi advances against Wilpert's interpretation and in favor of 
 his own, or to follow the controversy. It is sufficient to mention 
 some of the leading ones.^^*^ He denies the identification of the 
 soldiers, and says that the interpretation of their garments is 
 uncertain, that they do not wear the chlamys, their chief reason 
 
 "'Mt. 27:30, Mk. 15: 19, cf. also Jn. 19:3. 
 
 ^^'As summarized, for example, in Nnovo. Bull.. 190S, pp. 131-142. 
 
Themes Archaeologically Johannine 135 
 
 for being regarded as soldiers. He points out that their dress 
 is not very different from that of Christ Himself. Further, the 
 "thorns" on Christ's head are very similar to the leaves remain- 
 ing on the branch in the hand of the man nearer Christ whom he 
 identifies as John the Baptist, the other man being one of his 
 disciples, or an individual intended to symbolize the multitude. 
 The leaves on Christ's head, then, may have fallen from the 
 branch with which John acclaims Christ, or may be put there at 
 the caprice of the artist, perchance a mark of distinction. But 
 Marucchi's chief objection, and one that bears great weight, is 
 the fact that during the period before the peace of the Church 
 there is no painting that in any way depicts the humiliation and 
 passion of Christ. (The same is true of scenes of martyrdom.) 
 Christ's sacrifice for sin is treated symbolically, but never with the 
 least attempt at realism. This picture would be the only excep- 
 tion, and for this reason alone such an identification must be re- 
 garded with suspicion. 
 
 On the other hand, the painting agrees fairly well with the scene 
 by Jordan (though not necessarily on the river bank), when John 
 "seeth Jesus coming unto him, and saith, Behold the Lamb of 
 God, that taketh away the sin of the world ! . . . And John bare 
 witness saying, I have beheld the Spirit descending as a dove out 
 of heaven ; and it abode upon him, and I knew him not : but he 
 that sent me to baptize in water, he saith unto me. Upon whomso- 
 ever thou shalt see the spirit descending, and abiding upon him, the 
 same is he that baptizeth in the Holy Spirit. And I have seen, and 
 have borne witness that this is the Son of God."^^^ John, with one 
 of his followers, symbolical of the multitude standing near, walks 
 in the open country as symbolized by the tree, and acclaims 
 Christ with his stem of marsh reed, and his acclamation is certi- 
 fied to by the dove out of heaven, indicating the presence of the 
 Holy Spirit. Wilpert, in his identification, was troubled by the 
 tree and the dove, and explained them as a touch of the artist, or 
 as indicating that the praetorium was an open air court. 
 
 Marucchi gives stronger reasons for his identification than Wil- 
 pert, and this may be strengthened by remarking that St. John's 
 
 "' Jn. 1 : 29-34, also 35ff. 
 
136 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Gospel, from which the scene is taken, does not describe the bap- 
 tism of Christ (though the fact may be inferred), and that the 
 artist in desiring to treat of the testimony of John followed the 
 Johannine source literally when he depicted the dove, represented 
 John with girded tunic, and, omitting representation of water of 
 which there is no mention in the narrative, yet indicated a scene 
 of the countryside. While omitting the account of the baptism 
 of Jesus, the Apostle John records the approbation of the Holy 
 Spirit in the form of a dove, the striking feature of the baptismal 
 scene in the Synoptics. Wherefore it is reasonable to suppose that 
 the artist followed the Johannine Gospel exclusively. Perhaps 
 he did not possess the others. To the above it need only be re- 
 marked that the dove in early Christian Art is always significant, 
 except in paintings manifestly decorative, as in a floral theme. 
 
 However this picture may be regarded, it certainly is unique in 
 the entire field of Christian Art.^^^ Its location is also a matter 
 of importance. It is one of four paintings arranged in cross for- 
 mation on a side wall of the crypt. Two of these have been dis- 
 cussed above, the Raising of Lazarus, of which only the lower part 
 remains affording barely enough for identification, and the 
 Woman of Samaria at Jacob's Well.^^^ The fourth is completely 
 destroyed. Directly opposite, on the other side wall, there was a 
 similar group of paintings, of which only one exists, the miracle 
 of the healing of the Woman with an Issue of Blood. 
 
 Wilpert, on the supposition that his identification of the Coro- 
 nation of Thorns is correct, gives a clever guess at the restora- 
 tion of the destroyed frescoes :^^° Inasmuch as he finds a scene 
 from Christ's passion, he believes that he is justified in supposing 
 that the fourth picture of the first wall was another scene from 
 the same. Excluding the crucifixion as contrary to the spirit of 
 the art of the catacombs, he selects the theme of Christ before 
 
 ^* It might be conjectured that the picture represents the Transfigura- 
 tion, in which Moses and Elias converse with Christ. Aside from the 
 fact that three persons are depicted, of whom two acclaim Christ, and 
 that the divine sanction is represented by the dove, there is nothing to 
 support this guess. 
 
 "'Pp. 107, iiof., PI. Ilia, MaL, PI. 19. 
 
 ^^Pitture, p. 211 (with plot). 
 
Themes Archaeologically Johannine 137 
 
 Pilate. Aside from his conjecture he finds support for this restor- 
 ation in sarcophagi, the eadiest of which dates from the fourth 
 century. His restoration of the three missing pictures of the 
 opposite wall is exceedingly clever. Believing that scenes of 
 glorification should oppose those of the passion, he suggests two 
 pictures of the Incarnation cycle, such as the Prophecy of 
 Isaiah (cf. the contemporary painting in the catacomb of Pris- 
 cilla) or the Magi following the Star, and the Adoration of the 
 Wise Men. Directly above the existing picture of the Healing 
 of the Woman with an Issue of Blood he believes another mira- 
 cle painting should be placed, preferably the Healing of the Blind 
 Man, since this theme would afiford symmetry with the one be- 
 low in that both the woman and the blind man are always de- 
 picted kneeling.^^^ 
 
 Whatever we may think of this proposed restoration, it seems 
 evident from the four existing pictures that the artist here de- 
 picted a christological cycle. It is a plausible guess, therefore, 
 that there was at least one from the Incarnation cycle, such as 
 Isaiah's Prophecy or the Adoration of the Wise Men. The 
 restoration of Christ before Pilate depends, of course, on the sup- 
 position that the title "Passion-Crypt" is justified. Since the 
 Agnus Dei is to be preferred to the Coronation of Thorns, this 
 restoration fails, and the fourth space on that wall remains open 
 to suggestion. (Wilpert's use of fourth century sarcophagi in 
 arguing concerning second century frescoes justly renders him 
 liable to criticism. This Von Sybel proceeds to point out. Op. cit., 
 P- 293.) 
 
 It remains to call attention to one important fact regarding this 
 crypt : It will be recognized that the two absolutely identified 
 paintings on the wall of the crypt, and the third one, if its identi- 
 fication of the "Lamb of God" be correct, are themes the sources 
 of which are found exclusively in St. John's Gospel. This allows 
 the supposition that the artist was using themes from the Johan- 
 nine Gospel for the one wall of the crypt at least, and that the 
 fourth picture on the wall was from the same source. From the 
 one remaining picture on the other wall not much may be deduced. 
 
 '"Mai., PI. 20. 
 
138 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Its written source is not Johannine, but the paintings around it 
 may have been (such as the blind man if he were placed above 
 it).^^' At any rate the crypt is unique in the catacombs in pos- 
 sessing two or three paintings from the Johannine Gospel abso- 
 lutely, and since the evidence for calling it the Passion Crypt is not 
 sufficient, it may rather be named the Johannine-Crypt. 
 
 3. The "Breakfast" by the Sea of Galilee. ^''^ 
 
 This peculiar fresco has already been described and discussed 
 (pp. 83, 88). The identification of the scene of feasting 
 at which seven men at a sigma table are partaking of 
 fish served on two platters, as the incident described in the last 
 chapter of St. John's Gospel, depends on the facts, (i) that the 
 men are depicted naked as fishermen, and (2) that the baskets 
 of loaves common in the multiplication miracles are lacking. 
 Proximity to the sea is apparently indicated by the adjoining sec- 
 tion of the fresco which represents a fisherman in the act of draw- 
 ing in his line. The third section, beyond the fisherman, por- 
 trays the well known Moses-miracle, in which Moses strikes the 
 rock in the wilderness, causing water to pour forth. This is the 
 water from which the fisherman draws his fish, and which serves 
 also to indicate the water of the Galilean lake. In this series it is 
 observed how baptism and the Eucharist are treated side by side. 
 
 The fact that the seven men at the table are naked is denied 
 by some, as previously remarked. This is a matter depending 
 solely upon accurate observation, and, other things being equal, 
 the statement of Wilpert is to be preferred to the denial of Von 
 Sybel. That is to say, Wilpert has had every opportunity to 
 study the fresco, to cleanse the stucco and to examine the colors 
 in their revived freshness. He is responsible for photographing 
 and reproducing the painting, and naturally would observe it 
 carefully. On the other hand, it must be said that Von Sybel, 
 coming after and searching for mistakes by Wilpert, may happen to 
 have found one. It is important in this instance, for the fact that 
 seven men are nude, being fishermen, is the archaeological link 
 that connects the painting with the Johannine cycle. 
 
 "^Mt. 9:20-22, Mk. 5:25-34, Lk. 8:43-48, Jn. 9: 1-41. 
 "'2/2IIC PI. lie, Mai., PI. 27-2. 
 
III. THEMES CHARACTERISTICALLY JOHANNINE. 
 
 The characteristic of St. John's Gospel has been discussed, 
 also its strong influence in molding not only eucharistic symbolism, 
 but even the entire field of Early Christian Art. It was observed 
 that it is probable that many themes whose literary source is to be 
 found in other parts of Scripture, as well as in St. John's Gospel, 
 are to be regarded as Johannine in origin and spirit. That is to 
 say, the significance of their symbolic presentation is best con- 
 veyed by the description of an event as given by the Fourth Evan- 
 gelist, or by the few epigrammatic and sometimes mystic words 
 with which it is characterized in his Gospel. 
 
 The list of such themes is naturally flexible. A considerable 
 degree of latitude must be allowed in a scale which extends from 
 the eucharistic cycle, which presents good reasons for belonging 
 in the class of archaeologically or even absolutely Johannine 
 themes, to the Incarnation cycle, the details of which are found 
 only in the Synoptics, but whose reason or explanation is best ex- 
 hibited in St. John's Gospel, for the age in which the themes were 
 originated. 
 
 I. The Eucharist. 
 
 This theme was analyzed at length above, and its Johannine 
 origin established. It will be remembered that the intimate con- 
 nection of the eucharistic discourse of Jesus, the "hard saying", 
 with the multiplication miracle which preceded it, is the founda- 
 tion for this belief in the Johannine source for the theme as 
 treated in Catacomb Painting. This is a good illustration of the 
 characteristic of the Gospel. The concrete event, the subject of 
 the painting, is accompanied in the Gospel by the few significant, 
 concrete words that both express a deep truth of Christian be- 
 lief, and at the same time characterise the incident. They form 
 what in the art of the fourth century and later was called a 
 tituliis?^* The titulns was a brief summary of the essential point 
 
 ^'^Cf. Lowrie: Monuments of the Early Church {Christian Art and 
 Archaeology), p. 15, for the clear distinction of the titulus from the 
 epigram. 
 
140 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 of the theme it accompanied in the decoration of mosaics or fres- 
 coes on the apse and nave walls of basilicas, and the painting, 
 being symbolical in nature, could not be comprehended with- 
 out it/^" In like manner, the brief, pointed sentences whether 
 of Jesus or of St. John in the Fourth Gospel are the tituH 
 that characterize the incident with which they are connected. 
 It is because we find the most significant tituli in the Johannine 
 Gospel that we regard it as the source, or the inspiration for so 
 many catacomb themes. Witness the eucharistic titulus, "Ex- 
 cept ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink His blood, ye 
 have not life in yourselves." 
 
 As previously pointed out, the Wine miracle, of eucharistic im- 
 port, is an absolutely Johannine theme. ^^^ 
 
 2. Baptism. 
 
 The frequent and noteworthy portrayal of eucharistic and bap- 
 tismal themes on the same wall, or in striking relationship in the 
 same chapel, speaks for a unity of source as regards symbolism. 
 It is easy to find a thoroughly significant titulus of baptism in 
 St. John's Gospel. Jesus said to Nicodemus, "Verily, verily, I 
 say unto thee. Except one be born of water and the Spirit, he can- 
 not enter into the kingdom of God." (Jn. 3 15. ) It is, of course, 
 impossible to claim the baptism cycle as Johannine in respect to 
 form, and it must be remembered that the investigation of the 
 method of baptism is altogether foreign to the matter in hand. 
 But it is not too far-fetched to regard the cycle as Johannine in 
 respect to characteristic. 
 
 3. The Vine. 
 
 It is generally believed that the few grape vine motifs in cata- 
 comb frescoes are purely and solely decorative in nature and de- 
 
 '"^ We may well wish that the tittili of the nave mosaics of S. Maria 
 Maggiore were still in existence. At intervals they form a fruitful 
 source for controversy. 
 
 "' In this connection is to be noted a single picture of the Rain of 
 Manna, 2/2lVCyr, cry of Consecrated Virgin, Mai., PI. 242-2. This may 
 be regarded as Johannine from Jn. 6: 31 ff., but the connection is doubtfuL 
 
Themes CharacteristicaUy Johannine 141 
 
 sign. Their use is held to be the same as in contemporary pagan 
 mural decoration. This is very true, yet there can be no reason 
 why the Christian, familiar with St. John's Gospel, may not have 
 recalled, when looking at the frescoes, the words of Jesus, "I am 
 the vine, ye are the branches, etc." (Jn. 15 :5ff.). It is not to be 
 supposed that the vine motif was selected because it was suggested 
 by this Johannine titulus. This would be impossible in the Flavian 
 hypogeum in the catacomb of Domitilla, which may have been 
 decorated before the Gospel was written, or circulated in Rome, 
 at least. Certainly in that primitive hypogeum the vine was merely 
 one of several decorative themes, selected from the very best 
 styles in the Pagan Art of the day. But it is insisted that if a man 
 of the second century or later regarded this theme as a symbolical 
 representation of the thought conveyed in the Johannine titulus, 
 the vine design has a right to be numbered in the Johannine cycle. 
 
 4. The Good Shepherd. ^'''^ 
 
 Wilpert has divided the general representation of the Good 
 Shepherd into two distinct themes, (i) the Good Shepherd 
 from Matthew-Luke, ^^^ and (2) the Pasturing Shepherd from 
 Jn. 10:1-18, Psalm 23, etc.^^^ Certainly there are two distinct 
 types of pictures in the catacombs, the earlier or "Good Shepherd" 
 type expressing the point of St. Luke's narrative, i. e., the shep- 
 herd carries a sheep on his shoulders, the latter, or "Pasturing 
 Shepherd" type being much more general, and capable of including 
 the other. In the former type two sheep, sometimes four, are 
 grouped symmetrically on either side of the shepherd. This ad- 
 junctive feature of the flock is not mentioned by SS. Luke or 
 Matthew, unless we infer it by the return of the lost sheep to the 
 fold of the ninety and nine that went not astray. Instead of telling 
 this part of the story, they both emphasize the rejoicing of the 
 shepherd, and St. Luke adds that the shepherd's neighbors are also 
 called upon to rejoice. 
 
 "'E. g., 2/2IIC PI. Va. Mai, PI. 38; aHIPraet. PI. IXa, Mai., PI. 51-1; 
 2/2IIIC PI. IXb, Mai., PI. Si-2. 
 
 "*Mt. 18:10-14, Lk. 15:1-7- Cf. I Peter 2:25. 
 
 ^ Jn. 10 : 1-18, Ps. 23 : 1-4. Cf. also Ps. 79 : 13, 74 : r, 80 : i, 95 : 7, 100 : 3, 
 77:20, 78:52, Is. 40:11, 63:11, Ezekiel 34:1-31, Jer. 23:1-4, etc. 
 
142 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 The latter or Pasturing Shepherd type represents the shepherd 
 with his flock out in the field (in this respect being similar to the 
 other type), and varies in detail. 
 
 The very first one in the latter series, in the vault of a cubiculum 
 in the catacomb of Praetextatus, represents the shepherd in the 
 customary garb (a youth in exoniis, leggings, and with his bag and 
 staff), in the midst of a landscape with trees in the background, in 
 whose branches birds are seen ( a III PI. IXa, Mai., PI. 51-1). To 
 his right are seven sheep, all grouped together, and looking up at 
 him attentively, while he stretches out his arm over them as if in a 
 gesture of protection. To his left, completing the symmetry of the 
 group, are two animals, much larger in size, which Wilpert identi- 
 fies as an ass and a pig. The shepherd's staff, which he holds in 
 his left hand, is extended in their direction. This picture clearly 
 represents the office of the shepherd in protecting his flock against 
 their enemies. The other paintings are entirely peaceful in 
 nature. The shepherd is seen with varying numbers of sheep, 
 simply pasturing them, attending to all their wants, and gener- 
 ally caring for them. He is the real Good Shepherd, and is so 
 called by St. John (10:11, 14). This type of the Pasturing 
 Shepherd is found first in the beginning of the third century, and 
 is quite popular in the fourth. But it is not nearly so common as 
 the other type which is found in three paintings of the first cen- 
 tury, as well as one other in which a cupid acts as shepherd, 
 thirteen times in the second century, twenty-four times in the 
 third, and eighty-eight times in all. 
 
 The division proposed by Wilpert is very clever, but is too me- 
 chanical. The form of the shepherd with the sheep on his should- 
 ers, holding strictly to literary source, mav indeed be derived 
 only from St. Luke, but if one considers aho the spirit of the 
 composition it belongs as well to the twentr-third Psalm, and 
 also to the words of the Saviour in St. John's Gospel. It was not 
 necessary to seek for a literary source in order to obtain detail to 
 supply such a theme. A journey through the campagna or into the 
 mountains beyond would furnish the artist th- most realistic 
 type he could desire, and especially if he were a Greek it would 
 be very easy for him to sketch the beautiful realism of the 
 
Themes Characteristically Johannine 143 
 
 Psalms of David in terms of pastoral scenes from his own native 
 mountains. Most assuredly it is not necessary to search for the 
 origin of the type in the Hermes Criophoros, as several have 
 attempted to do.-°° 
 
 Instead of the formal division of Wilpert is seems more reas- 
 onable to take the whole of the representations of both types 
 together as the single theme of the Good Shepherd, not denying 
 its origin in the various Old Testament imageries, as well as in 
 the Matthew and Luke parables, but affirming that its true ex- 
 pression is in the Johannine titulus, "I am the good shepherd". 
 This titulus best expresses the christological significance of the 
 theme, and as that was the essence of its symbolism for the early 
 Christian, the point must be admitted as bearing particular weight. 
 The symbolism is essentially this : The Good Shepherd pastures 
 and protects his flock, brings back the wandering one, and final- 
 ly conducts it and the entire flock into the everlasting fold, where 
 the pastures are ever green and where the pleasant waters flow. 
 Christ is the Shepherd that does this, and rightly calls Himself 
 the door, as in St. John's account.-"^ Hence we may well object 
 to Wilpert's division of the theme into the "Pasturing Shepherd" 
 as a christological symbol, and the "Good Shepherd" as a sym- 
 bol of the "deceased in eternal felicity". It is indeed all christo- 
 logical, for Christ is the Shepherd who pastures, defends, in- 
 structs, searches for the lost and bears the weak, and brings into 
 the eternal fold by laying down his life in their behalf. 
 
 Perhaps the symbolism of the Good Shepherd found its chief 
 significance for the early Church in the peculiar beauty of the 
 Johannine report of Our Lord's words, "I am the good shep- 
 herd ; and I know my own, and mine own know me, even as the 
 Father knoweth me, and I know the Father; and I lay dozvn my 
 
 ^ Cf. Frazer : Pausanias, V, p. 90. Regarding the alleged similarity 
 between the Good Shepherd and the Hermes Criophoros it is sufficient 
 to point out that similarity does not constitute identity. A great deal of 
 superfluous criticism has resulted from a disregard of this fact. The 
 pastoral theme of the shepherd with his sheep would appeal to artists 
 of a certain kind, i. e., those who wished to treat of nature and idyllic 
 beauty — none too many in Greek and Roman times. Its appeal to the 
 Christian artist is evident. 
 
 ="Jn. 10:7, 9. 
 
144 Sf- John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 life for the sheep." Then if we may not claim for the Fourth 
 Gospel the origin of the type, we may at least say that when the 
 Gospel was read in Rome it was enthusiastically applied to the 
 enrichment of the symbolic significance of the theme. 
 
 5. The Living Water. 
 
 "If any man thirst, let him come unto me and drink", said 
 Jesus (Jn. 7:^7). The same christological truth is fully set 
 forth also in the discourse with the Woman of Samaria, "But 
 whosoever drinketh of the water that I shall give him shall never 
 thirst; but the water that I shall give him shall become in him a 
 well of water springing up into eternal life" (Jn. 4:14). The 
 same symbolic conception attached itself to the water converted 
 into wine at Cana in Galilee, which as an eucharistic element gave 
 to the believer participation in the sacrifice of Christ, confirm- 
 ing his salvation. This is true also of the vases from which 
 doves, emblematic of the human soul, drank. In addition to these 
 we have the entire cycle of Moses striking the Rock, from which 
 the life-giving water gushed forth. In the later pictures of this 
 theme, as well as on the sarcophagi, one or more Jews in distinc- 
 tive garb satisfy their thirst under the splashing stream in atti- 
 tudes of extreme eagerness. ^°^ 
 
 There can be but little doubt that the origin of the fourth cen- 
 tury painting of the deer at the spring is to be found in the forty- 
 second Psalm, "As the hart panteth after the water brooks, 
 etc."-°^ However we have a right to number it as a Johannine 
 theme because of its obvious christological import. Christ is the 
 fountain to which the panting Christian comes, and the invita- 
 tion tituhis is in St. John's Gospel. To all of this is to be added 
 the entire cycle of the Good Shepherd. The Good Shepherd led 
 His flock by the still waters, as well as in the green pastures. 
 This connection is illustrated by a peculiar treatment of the theme 
 in the crypt delle pecorelle in the catacomb of Callixtus, which is 
 sadly defaced, to be sure, by a loculus cut directly across it.^°* It 
 
 ="=■ E. g., 2/2IVC Mai., PI. 237-2. 
 "' 1/2IVM&M Mai., PI. 150-3. 
 '^2/2lVC Mai., PI. 236. 
 
u. 
 
 y. 
 
 ^ 
 
Themes CliaractcristicaUy Johanninc 145 
 
 is in the lunette of an arcosolium, and represents the Good Shep- 
 herd, with a sheep on His shoulders, in the midst of His flock. 
 The flock roam in a pasture enclosed with trees in the background. 
 On either side cascades of water fall down, and at either stream 
 a man bends forward drinking from it as it falls. It seems as if 
 the artist feared that the symbolism of the water would not be 
 sufficiently emphatic if he represented sheep only as drinking, so 
 two of the flock are removed from the sheep symbolism and are 
 depicted realistically as thirsty men. Their attitude is exactly that 
 of the Jews in the scene of Moses Striking Water from the Rock. 
 
 6. Orpheus.-"^ 
 
 There is fairly good reason for claiming this pagan theme, 
 treated five times in the catacomb paintings as Johannine. It 
 clearly symbolizes the wonderful influence of the Logos, the 
 Word of God, upon the hearts of the most brutish of men. This 
 is indicated in a statement of Eusebius of Caesarea.^'"' "Never man 
 so spake", declared the officers sent to arrest Jesus (Jn. 7:46). 
 The multitude hung on His words. Orpheus was a pagan theme, 
 but it expressed very well indeed the compelling power of Christ's 
 Gospel. The wild beasts gathered around the sweet-singing bard 
 and became tame. So men gathered about Christ and listened 
 with eagerness to His gracious words. 
 
 The connection of this theme with that of the Good Shepherd 
 is marked. Orpheus is usually placed in the center of a ceiling, 
 the position regularly accorded to the Good Shepherd. Both are 
 pastoral themes, and are treated in much the same way. Christ, 
 the Good Shepherd or Orpheus, is in the midst of the flock or of 
 the beasts of the forest. By this the christological nature of 
 the Orpheus theme is confirmed. 
 
 7. The Incarnation. 
 
 SS. Matthew and Luke give the incidents of the Nativity and 
 
 ^=•2/2110 Mai., PI. 2,7; i/2lIID(2) Garrucci: Storia, II, 25; 2/2IIIP&M 
 Mai., PI. 98; 2/2IVD PI. XI, Mai., PI. 229, Bosio : R. S., p. 255 (A 
 comparison with Wilpert's plate will reveal the quaint ideas of Bosio's 
 copyist, Avanzini.) ; ,/»IVP Bull, 1887, PI. VI. 
 
 -°*D^ Laud. Const., 14. 
 
146 St. John's Gospel in Roman Catacomb Painting 
 
 Epiphany, according as the themes are treated in catacomb paint- 
 ings. The Priscilla painting of the Madonna of the Prophet also 
 finds its source in Isaiah and the Book of Numbers. However, 
 the entire theme of the Incarnation of the Son of God may well 
 lay claim to the titiiius in the Johannine Gospel, "And the Word 
 became flesh, and dwelt among us (and we beheld his glory, glory 
 as of the only begotten from the Father) full of grace and truth" 
 (Jn. I :i4). This titulus gives the simple, concise explanation of 
 the entire cycle of the Incarnation, the beginning of the wonder- 
 ful series of the Madonna paintings. 
 
 Naturally this identification is not to be pressed too far. Its 
 worth is only for the interpretation of symbolism. It is hoped 
 that the same statement is understood concerning the other charac- 
 teristic themes discussed. Many other themes, particularly the 
 Orant, might be included here, but at too much risk. Their identi- 
 fication requires a series of separate monographs. But consider- 
 ing these themes together, the themes of all three classes, we ob- 
 serve that they all, in a very prominent way, declare that Christ 
 is the divine Son of God, and that He has power to grant to those 
 who believe on Him life that shall be everlasting. He heals 
 their sins as He healed the paralytic and the blind man, and that 
 their sins are washed away is symbolized through baptism. He 
 feeds them on the Bread of Life, and gives them to drink of the 
 Living Water, acting as the true Good Shepherd, and brings them 
 into the eternal fold, the eternity of which is confirmed by the 
 resurrection. 
 
 Such things did the Johannine cycle signify to the Christian of 
 the first three centuries, and it is no wonder that we find the Johan- 
 nine Gospel holding the preeminent place in the symbolic thought 
 of the people, as made evident to us by examination of the ex- 
 pression of this thought in the pictorial decoration of their cata- 
 comb sepulchres. However imperfect the above investigation is, 
 it is hoped that it has been shown that the Gospel of St. John was 
 in popular use in the Church at Rome at a date earlier than ordin- 
 arily credited, and that its influence was extensive from the date 
 of its introduction.